Academic literature on the topic 'France – Foreign relations – Serbia'
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Journal articles on the topic "France – Foreign relations – Serbia"
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Dyrina, Anna. "ON THE POST-SOCIALIST PATH OF DEVELOPMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF BELARUS AND THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2021): 269–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.13.
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The article examines the current state of affairs in Belarus and Serbia - two countries that previously were parts of the socialist federal states, but currently belong to the regions of Eastern Europe and the Balkans/South-Eastern Europe, respectively. The first part of the article is devoted to Belarusian-Serbian relations. Political cooperation is developing at the presidential, governmental and parliamentary levels, and interaction is also carried out at the level of various departments, regions and cities. For Serbia, the support from Belarus on the international scene is important, in particular, in the issue of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Serbia. The second part of the article is devoted to Serbia’s relations with the EU and the countries of the Adriatic Euroregion. On December 22, 2009 Serbia applied for EU membership. Despite the significant progress in the negotiations, Serbia has not yet become one of the EU member states. The third part of the article analyzes relations between Belarus and its neighbors, as well as cooperation with the EU. The European Union is the second most important market for Belarusian exports (after Russia). The main trading partners of Belarus among European countries, based on the indicators of bilateral trade in 2019, are Germany, Poland, Great Britain, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Italy, Turkey, Latvia, France, Belgium, and the Czech Republic. The article concludes on the state and prospects of Belarusian-Serbian relations, cooperation of Belarus and Serbia with the EU and neighboring countries, and gives a description of the political systems and foreign policy of Belarus and Serbia.
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Lišanin, Mladen. "American struggle for global leadership and the strategic options of Serbia." Srpska politička misao 80, no. 2 (2023): 133–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/spm80-44288.
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Contemporary turbulence regarding the issue of global leadership (referred to by some authors as "primacy" or "hegemony") takes place within a specific context, manifested through a single fundamental rift: the one based on key actors' attitudes towards the necessity of structural revision of the world system, contrasted with aspirations to maintain the status quo. In other words, the struggle for global leadership not only has different goals, but also a different logic altogether, if it is observed from the aspect of a declining hegemon, or from the aspects of its challengers. At the same time, the fact that the hegemon is usually a status quo power, seeking to maintain the basic global parameters of power distribution, does not mean that it will not behave in a revisionist manner in various subsystem (regional and sub-regional) frameworks. One of the sub-regions in which the inverse logic of the actions of the global hegemon and those of its challengers on the status quo - revisionism spectrum is apparent, is the Western Balkans. Such behavior, as well as the conditions of increased complexity of foreign policy determinants from the system and regional levels, have consistently incentivized Serbia to opt for the strategy of hedging, in order to compensate the costs incurred in some areas by gains in others. The field of defence and security in the form of joint exercises and arms procurement, has been of particular importance in this regard, as Serbia has been pursuing close and dynamic relations with a wide range of partners, including the US, Russia, China, Israel, France and other European countries, NATO members and non-members alike. In terms of Serbian-American relations, NATO remains a crucial catalyst; however, the US is increasingly engaged in a more straightforward, bilateral manner - e.g. with regard to the Kosovo and Metohija issue, which is yet another motive for Serbia to maintain its hedging strategy. The trends of global primacy competition, dramatically accelerated at the beginning of the third decade of the 21st century, particularly as the war in Ukraine keeps unfolding, will remain a determinant which strategic options of Serbia largely depend upon. Hedging is most likely to remain the key feature of Serbia's strategic posture, although there is a possibility this might change in light of a potentially renewed transatlantic and intra-European political coherence.
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Esaulov, Serhii. "Foreign Policy of Hungary Towards Ukraine or “European Menu à la Carte”." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 603–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-35.
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The author raises the issue of settling conflicts around the world and discusses modern attempts to establish law and order. Particular attention is paid to the intricate relations between Hungary and Ukraine. With Russia’s aggression against Ukraine there was ruined a system of international relations, which provided for the rule of law, the right to settle disputes without applying military tools, force or threats. Russia initiated a new precedent of impunity, insolent violation of the fundamental norms of international law, and demonstrated the world how the borders may be redrawn as one sees fit and “bring historical justice”. The author notes that one of the reasons for the escalation of the conflict between Hungary and Ukraine has become the language issue. Still, however pity it is, all attempts of the Ukrainian side to resolve conflict matters have appeared to be vane, since Budapest is reluctant to listen to and consider any arguments of Kyiv, being fully distracted by its demand. It is hard to imagine that in civilized “old” Europe, Germany, for instance, would express claims or even threaten France for the fact that pupils in schools of the French region of Alsace (until 1918, its territory formed part of Germany that attempted to annex it at times of the Second World War) are taught in the official language – French, not in the language of the neighbouring country, even though the Alsatian and German languages are equally spoken there. Unfortunately, Hungary seems not to be ready to follow the example of the Franco-German reconciliation in terms of relations with all neighbours, despite the philosophy of its membership in the EU and NATO. The revenge-seeking attitudes of the Hungarian political establishment regarding the revision of borders according to the Versailles and Yalta systems of international relations are constantly boosted in all directions in the neighbouring countries, where ethnic Hungarians live (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine). The so-called “formula of protecting interests of Russian citizens in Crimea and Donbas” adopted from Putin has apparently laid the foundation for the foreign policy strategy of V. Orban. First, as regards the appeal to make the region of ethnic Hungarians’ residence autonomous and subsequently – the appeal to hold a referendum on separation. The author summarizes that along with the political and diplomatic efforts, a substantial role in easing the tension in relations with Budapest should be played by non-governmental organizations and the expert community though holding forums and scientific conferences aiming at discussing the above-mentioned issues. Keywords: Hungary, conflict, Law on Language, geopolitics, strategies, foreign policy, Ukraine.
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Ćurčić, Petar. "Germany in multipolar world and Serbia's strategic options." Vojno delo 74, no. 4 (2022): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo2204001c.
