Relevant bibliographies by topics / France, politics and government, to 1328

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'France, politics and government, to 1328'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 August 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "France, politics and government, to 1328"

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Gordon, Bertram M. "The Government and Politics of France." History: Reviews of New Books 22, no. 4 (June 1994): 181–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1994.9949099.

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CAMPBELL, CAROLINE. "Gender and Politics in Interwar and Vichy France." Contemporary European History 27, no. 3 (May 9, 2017): 482–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000108.

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One of the defining paradoxes of interwar France was the coexistence of a deep-rooted belief in national decadence with the development of a wide range of innovative organisations, cumulatively mobilising millions of people, as a means of fighting this supposed decline. While women played a key role in perpetuating the belief that the Republic was deteriorating, created numerous politically-oriented groups and entered into the government as ministers for the first time, these facts have barely entered into scholarly analysis of the state of France's political culture. Beginning in the 1960s a narrative of stagnation tended to dominate scholars’ interpretations of the interwar years. Reflective of the times, gender was absent from such analyses, as scholars defined ‘politics’ in certain ways and assumed that political actors were men. The influential political scientist Stanley Hoffman, for example, insisted that this was a period of stalemate, essentially the consequence of a failure to modernise during the Third Republic (1870–1940). Hoffman argued that peasants, small business and the bourgeoisie coalesced to advocate for protectionist measures and resist social and economic reforms. This conservative agenda was facilitated by governments that sought to limit economic change, which contributed to ministerial instability: during the interwar period, the French government changed forty-seven times, compared to thirty in Poland and Romania, nine in Great Britain and an average of one per year in Weimar Germany, Belgium and Sweden. For Anglophone and Francophone proponents of the idea of a systemic crisis, the Third Republic appears fundamentally flawed, crippled by an intrinsic defect rather than a democratic government that opened spaces for dynamic groups and movements to effect real change.
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HANLEY, D. L. "Review. Review. The Government and Politics of France. Stevens, Anne." French Studies 47, no. 4 (October 1, 1993): 449. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/47.4.449-a.

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HANLEY, D. L. "Review. The Government and Politics of France. Third Edition. Wright, Vincent." French Studies 45, no. 2 (April 1, 1991): 243. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/45.2.243.

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Major, J. Russell, and Roger G. Little. "The Parlement of Poitiers: War, Government, and Politics in France, 1418-1436." American Historical Review 90, no. 4 (October 1985): 940. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1858902.

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Gendron, Robin S. "At Odds Over INCO: The International Nickel Company of Canada and New Caledonian Politics in the 1960s." Canada, Empire, and Decolonization 20, no. 2 (September 15, 2010): 112–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/044401ar.

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In the 1960s, the International Nickel Company of Canada (INCO) sought to preserve its dominance of the global nickel industry by securing access to New Caledonia’s abundant reserves of nickel ore. In attempting to do so, however, INCO became embroiled in an acrimonious political dispute between New Caledonian autonomists, who wanted to diversify the territory’s economic activities and secure greater self-government from French rule, and the government of France, which considered INCO a threat to French sovereignty over New Caledonia and France’s interests in the Pacific. In obstructing INCO’s ability to operate in New Caledonia throughout the 1960s, however, the French government inadvertently galvanized the territory’s nationalists and increased their demands for autonomy from France.
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Walsh, James. "Politics and Exchange Rates: Britain, France, Italy, and the Negotiation of the European Monetary System." Journal of Public Policy 14, no. 3 (July 1994): 345–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00007315.

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ABSTRACTWhen the European Monetary System was negotiated in 1978, governments in France, Britain, and Italy took very different approaches to this new international institution for coordinating exchange rate policies. The French government actively supported the creation of the European Monetary System, the Italian government entered the system but on weaker terms than the French, and the British government refused to enter the system, preferring to allow the pound to float. To explain these different policy choices, I analyze the impact of domestic politics and institutions on exchange rate policy, paying particular attention to how the organization of bank-industry relations and government instability shape policymakers' policy preferences and their abilities to implement these preferences.
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Henneman, John Bell, and Robin Harris. "Valois Guyenne: A Study of Politics, Government and Society in Late Medieval France." American Historical Review 101, no. 3 (June 1996): 827. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169455.

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Heringa, Aalt Willem. "Book Reviews: Government and Politics in Western Europe – Britain, France, Italy, West Germany." Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law 1, no. 2 (June 1994): 221–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1023263x9400100206.

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Keating, M., and A. Midwinter. "The Politics of Central—Local Grants in Britain and France." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 12, no. 2 (June 1994): 177–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c120177.

