Relevant bibliographies by topics / France; Freedom of expression; Freud

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Academic literature on the topic 'France; Freedom of expression; Freud'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "France; Freedom of expression; Freud"

1

Schwartz, Joel. "Freud and Freedom of Speech." American Political Science Review 80, no. 4 (1986): 1227–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055400185089.

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In this essay I develop a psychoanalytic defense of freedom of speech that is implicit in Freud's works, principally in his discussions of verbal slips and jokes. Freud argues that freedom of speech benefits people by providing a harmless outlet for aggression, suggesting that it is better to express aggression in words than in violent deeds or to repress it altogether. The psychoanalytic defense of free speech has affinities with various liberal defenses, but it is partial because apolitical; it emphasizes the emotional self-expression of speakers as opposed to the rational persuasion of listeners. The intellectual roots of the contemporary concern with “freedom of expression” (as opposed to “freedom of speech”) can be found in Freud: to focus on freedom of expression is to ignore the qualitative differences among forms of self-expression and to neglect the specifically political character of speech.
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Ballesteros, Maria de la Paz Pando. "THE DENUNCIATION OF CORRUPTION IN FRANCHISM. “EL CASO MATESA” IN THE JOURNAL CUADERNOS PARA EL DIÁLOGO." HUMANITIES AND RIGHTS | GLOBAL NETWORK JOURNAL 2, no. 1 (2020): 164–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.24861/2675-1038.v2i1.30.

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In view of the worsening experienced by Spain, in recent years, both globally and in Europe , in relation to levels of corruption, in this paper we try to dismantle the idea, still present in some sectors of society, that corruption is an exclusive phenomenon of democratic systems and political pluralism, highlighting the network of corruption that allowed the Franco dictatorship, during which said blight became a widespread social practice, a structural element protected by power and protected by the lack of freedom of expression and communication. We will dwell especially on the fraud carried out by the company MATESA, as well as on the political background that was implicit and that led to a strong government crisis, analyzing it from an original perspective. We will study both the dimensions of fraud, and the media scandal it provoked, as well as the political crisis that resulted from the perspective of the non-collaborationist Christian Democrats, who used this issue to record, through the pages of the Journal Cuadernos for the Dialogue, of the corruption in which the System was based, of the power struggles that confronted the different families of the Regime at the height of 1969, of their position in this respect, as well as of their proposals and alternatives.
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3

Alouane, Rim-Sarah. "God, the Pencil, and the Judge: Exploring the Paradoxes Regarding Protection of Freedom of Religion and Expression in France." Religion and Human Rights 11, no. 1 (2016): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18710328-12341296.

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The clash between religious freedom and freedom of expression has created social turbulence, political discord, and marginalisation of religious minorities, the latter of which is seen by many as having security implications. The author explores the possibility of a framework that reconciles freedom of religion and freedom of expression within a very unique French context. Recent events show that the issue continues to be unresolved; courts are frequently seized by those who argue that their beliefs were harmed and seek reparation, and proponents of free (and sometimes hostile) expression are fighting back. The author will discuss methods used by French judges to determine offense to religious sentiment—sometimes in very tricky and arbitrary ways—as broadly defined as violations of beliefs, symbols and religious rites, and will seek common ground with generally accepted norms of free expression that can exist within a framework of public order that respects all citizens.
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Alicino, Francesco. "Freedom of Expression,Laïcitéand Islam in France: The Tension between Two Different (Universal) Perspectives." Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 27, no. 1 (2015): 51–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09596410.2015.1090105.

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5

Eko, Lyombe. "Mimicking the Sacred: Advertising Parody, Religion and Freedom of Expression in the United States and France." Communication Law and Policy 25, no. 2 (2020): 145–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10811680.2020.1735191.

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6

Callamard, Agnes. "Religion, Terrorism and Speech in a ‘Post-Charlie Hebdo’ World." Religion and Human Rights 10, no. 3 (2015): 207–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18710328-12341288.

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This article reviews the policy responses and the freedom of expression case law following the Charlie Hebdo attack. It unpacks the ‘Countering Violent Extremism’ frame-work from a freedom of expression standpoint and analyses court decisions related to glorification of terrorism and incitement to hatred with a particular focus on France and the United States as well as Russia, and Scandinavia. It shows the determination of governments to tackle the non-violent “ideological” bases of “terrorism”, and to treat religion as largely a public order issue. It concludes that in a post-Charlie Hebdo world, courts also have taken short cuts, instrumentalising not only speech to perceived higher needs, but judicial reasoning and practices as well.
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7

Zolotukhina-Abolina, Elena V., and Aleksey A. Lysikov. "About Two Existential and Moral Trends in Philosophy of 20th Century." Ethical Thought 21, no. 1 (2021): 50–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/2074-4870-2021-21-1-50-58.