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The paper analyzes the position of the Federal Republic of Germany in international relations today and based on that policy, possible guidelines for the Republic of Serbia in its strategic actions in the upcoming period are given. The first goal of the research was to consider the relationship of official Berlin to the European Union, the United States, Russia, China and the rest of the world. Berlin's tendency to further strengthen the institutions, monetary, foreign and defense policy of the European Union has been present for decades. However, since 2008, that policy has been going through constant challenges. The Greek debt crisis, Brexit, the migrant crisis, the recession, a new wave of debts by European countries due to the Covid-19 pandemic and the war in Ukraine have put the authorities in Berlin in a difficult position. The failure of Germany and France to establish a unified EU security policy, the impossibility of peace initiatives around Ukraine and the consistent monitoring of Washington's policy have limited the EU ability to project power in other parts of the world. In addition to Russia, it is also obvious that the growing antagonism towards the People's Republic of China has been noticed recently, which threatens to affect very good economic relations The second goal of the paper is to offer Serbia's strategic options based on global trends, and in the context of German policy towards the Western Balkans. The Serbian focus on the European integration and the proclaimed policy of neutrality with a strong commitment to the European peace can be an incentive for joint affairs of the two countries. Particularly problematic is Berlin's attitude towards the self-proclaimed independence of the interim institutions in Prishtina. The opposing positions of Germany and Serbia, however, can be attributed to various regional initiatives such as the Berlin Process and particularly the Open Balkans. The attempts to further escalate the conflict or confrontation of Serbia towards the environment would adversely affect the position of Serbs in the surrounding countries and would also weaken economic exchange, which is traditionally oriented towards the European countries. However, official Belgrade should also work on strengthening internal capacities, primarily defensive, economic, administrative and demographic, so that it can have a high level of readiness in case of possible challenges.
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Syngaivska, Inna. "Foreign experience of reglamentation of criminal responsibility for coercion to marriage." Slovo of the National School of Judges of Ukraine, no. 2(31) (July 30, 2020): 58–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.37566/2707-6849-2020-2(31)-5.
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The unification of criminal legislation is the most powerful method of international law influencing on national criminal-law systems. In accordance with the comparative legal researching of the criminal liability regulation is the accumulation of law-making practice experience in counteracting of a particular crime, in our research – counteracting of coercion to wedlock. Ukraine hasn’t ratified the Council of Europe Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Violence against Women and domestic violence; Istanbul Convention (hereinafter referred to as the «Istanbul Convention») yet, but a number of its provisions have been implemented into national law. The article 37 of Istanbul convention determines a «force marriage» and determines that parties apply all legislative or other events are needed for providing of criminal responsibility of intentional behavior, that compels adult or child to marriage. European states in dominant majority determine the coercion to marriage as a separate crime. In this context, national criminal law concerning forced marriage is assessed to be fully consistent with current trends of criminal legal protection rights, individual freedom and marriage and family relations in accordance with the criminal law of foreign countries and international treaties (e.x. Istanbul Convention)). There are two positions of coercion to marriage singled out in foreign countries legislation: as an attack on personal freedom (Norway, Germany, Switzerland, Sweden, Denmark, the Netherlands, France, Spain, Austria) and as an attack on marriage and family relations (Bulgaria, Belgium, Montenegro, Serbia). According to criminal law of Belgium, Austria, Sweden and Ukraine the responsibility for coercion cohabitation is provided, besides coercion to marry. Switzerland, legislator singles out a special form of coexistence – forced registration to same-sex partnership. The use of violence and threats of violence are typical and alternative methods of coercion to marriage. However, there are some exceptions as: forced marriage under the threat of breach or termination of family relationships with family members; threat of slander and use of direct slander. According to Article 151-2 of Ukrainian Criminal Code «coercion» is a crime-forming feature, which is determined by a socially dangerous and unlawful act. Forming a criminal law prohibiting of forced marriage, Ukrainian legislator doesn’t follow the list of socially dangerous methods, leaving the interpretation of this issue for law enforcement practice. In regard to the issue of punishment for coercion to marriage European legislators have unequivocal position and determine the punishment in the form of imprisonment. Appropriate legislative experience of the foreign countries should be borrowed in order to harmonize of the national coercion marriage legislation. We recognize that it is expedient to define a fine as a compulsory additional penalty for coercion, in view of sentencing courts practice. Key words: coercion to marriage, coercion to enter dormitories, criminal liability, crimes against freedom, honor and dignity of a person.
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Vujović, Miroslav, and Jasna Vuković. "Yours ever... ili ko je bila Ketrin Braun? Istraživanja praistorijske Vinče i britanski uticaji za vreme i posle I svetskog rata." Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 11, no. 3 (2016): 809. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v11i3.8.
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As the 110th anniversary of the beginning of the excavations at Vinča is nearing, the question arises as to how much we really know about the role and motives of a number of British subjects who in various ways played decisive roles in the research and the international affirmation of this important Late Neolithic site. It is possible, on the basis of archives and personal correspondence of Miloje M. Vasić, to view the investigations of Vinča in the wider context of political and military relations, influencing the general situation in the Kingdom of The Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, later Yugoslavia. John Lynton Myres was a professor at the universities in Oxford and Liverpool, the founder and editor of the Journal Man and the director of the British Archaeological School in Athens. During the World War I, between 1916 and 1919, he was an officer of the Royal Navy Volunteer Reserve, first in the Navy Intelligence Service, and then in Military Control Office in Athens. The Browns, Alec and Catherine, also played an important role. Alec Brown, a left-oriented writer, translator and correspondent, arrived to Serbia as a Cambridge graduate, aiming at the post of an English language teacher in high schools. In the period from 1929 to 1931 he took part in the excavations at Vinča, taking this setting as the base for the plot of one of his books. His wife, Elsie Catherine Brown, whose life is very poorly documented, served in the British Embassy in Belgrade between the wars. Vasić dedicated the third volume of Prehistoric Vinča to her, for her devoted work in the British medical mission and the care she took of the Serbian soldiers near Thessalonica, but also for her part played in the establishment of the initial contact with Sir Charles Hyde. The life of Catherine Brown may be seen as one of the many exceptional stories about the noble British ladies, celebrated in Serbia for over a century. However, one should bear in mind that the events and characters (Myres, Hyde, the Browns) linked to the research in Vinča may be a part of a larger scene, and a consequence of other, equally important circumstances of a more direct involvement of Great Britain in the political situation in Yugoslavia between the wars. Myres, a man close to the scientific, intelligence and diplomatic circles, is the key person in the initial contact between Vasić and Catherine Brown. Since his first encounter with Vasić in 1918 in Athens, on the occasion of his return from France to Serbia, Myres himself or through Catherine Brown, worked to establish the collaboration and keep the contact with Vasić. It is possible that the Athens meeting, initiated by Myres, was a consequence not only of the scholarly interest, but also the growing British involvement in the Balkans. After the same line of reasoning, the arrival of Alec Brown in Belgrade cannot be understood solely as a consequence of the individual ambition of a young Slavic scholar, but as well as a part of the strategy of deepening the British influences over the region traditionally more inclined towards France, due to the political and cultural ties and military alliances. After the war, many Serbian linguists were posted as teachers of the language at the most prestigious British universities, such as Oxford and Cambridge, where Alec Brown earned his degree. His application to the post of English teacher in Serbia is closely preceded by the recommendation of Earl Curzon of Kedleston, British Foreign Secretary, to secure teaching English in the Yugoslav schools, and not only French, as it was previously the case. The collaboration between British and Serbian intellectuals was surely a very suitable context for the establishment of intimate contacts and spreading of cultural and political influences. As illustrated by the case of the Near East, archaeology and archaeologists are particularly useful in this respect. Their long sojourns and mobility in the field, command of the language, enabled them to gain the confidence of the locals, learn about the customs, and gain information, just like Myres the Blackbeard did, and more or less successfully Catherine and Alec Brown as well. Regardless of the real or clandestine motifs, in the case of the investigations of Vinča, this collaboration made possible the publication the four-volume work of Vasić – Prehistoric Vinča, exceptional in many respects, and the international recognition of Vinča as one of the most important Late Neolithic settlements in South-eastern Europe.