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Redistribution of resources through central–local government grant systems is justified as fiscal equalization, the subject of a substantial literature, underpinned by normative assumptions and a rational-synoptic model of the policy process. Goals are known and policy outcomes are measurable. In Britain and France, this approach is not helpful to understanding. Theories of fiscal equalization are problematic and inconsistent. There is no agreed territorial welfare function against which outcomes can be assessed. A politically based interpretation sees grant allocation as part of intergovernmental politics, in which conceptions of fiscal equalization are used largely for legitimation. Politics guides decisionmaking and the main test of policy applied by governments is political acceptability. The two cases of Britain and France do show important differences in intergovernmental politics. In France, change is incremental and negotiated. In Britain it is radical and unilateral, though outcomes often fall short of expectations as policy is modified in implementation.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "France, politics and government, to 1328"

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Grummitt, David Iain. "Calais 1485-1547 : a study in early Tudor politics and government." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.362349.

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This thesis examines the role of Calais in the early Tudor state, 1485-1547. From 1453 until 1558 Calais was the last English possession in France. I will reexamine the town and marches within the context of the development of the early Tudor state and the transition from the medieval to the early modern period. It is clear that the importance of Calais to the early Tudors has been underestimated by historians. The central theme of the thesis is the growth of effective royal government under the early Tudors. This is set in the historiographical framework of the 'new monarchy' and the 'Tudor revolution in government'. Themes such as the relationship between the centre and the periphery; the organisation of royal finance; the role of the king, the court and his ministers in government; the defence of the realm and foreign policy are explored with reference to specific political and administrative changes in Calais. The thesis is divided into five chapters. The first examines the role of Calais within the late medieval English polity. It shows how, by proper management of the wool trade that was channelled through the town, Calais became a central pillar of late medieval finance and thus a place of prime political importance during the fifteenth century. The second chapter analyses the developing role of Calais in the early Tudor polity and the growth of royal authority in the town that helped maintain its continued importance. The third chapter explores the office-holding class in Calais and considers the roles of the king's affinity and his household in the government of the realm. The fourth chapter describes the defence of Calais under the early Tudors and the transition from the bastard feudal retinue to the professional army loyal only to the king. The final chapter reassesses the finances of Calais and the role that the town played in the organisation of the crown's resources as a whole.
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Lipkin, Jonathan. "From delegation to participation : citizen politics in Grenoble and Toulouse, 1958-1981." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2cededba-391b-41e7-a0a2-68e2b4f63660.

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Examining the period between 1958 (the inception of the Fifth Republic) and 1981 (election of François Mitterrand as President and Socialist parliamentary majority), my research sought to answer the question: why and how did grass-roots mobilisation in favour of citizen participation develop in two French cities, Grenoble and Toulouse? The thesis first develops a general conceptual framework within which to analyse each locality. It elaborates the notion that there existed two public action cycles in France. The first was a 'reform cycle' (1958-1968) which preceded, and was interrupted by, a more critical 'contention cycle' which developed post May 1968 (ending by about 1981); both were triggered by major political crises. The reform cycle was marked by a high level of extra-party organisation through clubs and educational associations, which attempted to change patterns of interaction between civil society and the political process. In contrast, the contention cycle that followed May 1968 was far more radical in its critique, range of themes, organisational structures and forms of action. In the case studies, I explore the contrasting experiences of Grenoble and Toulouse during the two cycles. We see how the development of powerful associative currents in Grenoble during the reform cycle facilitated the emergence in 1964 of a citizen action movement, the Groupe d'action municipale (GAM). The success of the GAM in coming to power in coalition with other parties of the non-Communist Left created a municipality determined to institute improved participationary practice. This commitment to new forms of democracy from within city hall meant that the contention cycle in Grenoble did not precipitate major pressure for fundamental change in local government structures. However, in Toulouse, the reform cycle had no comparable impact upon city politics or associative life in the 1960s. The local associative world was far more fragmented and unable to exert any substantial influence. The traditionalist Socialist administration and subsequently a centre-right, conservative municipality were then confronted with sustained grass-roots opposition in the aftermath of May 1968. What occurred in the city during the contention cycle was typical of patterns elsewhere in France. For close to a decade, a small core of associations, seeking a radical overhaul of municipal decision-making, consistently challenged city hall, using a mixture of diplomatic approaches and direct action techniques. I draw two central conclusions from my research, one empirical, the other conceptual. Firstly, evidence from both the national and local level indicates that associations played a key role in the public action cycles. This challenges the traditional view of France as having inherently weak associative structures. Secondly, my research questions the frequently made connection between a so-called 'new middle class' and innovative forms of political action, showing the term 'new middle class' to be misleading and inexact.
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Eling, Kim Tobias. "The politics of cultural policy in France : government professionals and networks, 1981-1993." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.263268.