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The article is devoted to two important existential and moral trends ‘Freudian’ and ‘Sartrian’ that, having emerged in the twentieth century, exist today. The authors distinguish the exis­tential and the moral: if the moral is a system of internal and external commands and prohi­bitions, the existential is an individual “life of the soul”, a set of experiences, moods and passions. The existential and moral coincide only partially, and there is a certain separation of the vital-existential from morality in the 20th century: the desire to break out from any given behavioral framework. This was facilitated by secularization, which overthrew the transcendent, which to a large extent served as the foundation of morality. The opposition of the vital-existential principle to traditionally understood morality was expressed, in particu­lar, in the line of praising personal freedom (J.-P. Sartre) and in the desire to liberate per­son’s instinctive and emotionally passionate aspirations from moral pressure (S. Freud). Cer­tainly, Freud and Sartre express an objective cultural transition from tradition to innovation, from the sacred to the profane, from “rigorous morality” to free expression of the will, but at the same time they were intellectuals who, with their formulations and manifests facilitate “struggle against morality” and legitimize it, as a result the new moral concepts based on the idea of “overcoming any boundaries” become common. The existential-vital impulse crowds out the moral prohibitive-imperative system of regulation. The ideas of Freud and Sartre were initially understood by the cultural community as humanistic, but in low culture they were transformed into a protest against any moral and rational restrictions, and rela­tivized moral ideas.
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8

Vidal, Dominique. "Conflating Anti-Zionism with Anti-Semitism: France in the Crosshairs." Journal of Palestine Studies 48, no. 1 (2018): 119–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2018.48.1.119.

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This essay argues that in conflating anti-Zionism with anti-Semitism, France's president, Emmanuel Macron, has been mistaken on two counts: one, historical, since a majority of Jews have historically rejected the Zionist project, with the majority of them living outside Israel, and hundreds of thousands of Israeli citizens choosing to do the same; and the second, political, as it has opened the way for the Conseil représentatif des institutions juives de France (CRIF) to demand legislation banning anti-Zionism, in the same vein as earlier efforts to criminalize the French Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement. France's juridical foundation is strong, however, and it does not allow for the criminalization of speech: the Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen (1789), the Constitution of the Fifth Republic (1958), and the European Convention on Human Rights all stand as safeguards of the fundamental right to freedom of expression—at least for the time being.
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9

Sobczak, Jacek. "Cenzura polityczna wobec karykatury. Doświadczenia francuskie II połowy XVIII i pierwszej połowy XIX wieku. Przyczynek do walki o wolność słowa." Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne 69, no. 2 (2018): 271–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/cph.2017.2.14.

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Caricature is one of the forms of artistic expression and it has a similar role to satire. Consequently, some people consider caricature to be one of the forms of satire. Caricature has its origins in ancient times. The history of caricature is illustrated by political changes that civilization experienced. The administrative authorities attempted to fight caricature in numerous countries and France was one of them. This process is a part of the history of censorship that began in Roman times. Afterwards, it developed further during the Christian period of the Middle Ages until the 19th century. Unfortunately, this procedure is present in certain areas even today. The most interesting solutions were the ones adoptedin France. Moreover, it is worth noting that the phenomenon of institutionalization of censorship was not the only characteristic element in France. There were also censorship bodies present in the country despite the formal constitutional declarations of freedom of speech.
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10

Blomkvist, Leif Dag. "The Art of Psychodrama as a Public Space." FORUM, no. 3 (July 2009): 61–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/foru2009-002007.

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- This article, inspired by the writings of the philosopher Hannah Arendt, presents the concept of ‘Public Space' and traces its origins to the practice in the Polis (City State) of ancient Athens. The author points out that Public Space is a genuinely human domain, different from goal-oriented, reproductive activities shared with animals. He underlines the importance of distinguishing public from private space. Humans live in both, neither can exist without the other, but as a rule they must be kept separate and differentiated. The author attributes to public space the freedom of diversity and expression without loyalties, to see and to be seen and to act spontaneously in cooperation with others. He recruits Hanna Arendt, Sigmund Freud and J. L. Moreno in an appeal against a rising trend to conformity and ‘recognised' methods in psychotherapeutic practice and puts forward the idea of psychotherapy as an exchange, a public space, between two or more persons with a focus on the encounter between them. These qualities are most easily reached in group psychotherapy and in psychodrama, where spontaneity is the desired instrument.
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