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Đurić, Katarina. "PRIVREDA KRAGUJEVCA U PERIODU VELIKE KRIZE (1929 – 1934)." Šumadijski anali 17, no. 11 (2021): 140–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/sanali17.11.140dj.
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During the creation of the modern Serbian state, Kragujevac had a continuous development, primarilythanks to its geographical position, and then to various political decisions. At the beginning of the 20th century it was the Turkish city and over time it became a real European city with all those elements of development in the 19th century. First of all, thanks to the wisdom of Prince Miloš Obrenović, various institutions were founded in Kragujevac, both administrative and educational and also cultural, and thanks to him Kragujevac became not only the center of the principality of Serbia, still under the supreme Ottoman rule, but also the center of liberation movements, which developed in this period not only in the Serbian national territories but also throughout the Balkans. The decisions of the Turkish sultans were read in Kragujevac,enablingthe city with a wide degree of autonomy so that the release from external pressure became stronger and the internal influence was felt less and less. In the process, internal political freedoms processes were also getting stronger. The Sretenje Constitution passed in 1835, and it foresaw the restriction of the Prince's power and the division into judicial executive and legislative power. The development of political freedoms was unstoppable and a certain number of laws were passed, predicting economic freedom. After passing the Constitution in 1869, and political events culminated in Kragujevac, the Principality of Serbia became an independent state, in August 1878, with the declaration of the decisions of the Congress of Berlin. Political actions after this period shifted to Belgrade, and Kragujevac gradually lost its political significance, although assemblies convened in this period. At the beginning of the Great War, Kragujevac became the military capital of the Kingdom of Serbia. Apart from these political events, Kragujevac was also developing economically, which was documented by the increase in population. One of the most important events that will undoubtedly play the most significant role in its development was Prince Aleksandar Karađorđević's decision to found the first modern arms factory in the Principality of Serbia - Topolivnica. Kragujevac, as well as Prince Miloš, was chosen because of its position. During this period, the middle of the 19th century, revolutionary changes took place throughout Europe. Topolivnica had a continuous development, and thanks to its rapid modernization Kragujevac received the first electric lighting in Serbia. It is important to emphasize that the foundation of the Military School of Arts and Crafts enabled an educated workforce in Kragujevac. Kragujevac was also the center of new political ideas that dominated throughout Europe in that period. Simultaneously with the development of the Military Factory, smaller other industrial companies were created, initially intended for the local market, however, they developed over time, especially in the early 20th century.During the continuous wars waged by the Kingdom of Serbia from 1912-1918, the economic development ceased in Kragujevac. Significant civil and budgetary losses happened in this period, as in other parts of the Kingdom of Serbia. After the First World War, the facilities of the Military Factory were devastated. The gradual recovery began in the 1920s when the elite of the newly created state decided to renovate military-industrial facilities, and the number of workers started to grow. Before the war, there were about 45,000 of them. Military and economic agreements with the Kingdom of Belgium and the Republic of France enabled the import of new modern weapons technology. All these decisions had considerable consequences for the local economy so that in this first period, the number of craft shops and privately owned industrial companies significantly increased (Stefanovići and Fijale). A time of crisis in foreign relations with the surrounding countries brought faster and greater investments into military-industrial facilities throughout the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, as well as in Kragujevac. This development also enables the strengthening of local infrastructure. This continuous development of the city lasted until 1930. Due to the Great World Economic crisis, there was a decline and significant losses appeared in the economy around the world. The Great World Economic crisis hit the private craft sector, trade and financial institutions the hardest. The production volume had been reduced by almost 2/3 and traders had a reduced sales volume. The only thing that helped maintenance of the economy in this period was the existence of the Military Technical Institute, and thanks to its existence, unemployed craftsmen had the opportunity to get a job again. Kragujevac, like other cities, did not feel the consequences of the crisis to that extent, thanks to the large military factory that employed the largest part of the population fit for military service.
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Aganson, Olga I. "The First World War and emerging of a new regional order in the Balkans: an augmentation of small states' role." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 1 (January 31, 2020): 7–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2020-1-7-17.
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The First World War launched a tremendous restructuring of the international system. One of its major outcomes was a transformation of the small states of Central and South-Eastern Europe from objects to subjects of international relations. Having emerged or enlarged their territories in wake of multinational empires’ collapse, the small states became key players on the regional level. Reshaping of the Balkan regional order is of a particular interest to researchers as the Balkan instability triggered destruction of the previous international system. The purpose of the article is to understand how a world conflict, which had broken out in South-Eastern Europe, transformed the region. To do this the author dwells upon three sets of question. The first is the Balkan contribution in the origins of the First World War. The second is an interplay of factors which caused reshaping of the Balkan political space during the war years. The third is a new landscape of the postwar order in South-Eastern Europe. Methodological approaches applied here define new and actual character of this article. The author uses conceptual tools of the theory of international relations to analyze a process of region «building» which took place in circumstances of «tectonic» shifts within the international system in the early decades of the 20th century. Thus, the author applies the analytical model of the regional order as well as key definitions of the theory of international relations – great power, small state (the article focuses on Serbia, Romania, Bulgaria and Greece), principle of self-determination. It is concluded that the regional order emerged in the Balkans in wake of the First World War was a result of multi-dimensional interaction of factors. They are as follows: 1) the military, strategic and foreign policy planning of hostile coalitions of powers (the Entente and the bloc of the Central powers), seeking to win the loyalty of regional allies; 2) demonstrated by the small states understanding that the war had opened a «window of opportunity» to put into life their national interests and programs; 3) the decline of traditional multi-ethnic empires, which had formed political atmosphere in the Balkans. It is stated that a landscape of post-war regional order in the Balkans was determined with cooperation and competition of the local national states in the situation when the multi-ethnic empires had disappeared from the Balkan political space while the architects of the Versailles system – Great Britain and France seemed to be less interested in South-Eastern Europe in after war years. It meant that the new Balkan order enjoyed a relative autonomy compared to the previous one.