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Green, Dawn Amanda. "Women and the National Assembly in France : an analysis of institutional change and substantive representation, with special reference to the 1997-2002 legislature." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/21894.

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This thesis explores institutional features of the Fifth Republic in France that affect women's representation, both in terms of their access to elected office and in terms of their ability to substantively represent women once elected. After identifying factors that were particularly favourable to women in the 1997 Parliament, it assesses the institutional reforms enacted from 1997-2002, which include not only the Constitutional Amendment and the Parity Law, but also limitations on the cumul des mandats, reform of the Senate, the creation of a statut de l'elu (defining elected officials' benefits and rights) and of the new parliamentary Women's Delegations. It attempts a holistic appraisal of the institutional reforms, and their effect on patterns of political recruitment. The second part analyses practices and power within the Palais-Bourbon to assess gender differences in access to parliamentary posts and tasks. It investigates the National Assembly as a 'gendered institution' and asks whether women are in a position to make a difference to the political process and legislative outcomes. It finds perceptible differences in women's and men's access to power, their committee work and use of parliamentary questions. The thesis concludes with a study of the Women's Delegation. After investigating the rationale and circumstances of its creation, the institutional status of the Delegation within the Assembly is analysed. Its contribution to legislation and its modus operandi in the 1997 Parliament, as well as its integration into the National Assembly are examined, in order to ascertain whether it has the potential to enhance women's substantive representation and to provide' safe space' for women Deputies.
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Richard, Picchi Anne-Isabelle Gijsbregtje Claire Frederieke Sophie Valérie. "Colonialism and the European movement in France and the Netherlands, 1925-1936." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609320.

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Boisvert, Pierre Yves. "Regionalisation and decentralisation in France, with special reference to Corsica and its special status." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670331.

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Chabal, Emile. "Republicanism, liberalism and the search for political consensus in France, c.1980-c.2010." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610454.

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Inglis-Jones, James John. "The Grand Condé in exile : power politics in France, Spain and the Spanish Netherlands 1652-1659." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3ab667bf-f5af-45b7-985f-1d936f8299a4.

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This thesis looks at the career of the Grand Condé - Louis II de Bourbon, Prince de Condé - between 1652 and 1660. During this period the prince was in exile in the Spanish Netherlands. As a consequence of his power and status in France the prince's exile had a decisive impact not just upon the politics of the captaingeneral's court in Brussels, but more widely, upon the foreign policy of Cromwell's Protectorate, Philip IV's government in Madrid, the regime of Cardinal Mazarin in Paris and the Franco-Spanish war. International relations between France and Spain during the 1650's have been largely ignored by historians, so too has French political history in this period. Yet, the 1650's were a vital decade for France and Spain both historically and historiographically. The period saw the final stage of the costly and attritional conflict between the two 'great' crowns, whilst in France the regime of Cardinal Mazarin was the last ten years of government by a cardinal-minister before Louis XIV's declaration of personal rule in 1661. This has assumed enormous significance for historians many of whom see it as an important period of transition. Ten major European archives have been consulted to build a detailed picture of the impact of Condé's exile upon politics within France and the war being fought in the Flanders theatre. The cardinal's regime existed throughout the 1650's in an environment of acute uncertainty and instability whilst it was by no means clear that the war with Spain was a demonstration of an 'ascendant' France dealing the death blows to a 'declining' Spain. By raising questions about France's 'rise' to European supremacy and the internal stability of Mazarin's regime the thesis rejects the straightforward terms in which this period has been treated. In particular, using the example of Condé and placing his exile and Mazarin's regime in the context of aristocratic politics, it demonstrates that there were no indications that grandee power was in decline. Indeed, the thesis argues that the power of the grands as a crucial element in the power structure of Ancien Regime France, was set to continue into the next century.
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Watson, Jonathan. "The internal dynamics of Gaullism, 1958-1969." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:18f0271f-c5da-4486-80e9-8c98a1149511.

