To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: France, relations, foreign countries.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'France, relations, foreign countries'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'France, relations, foreign countries.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Alhijazi, Yahya Z. D. "Developing countries and foreign direct investment." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21670.
Full textAbstract:
Along with international trade, foreign direct investment (FDI) has been the engine driving the current economic globalization of the world economy. The growth rate of FDI, which exceeded that of international trade and world output throughout the 1990s, raises important questions regarding the value of FDI to developing countries as host countries to FDI and the role it can play in their development.<br>In an attempt to answer these questions, this thesis tackles the main issues underlining FDI and developing countries. After analysing the pros and cons of FDI for developing countries and other interested parties, this thesis scrutinizes the regulation of FDI as a means to balance the interests of the concerned parties, giving an assessment of the balance of interests in some existing and potential FDI regulations. Furthermore, this thesis highlights the case against the deregulation of FDI and its consequences for developing countries. It concludes by formulating regulatory FDI guidelines for developing.
2
Abdulla, Fawaz Yusuf Ahmed Abdulrahim. "European Union policies and socioeconomic development in the Southern Mediterranean : the case of Morocco." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648135.
Full text
3
Gillies, David 1952. "Between ethics and interests : human rights in the north-south relations of Canada, The Netherlands, and Norway." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=41264.
Full textAbstract:
This study examines human rights in the North-South relations of three internationalist countries: Canada, the Netherlands, and Norway. It pays special attention to the integration of human rights in development aid policy, particularly the use of political conditionality. The theoretical framework examines the explanatory power of political Realism. A hypothesis linking policy assertiveness with the perceived costs to other national interests is tested by selecting Western states most likely to disprove Realist assumptions, and by choosing at least two Third World cases for each aid donor: one where economic, political and strategic interests are high, and another where the same interests are minimal or low. Three frameworks to (1) document human rights abuses; (2) evaluate national human rights performance; and (3) gauge foreign policy assertiveness serve as the methodological lenses to analyze Western statecraft and test the hypothesis.<br>Each donor's search for moral opportunity is visible in an emerging agenda to promote human rights and democratic development. However, if the resolve to defend human rights beyond national borders is gauged by a state's willingness to incur harm to other important national interests, then Canada, the Netherlands, and Norway are seldom disposed to let human rights trump more self-serving national interests. The potential for consistent and principled human rights statecraft is frequently undermined by Realism's cost-benefit rationality.
4
Kellett, Ken. "Bilateral aid in Canada's foreign policy : the human rights rhetoric-practice gap." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Dept. of Political Science, c2013, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/3298.
Full textAbstract:
Successive Canadian federal governments have officially indicated their support of human rights in foreign policy, including as they relate to aid-giving. This thesis quantitatively tests this rhetoric with the actual practice of bilateral aid-giving in two time periods – 1998-2000 and 2007-2009. This, however, revealed that Canada has actually tended to give more bilateral aid to countries with poorer human rights records. A deeper quantitative analysis identifies certain multilateral memberships – notably with the Commonwealth, NATO, and OECD – and the geo-political and domestic considerations of Haiti as significant and confirms a recipient state’s human rights performance is not a consideration. These multilateral relationships reflect state self-interests, historical connections, security, and a normative commitment to poverty reduction. It is these factors that those promoting a human rights agenda need to contemplate if recipient state performance is to become relevant in bilateral aid decisions. Thus, it is necessary to turn to international relations theory, in particular liberal institutionalism, to explain Canada’s bilateral aid-giving in these periods.<br>vi, 141 leaves ; 29 cm
5
De, Matteis Pietro. "Sino-European energy, environmental and climate change diplomacy." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610458.
Full text
6
Zhong, Xiao Fei. "China and the EU : competition and cooperation in the Caspian region." Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555549.
Full text
7
Peng, Dan Ni. "The EU-China trade relations in the context of economic globalization." Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555591.
Full text
8
Bai, Xue. "Evaluation and suggestions on EU development assistance policy." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595841.
Full text
9
Albers, Martin. "The policies of Britain, France and West Germany towards the People's Republic of China, 1969-1982." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708129.
Full text
10
Hong, Hye Hyun. "The influence of public relations on news coverage and public perceptions of foreign countries." [Ames, Iowa : Iowa State University], 2007.