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Vakhnina, Larysa. "At the Origins of International Scientific Cooperation o f M. T. Rylskyi Institute of Art Studies, Folkloristics and Ethnology: Significance of the Poet-Academician Maksym Rylskyi." Folk art and ethnology, no. 1 (March 30, 2025): 8–12. https://doi.org/10.15407/nte2025.01.008.
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The article is devoted to the consideration of the history of international scientific relations of M. Rylskyi Institute of Art Studies, Folkloristics and Ethnology of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine (IASFE). M. Rylskyi as its director has facilitated the formation and development of them with his personal contribution and organizational activities. The process has been supported with both creative and scientific trips to Bulgaria, the former Yugoslavia, Poland and France. Peculiar attention is paid to his scientific and organizational activities as the head of the Ukrainian Committee of Slavists, to the promotion of development of Ukrainian-Polish, Ukrainian-Bulgarian, Ukrainian-Serbian relations in Folkloristics and Art Studies. Scientific cooperation with well-known foreign institutes has started in the difficult times of totalitarianism. It has become the base for future studies precisely thanks to the personal contribution of M. Rylskyi, his openness and Europeanism. It is important that M. Rylskyi has been able to contribute to the establishment of both personal contacts with foreign scientists and cultural figures of Europe. However, he has cared about scientific cooperation between academic institutions and university centers first of all. M. Rylskyi’s contacts with the German Slavist, Ukrainianist and translator Anna-Halia Horbach are considered separately. Slavic Studies are included into the sphere of Folkloristics and Art Studies. Attention in the article will be paid to the creation of the first Slavic group at the Folkloristics Department in the IASFE at the beginning, and later the Slavic Folkloristics Unit, headed by M. Rylskyi’s former postgraduate student, a Ph.D. in Philology V. Yuzvenko. In the early 1960s, dissertations devoted to Ukrainian-Polish, Ukrainian-Bulgarian, Ukrainian-Czechoslovak folklore ties have started to be carried out at the Institute (V. Yuzvenko, N. Shumada, M. Haidai). Joint expeditionary research on the study of the Bulgarians of Ukraine have been also supported by the poet-academician. Attention is also paid to the archival sources of M. Rylskyi and the research fellows of the IASFE V. Yuzvenko and V. Bobkova. A number of new scientific directions has been formed at the Institute. They are still important today. A memorial room to honour M. Rylskyi has been created at the Ukrainian and Foreign Folkloristics Department of IASFE on the initiative of the former director, academician H. Skrypnyk. M. Rylskyi’s autographs on books, a work desk and a piano are stored there [2]. It should be also noted that the Institute not only bears his name, but also preserves the memory of the works he has initiated and continues them.
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Board, Editorial. "Monitoring of the Foreign Countries Legislation." Journal of Foreign Legislation and Comparative Law 20, no. 1 (2024): 162. http://dx.doi.org/10.61205/s20000622-3-1h.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "France – Foreign relations – Serbia"
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Albers, Martin. "The policies of Britain, France and West Germany towards the People's Republic of China, 1969-1982." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708129.
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Gale, Caitlin Maria. "Beyond Corsairs : the British-Barbary relationship during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1cdea6da-7ca9-4728-bef5-59e6850dbb73.
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The North African Barbary States are usually dismissed as an unimportant, though bothersome, pirate base of little consequence in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. This thesis challenges that idea by providing qualitative and quantitative evidence of Barbary's role in trade and diplomacy during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars, especially as it affected Britain and how the British were able to carry out their military and political goals in the Mediterranean. The study is based on the correspondence between the British government and its military leaders in the region, the correspondence and reports generated by British consuls working in Barbary, import/export records, and a database tracking British shipping to and from North Africa during the conflict. To the British, Barbary was not an irritation but an asset. Britain was able to manage Barbary's trade and foreign policy over the course of the twenty-three-year conflict. This was accomplished in two key ways: as a source of supplies for British forces and through the diplomatic role provided by Britain's extensive consul network. Though the North African states were neutral for the majority of both wars, Britain worked strenuously to maintain and increase its trade and diplomacy with Barbary for the benefit of the British armed forces. British trade with Barbary, supported by the British-Barbary diplomatic relationship, directly contributed to British successes in the Mediterranean and Iberian Peninsula.
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Condren, John. "Louis XIV et le repos de l'Italie : French policy towards the duchies of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, 1659-1689." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/8259.
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Between 1659 and 1689, northern Italy was generally at peace, having endured almost three decades of continuous war from the 1620s. The Peace of the Pyrenees of November 1659, between the French and Spanish crowns, seemed to offer the young Louis XIV an opportunity to gradually subvert Spanish influence over the small princely families of the Po valley. The Houses of Farnese, Este, and Gonzaga-Nevers, respective rulers of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, had all been allies of France at various points in the Franco-Spanish War (1635-1659), but had gained scant reward for their willingness to jeopardise their own relationships with the king of Spain and the Holy Roman Emperor, despite the promises of material and diplomatic support which Cardinals Richelieu and Mazarin had extended to them. As a consequence, they were reluctant to agree to again participate in alliances with France. This thesis examines how Louis XIV gradually came to lose the friendship of these three ruling families, through his arrogant disregard of their interests and their ambitions, and also by his contempt for their capabilities and usefulness. This disregard was frequently born out of the French monarch's unwillingness to jeopardise or to undermine his own interests in Italy – in particular, the permanent retention of the fortress of Pinerolo, in Piedmont, as a porte onto the Po plain. But although the principi padani comprehended the reasons for Louis's unwillingness to act as a benevolent patron, they resented his all-too-palpable distrust of them; his entrenched belief that they were unreliable; and his obvious love of war. The rulers and élites of the Italian states believed that Louis would undoubtedly seek, at some point in his reign, to attack Spain's possessions in Italy, and dwelt in perpetual dread of that day. This thesis provides the account of French policy towards the small Italian states after 1659 which is still absent from the historiography of Louis XIV's foreign policies.
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Styan, David A. "Franco-Iraqi relations and Fifth Republic foreign policy, 1958-1990." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/15/.