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This thesis assesses the contributions of Gaullists to the political practice of Gaullism during the 1960s. Many of those who have written about Gaullism - historians, political scientists, journalists and politicians alike - have tended to focus too narrowly on the personality, beliefs and actions of Charles de Gaulle. Much analysis has been devoted to the General's approach to government, both its substance and its style. However, neglect of the activities of his political associates and supporters has led to an incomplete understanding of the broader political phenomenon that he inspired. This thesis aims to redress this imbalance by highlighting the ways in which individual Gaullists sought to contribute to the policies of successive Gaullist governments during the 1960s and assesses the importance of these contributions in creating an identity for the Gaullist party which, while not always wholly distinct from de Gaulle and though it certainly never developed to the point of outright opposition to him, did lay the foundations for a political movement which could survive the President's eventual departure from office. The research reveals 1960s Gaullism as a much more volatile and heterogeneous phenomenon than has perhaps previously been admitted by some commentators. The thesis considers the political activities of Gaullists at all levels of the movement. First of all, it examines the way in which government was conducted by Gaullist ministers, and argues that their contributions to the identity of the Gaullist movement have been underestimated. In addition, it reveals how there were leading figures within the Gaullist party who attempted to define ways in which Gaullists could contribute to Gaullism in government. Although they never questioned the loyalty of the Gaullist movement to its leader, their awareness of the need for Gaullists to create their own political identity led them to place less emphasis on the importance of the historical figure of de Gaulle to the modern political force which Gaullism would become. The thesis then highlights the neglected fact that Gaullist deputies frequently sought to contribute in their own individual manner to Gaullist government policies in their speeches in the National Assembly. It concludes with an examination of the varied and conflicting comments made on the subject of Gaullism and Gaullist policies by local party members in their local bulletins.
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Huggins, Christopher. "Local government transnational networking in Europe : a study of 14 local authorities in England and France." Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 2015. https://researchportal.port.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/local-government-transnational-networking-in-europe(e90b229f-9a21-4dbb-986b-8240f8ffbcaa).html.

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Local authorities play a key role in European Union (EU) governance. They are no longer simply ‘passive receivers’ of EU policy, but proactively engage at the European level. This active engagement includes participation in local government transnational networking (LGTN), an activity which sees local authorities form links with their counterparts in other countries. The contemporary prevalence of LGTN presents an interesting empirical puzzle. Local authorities lack the formal competence to engage beyond their territories. Furthermore, since the financial crisis councils’ budgets have been restricted. Why, then, are local authorities participating in LGTN when they lack both the formal competence and the financial resources? This thesis tackles this puzzle. In particular it explores three broad questions relating to LGTN: - What is the extent of LGTN? - Why do local authorities participate? - What determines effective participation? By focusing on the local authorities within transnational networks, this thesis makes an empirical contribution to knowledge and informs a body of literature which has until now overlooked the perceptions of local actors in EU governance. It further informs conceptual debates surrounding multi-level governance and local level Europeanization. This focus is achieved through a cross-national analysis of 14 local authorities in south-east England and northern France, and adopting a qualitative empirical approach which draws data from semi-structured interviews, document analysis and participant observation. The findings show that LGTN continues to be a prevalent phenomenon and is therefore an important feature of the EU’s multi-level system of governance. However, engagement is not uniform. While all local authorities are involved, variation is present in the number of links councils engage in, the type of networks they target and their motivations for participation. In all cases, however, engagement in LGTN is driven by a rationalist logic, as councils seek to achieve individual pre-determined strategic aims and improve their relative positions. A number of local and external factors are shown to impact how effectively councils engage in LGTN and, ultimately, explains why the process of local level Europeanization is marked by differentiation rather than convergence.
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Books on the topic "France, politics and government, to 1328"

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T, Allmand C., ed. War, government and power in late medieval France. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2000.

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Petit-Renaud, Sophie. Faire loy au royaume de France de Philippe VI à Charles V, 1328-1380. Paris: De Boccard, 2001.

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David, Potter. War and government in the French provinces: Picardy, 1470-1560. Cambridge [England]: Cambridge University Press, 1993.

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Koziol, Geoffrey. Begging pardon and favor: Ritual and political order in early medieval France. Ithaca, N.Y: Cornell University Press, 1992.

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Greengrass, Mark. Governing passions: Peace and reform in the French kingdom, 1576-1585. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007.

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Martindale, Jane. Status, authority and regional power: Aquitaine and France, 9th to 12th centuries. Aldershot, Great Britain: Variorum, 1997.

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Dunbabin, Jean. Charles I of Anjou. Harlow, Essex, United Kingdom: Addison-Wesley Longman, 1998.

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Margaret, Brabant, ed. Politics, gender, and genre: The political thought of Christine de Pizan. Boulder: Westview Press, 1992.

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Godman, Peter. Poets and emperors: Frankish politics and Carolingian poetry. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986.

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1940-, Schain Martin, ed. Politics in France. 5th ed. New York, NY: HarperCollins, 1992.