Find full text
11
Hansen, B. B. (Britt Bertram). "The impact of international funding on projects in developing countries." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53644.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MPA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This assignment seeks to critically analyse the impact of international funding on
the present state of development in developing countries. The aim of the
analysis is to provide recommendations to improve the methods and motives
behind giving funding in order to increase the impact of such funding.
International funding provided to developing countries is often based on rigid
guidelines, requirements, restrictions and conditions. It is these conditions that
need revising to be more appropriate for conditions in developing countries. Only
through viewing case studies and learning from them is it possible for
international funding to facilitate more innovative and effective development to
those in need.
The research findings are derived from analysis of the literature review of
international funding and through viewing the Danish International Development
Assistance (DANIDA) and the South African Police Service (SAPS), the two
organisations of this case study. The SAPS is one of many organisations
receiving international assistance and have benefited from assistance from
DANIDA since 1994. Funding for the project in the study was granted after the
project proposal was formulated to fit the requirements of the DANIDA Guideline
for Project Preparation, a set of guidelines prescribed to any organisation
wanting to receive funding from DANIDA. All funding organisations have similar
guidelines although it is evident that some are more rigid and prescriptive than
others. From this study a list of recommendations were developed pertaining to
the sets of guidelines used by international development organisations.
It appeared rational that the list of recommendations should be divided into
suggestions on the required structures of development organisations and on the
required aspects to be included in the project proposal and implementation. The
recommendations to the structures were to determine the level of involvement of
the funding organisation in the project; to determine the literacy level necessary
to comply with the funding requirements; to decide on the level of involvement of external consultants; to ensure frequent reviews; and finally to ensure conflict
resolution. The aspects to be included in the project proposal and implementation
were based on ensuring equal opportunity in terms of diversity and gender
awareness; to commit to the sustainability of the project; for all parties to be
involved in the compilation of project objectives and to ensure that the project
represents the overall development goals of the beneficial country.
Although a number of these recommendations are applied by some
organisations it is necessary for the successful outcome of a project that all are
considered. Each recommendation represents a building block of development
and these are all interdependent. The general conclusion of this study is
therefore that some level of conditionality is necessary. No one can expect
economic aid to be given without conditions but the conditions must be fair,
benefiting the recipient country and ensuring that development of those living in
poverty is indeed the outcome of all funding.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie werkstuk het ten doelom die impak van internasionale befondsing op die
huidige stand van ontwikkeling in ontwikkelende lande krities te analiseer. Die
analise het die formulering van aanbevelings ter verbetering van die metodes en
motiewe agter die toestaan van befondsing ten doel ten einde die impak van
sulke fondse te verhoog. Internasionale befondsing vir ontwikkelende lande is
dikwels gebaseer op rigiede riglyne, vereistes, beperkings en voorwaardes. Dit
is hierdie voorwaardes wat hersien moet word ten einde meer toepaslik vir
toestande in ontwikkelende lande te wees. Slegs deur die ontleding van
gevallestudies en lesse daaruit geleer is dit moontlik vir internasionale
befondsers om meer innoverende en effektiewe ontwikkeling aan behoeftiges te
fasiliteer.
Die navorsingsbevindings is afgelei uit die analise van die literatuurstudie insake
internasionale befondsing, asook die analise van die twee organisasies in die
gevallestudie, naamlik die "Danish International Development Assistance
(DANIDA)" en die Suid-Afrikaanse Polisie Diens (SAPD). Die SAPD is een van
vele organisasies wat internasionale bystand ontvang en word reeds sedert 1994
deur DANIDA ondersteun. Befondsing vir die projek waarop die gevallestudie
gebaseer is, was toegestaan nadat die projekvoorstel geformuleer is volgens die
vereistes van die "DANIDA Guideline for Project Preparation". Laasgenoemde is
'n stel riglyne wat voorgeskryf word aan alle organisasies wat vir befondsing wil
kwalifiseer. Alle befondsingsorganisasies het soortgelyke riglyne, alhoewel dit
duidelik is dat sommiges veel meer rigied en voorskrywend is as ander. Uit die
studie is 'n stel aanbevelings ontwikkel rakende die riglyne soos gebruik deur
internasionale ontwikkelingsorganisasies.