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This study analyses the evolution of France's relations with Iraq since 1958. It seeks to understand the motivations behind French government, state and private sector interests in Iraq. This is done in the dual context of France's economic rivalry with other western powers in the Middle East, and the Iraqi state's attempts to follow an independent foreign policy while using its oil revenues to rapidly industrialise and arm itself. The text first charts France's rivalry with Britain in the ex-Ottoman empire and its fears of Anglo-American domination of oil supplies. It then demonstrates that while France's early links with Israel continued under President De Gaulle, by the mid sixties they had been eclipsed by the commercial importance of trade with Arab states. The core text then focuses on France's relationship with Iraq since 1958, the year in which new governments came to power in both states. Despite the 1972 nationalisation of the Iraq Petroleum company, in which France had a 25% stake, French politicians and businessmen nevertheless gained favourable access to oil supplies, greatly increasing their exports of defence and high technology products, including a nuclear reactor, to Iraq during the seventies. The Iran-Iraq war (1980-88) intensified both bilateral trade links and the indebtedness of Iraq to France. By the mid-eighties what become a de-facto alliance generated severe problems for France's middle eastern policies, particularly towards Iran. The central themes of the study are the processes of foreign policy formation in France, and the extent and impact of economic interests underlying policy making. The thesis argues that substantial state ownership in France's oil, defence and aeronautical industries, coupled with the common interests and interpretations of a relatively homogeneous and interconnected corps of businessmen, politicians and civil servants, helps explain the continuity of French policy in the region. This is seen to be true despite the change of government (from Gaullist to Socialist) in France in May 1981.
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Marks, Martha Staley. "United States policy toward Tunisian nationalism during World War II." PDXScholar, 1985. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3664.
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This thesis has attempted to describe the controversy between Robert Murphy and Hooker Doolittle over American policy toward the North Africans and French during World War II. The research was based primarily on material from State Department documents found in the National Archives supplemented by material from the French archives as well as memoirs, personal interviews, and histories of the period. In order for the reader to understand this particular dispute, the problem was developed in the context of the larger political scene as it evolved in North Africa. The controversy between de Gaulle and Giraud was described since it tended to dominate relations between the United States and France at that time. As a result of the research, it was obvious that Murphy's position prevailed, but not without raising important questions about the long term implications of this position.
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Rankin, Colleen A. "International Agendas Confront Domestic Interests: EU Enlargement, Russian Foreign Policy, and Eastern Europe." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1337888570.
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Vargo, Trina Y. "French and American foreign policies : concordances and discordances in the light of ideological differences 1981-1984." Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61971.
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Walsh, Sebastian John. "Britain, Morocco and the development of the Anglo-French entente." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610042.
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Van, Deusen Karl J. "U.S.-Portuguese relations and foreign base rights in Portugal." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 1990. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA237179.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 1990.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Bruneau, Thomas C. Second Reader: Yost, David S. "June 1990." Description based on title screen as viewed on October 15, 2009. DTIC Identifier(s): Military Bases, Political Science, Theses, United States, Portugal, Azores, Security Assistance Program, France, West Germany, European Community, Western European Union, Madeira, Trade. Author(s) subject terms: Portugal, Azores, Lajes, Flores, Beja, Overseas Bases, Security Assistance, Slazar, Soares, Silva, Emigration, Emigrant's Remittances, Trade, Foreign Direct Investment, WEU, CFE. Includes bibliographical references (p. 180-185). Also available in print.
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Raphala, Mmapitsi Grateful. "A critique of the foreign policy of France towards Africa :case studies of Central African Republic and Ivory Coast, 2007-2014." Thesis, University of Limpopo, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/2010.
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Thesis (M. A. (International Politics)) --University of Limpopo, 2017<br>Many Western and Central African countries were colonised by France from the early 17th century until the early 1960s. However, Africa has continued to be the private hunting ground for France in the post-independence period. This is because France still needs African resources, particularly its oil. In fact, Africa holds a strategic position for French foreign policy. Therefore, when France gave independence to its African colonies, it did not really mean it was completely disengaging from Africa. In essence, a package was imposed on Francophone African countries which tied them to the revitalised African states to preserve French colonial status. Moreover, France‟s heavy involvement in African countries has earned it a perception of being a police officer of the continent. Within this premise, due to protracted conflicts in French African countries, Francophone Africans bank their hope on France to assist in offering just and lasting solutions to the complex challenges facing their countries. This should be understood within the context that France maintained a significant colonial empire in the continent for almost a century and a half. Nevertheless, France attempts to uphold hegemonic foothold in Francophone Africa through political, economic and cultural connections while the security of Africans is threatened. With this in mind, this study critiques the French foreign policy towards Africa and it uses Ivory Coast and Central African Republic as case studies. These two countries are chosen given their recent conflicts and their assistance in critiquing the French position in African complex challenges. This study also adopted the use of document review and interviews to generate data.
Books on the topic "France – Foreign relations – Serbia"
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Round, Table Conference Japan and the World (2007 Belgrade Serbia). Japan and Serbia: Contemporary issues. Institute of International Politics and Economoics, 2009.
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Edita, Stojić, Hatibović Džemal, Lađevac Ivina, Round Table Conference Japan and the World (2007 : Belgrade, Serbia), and Round Table Conference Japan and Serbia in a Foreseeable Future (2008: Belgrade, Serbia), eds. Japan and Serbia: Contemporary issues. Institute of International Politics and Economoics, 2009.
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Round Table Conference Japan and the World (2007 Belgrade, Serbia). Japan and Serbia: Contemporary issues. Institute of International Politics and Economoics, 2009.
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Valeria, Heuberger, and Vyslonzil Elisabeth, eds. Serbia in Europe: Neighbourhood relations and European integration. Lit, 2006.
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Ajeti, Faruk. Die Rolle der EU-Aussenpolitik im Kosovo (1989-2010). Peter Lang Edition, 2013.
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Haaverstad, Terje. Forsvarsrettet sikkerhetssektorreform: Norsk sikkerhetspolitisk bistand til Serbia og Montenegro. Institutt for forvarsstudier, 2012.
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Pierre, Touchette, ed. Canada-France maritime relations. Library of Parliament, 1987.
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Tomislav, Popovic, ed. The position and strategy of SR Serbia in the new European order. Institute of Economic Sciences, 1995.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "France – Foreign relations – Serbia"
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Hershco, Tsilla. "Israel and France." In Routledge Handbook on Israel's Foreign Relations. Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003048398-28.
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Abazi, Enika. "Kosovo and France Bilateral Relations." In Kosovo’s Foreign Policy and Bilateral Relations. Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003371588-7.