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Book chapters on the topic "France, politics and government, to 1328"

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Hallam, Elizabeth M., and Charles West. "Politics and society." In Capetian France 987–1328, 33–79. Third edition. | London ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019.: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429289828-2.

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Stevens, Anne. "Local Government." In Government and Politics of France, 141–64. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4039-3996-8_6.

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Wilson, Graham K. "Government and Industry in France." In Business and Politics, 128–45. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21080-0_7.

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Wilson, Graham K. "Government and Industry in France." In Business and Politics, 75–87. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-17936-7_5.

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Stevens, Anne. "Party Politics in France." In Government and Politics of France, 190–226. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4039-3996-8_8.

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Stevens, Anne. "France: An Introduction." In Government and Politics of France, 1–30. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4039-3996-8_1.

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Stevens, Anne. "Local Government." In The Government and Politics of France, 141–64. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22102-8_6.

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Stevens, Anne. "Local Government." In The Government and Politics of France, 158–81. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24745-5_6.

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Pickles, Dorothy. "The Government." In The Government and Politics of France, 69–98. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003346753-5.

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Stevens, Anne. "France: An Introduction." In The Government and Politics of France, 3–30. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22102-8_1.

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Conference papers on the topic "France, politics and government, to 1328"

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Андросова, Т. В. "Finland as a Part of the Russian Empire 1809–1917: A State within a State." In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.018.

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Географический фактор играет двоякую роль в истории Финляндии и ее взаимоотношений с внешним миром. С одной стороны, территориальное положение на окраине Европы обусловило то, что финны сравнительно поздно включились в цивилизационный процесс. С другой стороны, земли, омываемые водами дальних заливов Балтийского моря, находятся в одном из наиболее важных со стратегической точки зрения европейских регионов. Хотя к «финским территориям» издавна проявляли интерес также Англия, Германия и Франция, влияние извне связано для финнов прежде всего с соперничеством ближайших соседей. Политический вакуум, в котором финны пребывали вплоть до начала XI в., пытались заполнить с запада – Швеция и римскокатолическая церковь, с востока – Россия (Великий Новгород) и православная церковь. Первая граница между Швецией и Россией была установлена в 1323 г. Согласно Ореховскому мирному договору Швеция получила юго-западные и западные финляндские территории, Россия – Восточную Карелию. В XVIII в. Россия приступила к поэтапному возвращению финляндских земель, присоединив Финляндию по итогам войны 1808–1809 гг. В границах архиконсервативной Российской империи родилось и постепенно оформилось финляндское государство западного типа. Финляндия получила широкую политическую и экономическую автономию – правительство, четырехсословный орган народного представительства (сейм), налоговую и финансовую систему, свое гражданство, валюту и пр. Финляндию от новой метрополии изначально отделяла таможенная граница. Главой законодательной власти являлся император, управлявший Финляндией на основе коренных законов (конституции) шведского времени. Будучи частью Российского государства, Финляндия постепенно стала политической общностью, а также одним из наиболее экономически развитых регионов империи. Уступки со стороны России были связаны с необходимостью обеспечить безопасность западной границы. The geographical factor plays a twofold role in the history of Finland and its relations with the outside world. On the one hand, the territorial situation on the edge of Europe caused the Finns to join the civilizational process relatively late. On the other hand, the lands washed by the waters of the far reaches of the Baltic Sea are located in one of the most strategically important European regions. Although England, Germany and France have long been interested in the "Finnish territories", external influence for Finns is primarily connected with the hostility of their closest neighbors. It was the political vacuum in which the Finns remained until the beginning of the XI century, that Sweden and the Roman Catholic Church tried to fill from the west, Russia (Veliky Novgorod) and the Orthodox Church – from the east. The first border between Sweden and Russia was established in 1323. According to the Orekhov Peace Treaty, Sweden received the southwestern and western Finnish territories, Russia – East Karelia. In the XYIII century Russia began the gradual return of the Finnish lands, annexing Finland after the results of the war of 1808–1809. Within the borders of the arch-conservative Russian Empire, a Western-type Finnish state was born and gradually took shape. Finland received a wide political and economic autonomy – the government, the four–member body of the People's representation (Seim), the tax and financial system, its citizenship, currency, etc. Finland and the new metropolis were initially separated by the customs border. The head of the legislative power was the emperor, who ruled Finland on the basis of the fundamental laws (constitution) of the Swedish period. Being a part of the Russian state, Finland gradually became a political community, as well as one of the most economically developed regions of the empire. Russia's concessions were determined by the need to ensure the security of the western border.
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