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Heimann, Gadi. "Israel and France 1948–1973." In Routledge Handbook on Israel's Foreign Relations. Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003048398-12.
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Reeder, Tyson. "Britain, France, and the Road to War." In The Routledge History of U.S. Foreign Relations. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003034889-13.
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Bergmane, Una. "Consulting Foreign Affairs Archives in France and America." In Resources and Applied Methods in International Relations. Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-61979-8_3.
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Krotz, Ulrich. "Historical Construction, International Relations Theory, and Foreign Policy." In History and Foreign Policy in France and Germany. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230353954_3.
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Mladenović, Miroslav, and Elena Georgievna Ponomareva. "Balkan Vector of Russian Foreign (Public) Policy: The Example of Serbia." In Russia and Serbia in the Contemporary World: Bilateral Relations, Challenges and Opportunities. Institute of International Politics ; Economics, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18485/iipe_ru_sr.2020.ch2.
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Shishkina, Olga. "Russia, the EU, and China: Foreign Policy Initiatives in Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe (CESEE)." In Russia and Serbia in the Contemporary World: Bilateral Relations, Challenges and Opportunities. Institute of International Politics ; Economics, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18485/iipe_ru_sr.2020.ch14.
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Du, Shixin. "The Belt and Road Initiative and China-Eastern European Relations: The Domestic Context in Chinese Foreign Policies Regarding the Hungary-Serbia Railway." In 100 Years of World Wars and Post-War Regional Collaboration. Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-9970-2_28.
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Forró, Lajos, and Srđan Cvetković. "The Birth of Modern Serbia (1804–2004) : Integration, concepts, ideas, and great powers." In The Development of European and Regional Integration Theories in Central European Countries. Central European Academic Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54171/2022.mgih.doleritincec_6.
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This chapter follows the origin and development of the modern Serbian state in the last two centuries. At the crossroads of great empires, the Serbian state ascended in the 19th century. The national program formed in the first half of the 19th century as the basis of its foreign policy meant gathering the Serbian national corps into one state. It was gradually realized by maneuvering between the great powers, but also through conflict with them. In the 19th century, Serbian politics was most often correlated or in conflict with the interests of Austria, Russia, and Turkey. During Yugoslavia’s time in the first half of the 20th century, France, Britain, and Germany took over, while in Socialist Yugoslavia during the Cold War, relations with the US, the USSR, and some non-aligned countries prevailed. In the post-communist era, the main problems in Serbia’s foreign policy were its relationships with the US and NATO and with the EU and Germany. Geostrategic interests and Serbia’s position meant that it was exposed to severe exclusions and numerous wars with both its neighbors and the great powers.
Conference papers on the topic "France – Foreign relations – Serbia"
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VİRİYEVİÇ, Vladan. "Yugoslav Diplomacy and Public on “The Hatay Question” (the Sanjak of Alexandretta) in the Period of 20s and 30s of the 20th Century." In 10. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-6044-9.23.
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The development of bilateral relations between the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (known as the Kingdom of Yugoslavia since 1929) and the Republic of Türkiye during the second half of the 20s and 30s of the 20th century was characterized by intensive rapprochement within all spheres – politics, economy, defense, education, culture etc. Owing to that very rapprochement diplomatic societies and the wider Yugoslav public carefully followed the events in Türkiye, considering internal as well as internal aspects. Atatürk's extensive reform activities as well as those performed by Turkish authorities concerning the establishment of neighbor relations with the surrounding, regarding pacific external politics that was promoted by the "Father of Turks", made Yugoslav daily papers and periodical publications full of written columns on this matter. "The Hatay Question" (the Sanjak of Iskenderun) together with "The Mosul Question" was one of the most important challenges of the young Turkish Republic's external politics in the constructive consideration of which the creators of the Yugoslav external politics were interested since it was the obstacle between France, the main Yugoslav external political support and Türkiye, its close ally with which it has been bound by contractual relation within Balkan Agreement since 1934. Therefore the reports of the Yugoslav Embassy in Ankara and the general consulate in Constantinople written to the superiors in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Belgrade very often consisted of information on "the Hatay Question". Yugoslav press also wrote on this matter, particularly those papers that had reporters in Türkiye. According to the unpublished archives of Yugoslav origin and articles in journals, the most important moments and processes regarding "the Hatay Question" will be analyzed chronologically as it is mentioned in the title, till 1940, namely its final solution, the realized demarcation of Türkiye and Syria in the region of the Sanjak of Iskenderun, while they regard the circumstances and the situation in Hatay, the relationship of Turks and Arabs, French-Turkish diplomatic complicated situations and tensions, the role of the League of Nations and other important international political factors (Great Britain, USSR, Italy, Germany) etc.
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Ardıl, Cemal. "Turkey - Black Sea Economic Cooperation Organization: Foreign Trade Relations during the 1996-2012 Period." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00661.
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This paper presents the regional economic relations between Turkey and Black See Economic Cooperation Organization (BSEC). The Heads of State and Government of eleven countries: Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bulgaria, Georgia, Greece, Moldova, Romania, Russia, Turkey and Ukraine signed the Summit Declaration and the Bosphorus Statement giving birth to the Black Sea Economic Cooperation on 25 June 1992, in Istanbul. On 5 June 1998, the Heads of State or Government signed the BSEC Charter, came into force on 1 May 1999 BSEC has evolved into an international regional organization for economic cooperation. The organization has 12 members since Serbia joining the organization in 2004. It came into existence as a unique and promising model of multilateral political and economic initiative aimed at fostering interaction and harmony among the Member States, as well as to ensure peace, stability and prosperity encouraging friendly and good-neighbourly relations in the Black Sea region. Countries bordering the Black Sea, Balkan and Caucasus formed the BSEC countries cover an area of approximately 20 million square kilometer and represent more than 350 million people. The region with the foreign trade volume of U.S. $ 300 billion per year draws attention to the rich natural resources; and is the main European energy and transport corridor transfer. The Black Sea region is a contested neighbourhood and the subject of intense debates and conflicts in the globe. Also, this reflects the changing dynamics of the Black Sea region, its complex realities, the interests of outsiders and the region’s relations with the rest of the globe. Moreover, its strategic position, linking north to south and east to west, as well as its oil, gas, transport and trade routes are all important reasons for its increasing relevance. Turkey's foreign trade volume with BSEC member countries is steadily increasing as per the findings over the period of 1996-2012.
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Milinčić, Miroljub, Dragan Petrović, Ljiljana Mihajlović, and Uroš Milinčić. "Cultural heritage in tourism and international cooperation: The example of Russian cultural heritage in Serbia." In Zbornik radova – VI Kongres geografa Srbije sa medunarodnim ucešcem. University of Belgrade - Faculty of Geography, Belgrade, 2024. https://doi.org/10.5937/kongef24090m.
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The interaction between cultural heritage and tourism is characterized by a long continuity and increasing intensity of mutual relations. This relationship and dynamics have been well studied and confirmed both theoretically and practically. However, the fact that is less recognized, researched, and respected, particularly in the case of foreign tourism, is considerable potential for enhancing complex relations in international cooperation. Serbia has long been recognized as a mosaic of spiritual and material culture from various epochs, with characteristics and influences from its immediate and wider surroundings (ethnic, religious, ideological, political). This paper focuses on Russian (Soviet) cultural heritage in Serbia. With all its spatial, temporal, and thematic differentiations, it significantly contributes to the overall cultural heritage. The most significant frequency, diversity, recognizability, and spatial presence were "imprinted" during the first half of the 20th century, but with varying intensity, it can be traced back almost a thousand years to the present day. This segment of cultural heritage represents significant potential for improving bilateral, as well as overall regional and international relations - tourism development, cultural exchange, economic, and political perspectives. This topic certainly has growing importance in the context of the current geopolitical situation. Russians are rediscovering Serbia as a desirable destination for tourism, spirituality, economy, and in every other context for both short and long stays.
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Predojević-Despić, Jelena. "Studying transnational families using quantitative methods: possible data sources in Serbia." In Population in Post-Yugoslav Countries: (Dis)Similarities and Perspectives. Institute of Social Sciences, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.59954/ppycdsp2024.36.
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Transnational families (TNF) are part of migration and mobility as ways of maintaining family relations across national borders. However, the research of this phenomenon has developed more significantly only in the last few decades, in the era of globalization, better traffic and information communication, and mostly with the increase of temporary and circular forms of migration and mobility in economically developed countries, which inevitably lead to geographically separate lives of members of the same family. TNF are mostly characterized by visible dynamics, in geographical, social, economic, psychological and other forms. It implies constant change, which is inevitably reflected in the possible approaches for the study of TNF. One of the challenges is the lack of agreed definitions. In most countries, a TNF definition does not exist. Therefore, it is not surprising that the vast majority of TNF research is based on topics that can be studied using qualitative methods. However, over time, TNF members, especially in destination countries, have become important stakeholders about whom little is known, whether they are workers, students, refugees, among whom are a large number of minors. Also, family members, for example, parents, left behind in the origin countries, or retired foreign workers in destination countries, are placing increasing demands on the state funds for their care and well-being. Issues of social and health care and the rights of TNF members both in the countries of origin and destination are just some of the topics for which reliable and accessible data are necessary. These are also the main reasons why in economically developed countries approaches to the study of TNF using quantitative methods are increasingly being developed. Therefore, the aim of the paper is to consider the most important sources of data on TNF. Survey research stands out among them. On the example of Serbia, which at the same time faces emigration and immigration, as well as transit forced migration movements, the paper discusses the possibilities as well as challenges in the study of TNF using quantitative methods, as well as ways of developing data sources that can at least to some extent track and record their complex dynamics.
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Densmaa, Oyuntsetseg, Gerelchimeg Kaliinaa, Norovsuren Nanzad, and Tsogzolboo Otgonbayar. "MONGOLIA’S “THIRD NEIGHBOR POLICY”." In Proceedings of the XXV International Scientific and Practical Conference. RS Global Sp. z O.O., 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_conf/25012021/7365.
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Geographically Mongolia has two neighbors. Mongolia’s existence today depends largely on mutually friendly relationships with two big neighbors. The main pillars of Mongolia’s new international strategy were incorporated in Mongolia’s National Security Concept adopted on June 30, 1994. This document, approved by the Mongolian Parliament, emphasizes a balanced policy towards the country’s two giant neighbors, underlines the importance of economic security in protecting Mongolia’s national integrity, and warns about too much dependence on any one country for trade. In today’s world of globalization and interdependence, Mongolia has to engage with other countries beyond these two neighbors, Russia and China. This is fundamental thing of the Mongolia’s searching third neighbor. Mongolia needs more friends to ensure its national security interests and achieve economic prosperity its ‘Third Neighbor Policy’1 is a policy of extending its friends all around the world. Two immediate neighbors of Mongolia, Russia and China, remain the foreign policy priority and this priority is not contradictory to the policy of having more friends. Mongolia is becoming an arena of clashes of economic interests of developed countries, multinational corporations due its rich mining deposits. Mongolia's Third Neighbor Policy is aimed to leverage the influence of neighboring countries in the national security issues of Mongolia. In contrast with other satellite states of the former Soviet Union, Mongolia concurrently instituted a democratic political system, a market-driven economy, and a foreign policy based on balancing relations with Russia and China while expanding relations with the West and East. Mongolia is now pursuing a foreign policy that will facilitate global engagement, allow the nation to maintain its sovereignty, and provide diplomatic freedom of maneuver through a “third neighbor” policy. 2 This policy is very much alive today but there is no reason to claim that its implementation is satisfactory. Mongolia has major investors from the US, Japan, Germany and France from the EU, for example. There are many universal conventions related to landlocked country. For Mongolia, access to sea via our two neighbors, means promoting economic ties with the third neighbors, as an important factor conducive to reinforcing the material foundations of Mongolia’s third neighbor policy.
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Karluk, S. Rıdvan. "EU Enlargement to the Balkans: Membership Perspective to the Balkan Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01163.
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After the dispersion of the Soviet Union, the European Union embarked upon an intense relationship with the Central and Eastern European Countries. The transition into capital market and democratization of these countries had been supported by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs at the beginning of 1989 before the collapse of the Soviet Union System. The European Agreements were signed between the EU and Hungary, Poland, and Czechoslovakia on December 16th, 1991. 10 Central and Eastern Europe Countries became the members of the EU on May 1st, 2004. With the accession of Bulgaria and Romania into the EU on January 1st, 2007, the number of the EU member countries reached up to 27, and finally extending to 28 with the membership of Croatia to the EU on July 1st, 2013. Removing the Western Balkan States, Serbia, Montenegro, Albania, and Bosnia and Herzegovina from the scope of external relations, the EU included these countries in the enlargement process in 2005.The European Commission has determined 2014 enlargement policy priorities as dealing with the fundamentals on preferential basis. In this context, the developments in the Balkans will be closely monitored within the scope of a new approach giving priority to the superiority of law. The enlargement process of the EU towards the Balkans and whether or not the Western Balkan States will join the Union will be analyzed.
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Шмелев, Д. В. "The Imperial Idea of Napoleon Bonaparte: Its Characteristics and Implementation." In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.015.
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В статье анализируется имперская идея Наполеона Бонапарта, ее основные контуры и осуществление. В центре внимания автора находятся такие аспекты, как соотношение имперской идеи и возможностей ее претворения во внутренней и внешней политике Франции в начале XIX века, проблемы трактовки «естественных границ» и выхода за их пределы, функционирования «сестринских республик» и их эволюции к «братским» монархиям, формирования новой политической элиты, общеевропейской экономической политики (в том числе в рамках континентальной блокады), культурного империализма и новой имперской символики, структуры Великой армии. Не менее важным является вопрос, можно ли считать имперскую стратегию Наполеона частью грандиозного плана по переустройству Европы или же она была плодом сложившейся конъюнктуры, ситуативных действий, насколько возможным было в постреволюционных условиях нарушения баланса сил и подъема национализма реализация объединения Европы при сохранении французской гегемонии? Большинство наполеоновских исследований долгое время оставались сконцентрированными на личности императора, его военных кампаниях, дипломатии и международных отношениях. Историографическая дискуссия, имевшая место в последние десятилетия, поставила и решила ряд ключевых проблем в трактовке имперского проекта Наполеона Бонапарта (например, в оценках характера военнополитической экспансии и системы «сестринских» республик), но осталась актуальной в контексте роли Франции в процессах европейской интеграции и формирования общеевропейской исторической политики. The article analyzes the imperial idea of Napoleon Bonaparte, its main outlines and implementation. The authors focus on such aspects as the correlation of the imperial idea and the possibilities of its implementation in the domestic and foreign policy of France at the beginning of the XIX century, the problems of interpreting “natural borders” and going beyond them, the functioning of “sister republics” and their evolution to “fraternal” monarchies, the formation of a new political elite, pan-European economic policy (in particular within the framework of the continental blockade), cultural imperialism and the new imperial symbols, the structure of the Great Army. No less important is the question whether Napoleon’s imperial strategy can be considered part of a grandiose plan for the reconstruction of Europe, or whether it was the fruit of the prevailing conjuncture, situational actions, and the question of how it was possible in the post-revolutionary conditions of the power imbalance and the rise of nationalism to realize the unification of Europe while preserving French hegemony? Most of the Napoleonic studies for a long time remained focused on the personality of the emperor, his military campaigns, diplomacy and international relations. The historiographical discussion that has taken place in recent decades has raised and solved a number of key problems in the interpretation of Napoleon Bonaparte’s imperial project (for example, in assessing the nature of military-political expansion and the system of “sister republics”), but has remained relevant in the context of France’s role in the processes of European historical policy.
Reports on the topic "France – Foreign relations – Serbia"
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Ihsan, Yilmaz, and Morieson Nicholas. How China’s Rise as a ‘Civilization State’ Spurs European States to Challenge US Political Dominance. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0041.
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This article explores how China’s rise as a ‘civilization state’ encourages some European states to challenge US political dominance. While countries like Russia and Turkey have also employed civilizational populist rhetoric in domestic and foreign policy issues, this article focuses on Xi Jinping’s recent visits to France, Hungary, and Serbia and examines how European leaders like Emmanuel Macron, Viktor Orbán, and Aleksandar Vučić find inspiration in China’s civilizational model. Further research is needed on the growing civilizational competition between these states and the West, particularly in Africa, where China, Russia, and Turkey project all variants (soft, smart, sharp and hard) of power to assert influence and challenge Western dominance in international relations and global politics.
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Cvijić, Srdjan, Nikola Dimitrov, Leposava Ognjanoska Stavrovska, and Ivana Ranković. Bilateral Disputes and EU enlargement: A Consensual Divorce. Belgrade Centre for Security Policy, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55042/xubk6023.
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Bilateral disputes between European Union member states and candidate countries are one of the key obstacles to EU enlargement. They have been plaguing the EU accession process ever since the breakup of Yugoslavia and the subsequent border dispute between EU member Slovenia and candidate country Croatia which then ensued. More recently we have the case of North Macedonia. It became a candidate country in 2005 but ever since, its accession negotiations have been bogged down by endless bilateral disputes. While the case of North Macedonia and its decades long conflicts with Greece and Bulgaria are the most well-known of such cases, they are not the only ones. In a seminal 2018 publication the Balkans in Europe Policy Advisory Group (BIEPAG) outlined the most prominent “open” or “latent” disputes between EU member states and candidate countries in the Western Balkans. Ranging from border to territorial disputes, or ones concerning the status of national minorities, four out of five candidate countries in the region – Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia or Serbia, has a bilateral dispute with one or more EU member states. If you look at new candidates Ukraine and Moldova and potential candidate Georgia however, the list of active or potential bilateral disputes is even longer. Even when a candidate country meets the criteria to progress in EU accession talks, bilateral disputes can delay it for years or even decades as in the case of North Macedonia. In this way such disputes present a serious challenge to the credibility of the EU enlargement process. In the context of the war in Ukraine, as we have seen with regard to the policies of Viktor Orbán’s Hungary towards Ukraine, invoking bilateral disputes can seriously challenge the geopolitical orientation and the security of the entire Union. On the legal side, since most of these issues fall outside the scope of the EU law and are not covered by the accession criteria, there is a need to think of an institutional mechanism to deal with bilateral disputes. Enlargement policy does not offer an appropriate platform for settlement of bilateral disputes, especially for those that fall outside the EU law. Hence, these issues should be addressed via the international legal dispute resolution toolbox and thus be subjects of separate processes. The EU’s role however cannot be passive. It should invest efforts in these processes in order for them to be mutually reinforcing and so that the accession process has a mollifying rather than tension amplifying effect on the issue. In its policy brief, published at the end of 2023, the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) proposed updating the Copenhagen criteria such that they should include a stipulation to resolve bilateral issues between member states and candidate countries through external dispute resolution mechanisms: Territorial disputes should be referred to arbitration or the International Court of Justice, while those on minority rights should be dealt with by the European Court of Human Rights and other appropriate dispute settlement mechanisms. In this policy brief we suggest ways how to operationalise this proposal. First, we describe different types of vertical bilateral disputes (the ones that include asymmetrical relations) between EU members and Western Balkan candidate countries, then we outline international mechanisms to resolve them, and finally we propose an institutional architecture to remove bilateral disputes that fall outside of the scope of the Copenhagen criteria and the EU acquis from the purview of EU accession talks.