Dit blyk rasioneel om die lys van aanbevelings te verdeel volgens voorstelle
rondom die vereiste struktuur van ontwikkelingsorganisasies, asook voorstelle
aangaande die vereiste aspekte wat ingesluit moet word in die projekvoorstel en implementering. Aanbevelings insake die struktuur het ten doelom vas te stel
watter vlak van betrokkenheid van die befondser benodig word; om die nodige
geletterdheidsvlak vir die nakoming van die befondsingsvereistes te bepaal; om
die vlak van betrokkenheid van eksterne konsultante te bepaal; om gereelde
hersiening te verseker; en om konflik oplossing te verseker. Aspekte om in te
sluit in die projekvoorstel en implementering is gebaseer op die versekering van
gelyke geleenthede in terme van diversiteit en geslagsbewustheid; om
volhoubaarheid van die projek na te streef; vir alle partye om betrokke te wees in
die samestelling van die projekdoelwitte en om te verseker dat die projek die
oorkoepelende ontwikkelingsdoelwitte van die begunstige land verteenwoordig.
Alhoewel party van hierdie aanbevelings reeds toegepas word deur sekere
organisasies, is dit noodsaaklik om alle aanbevelings in ag te neem ten einde 'n
suksesvolle uitkoms van die projek te verseker. Elke aanbeveling
verteenwoordig 'n boublok van ontwikkeling en almal is interafhanklik tot mekaar.
Die algemene bevinding van hierdie studie is dat 'n bepaalde vlak van
voorwaardelikheid noodsaaklik is. Daar kan nie verwag word dat ekonomiese
hulp verskaf word sonder voorwaardes nie, maar laasgenoemde moet regverdig
wees, voordelig vir die begunstigde land wees, en verseker dat ontwikkeling van
diegene wat in armoede leef wel die uitkoms van alle befondsing is.
12
Tian, Han Bo. "The conflict between bilateralism and multilateralism in complicated EU-China relations." Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555573.
Full text
13
Abellán, Miguel Angel Medina. "The participation of Turkey in the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) : how has the European Union managed the 'involvement issue'? (1999-2009)." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610608.
Full text
14
Yao, Ning. "BRICS cooperation mechanism and its impacts on global economic governance." Thesis, University of Macau, 2015. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3335238.
Full text
15
Gale, Caitlin Maria. "Beyond Corsairs : the British-Barbary relationship during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1cdea6da-7ca9-4728-bef5-59e6850dbb73.
Full textAbstract:
The North African Barbary States are usually dismissed as an unimportant, though bothersome, pirate base of little consequence in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. This thesis challenges that idea by providing qualitative and quantitative evidence of Barbary's role in trade and diplomacy during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars, especially as it affected Britain and how the British were able to carry out their military and political goals in the Mediterranean. The study is based on the correspondence between the British government and its military leaders in the region, the correspondence and reports generated by British consuls working in Barbary, import/export records, and a database tracking British shipping to and from North Africa during the conflict. To the British, Barbary was not an irritation but an asset. Britain was able to manage Barbary's trade and foreign policy over the course of the twenty-three-year conflict. This was accomplished in two key ways: as a source of supplies for British forces and through the diplomatic role provided by Britain's extensive consul network. Though the North African states were neutral for the majority of both wars, Britain worked strenuously to maintain and increase its trade and diplomacy with Barbary for the benefit of the British armed forces. British trade with Barbary, supported by the British-Barbary diplomatic relationship, directly contributed to British successes in the Mediterranean and Iberian Peninsula.
16
El, Baker Lina. "L'Institut du monde arabe : une institution culturelle au carrefour des récits." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28267.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is a case study of a cultural institution located in Paris, France, namely the Arab World Institute. It strives to identify the various political and ideological discourses that manifest themselves throughout the Institute's history. The Institute's mission is to bridge the two cultures, Arab and European. It is a particularly interesting case study because of its problematic status which lies somewhere between the imperatives of local policies and those inherent to the international arena.<br>The first chapter is a presentation of the institute, its history and its mission. It also dwells upon the local French political scene and the relations between France and the Arab world. It also offers a brief overview of the political and social realities of the Arab world.<br>Chapter two is an introduction to the particularities of the French cultural landscape. It looks at the historical and social movement towards the democratization of culture, specifically through the transformation of the museum and of cultural institutions as a whole.<br>Chapter three aims at identifying the repercussions of the French cultural policies on the Institute's functioning. The perceived failure of these policies is confronted with the official discourse surrounding the Institute.<br>Chapter four is a mapping of the different discourses that manifest themselves through the Institute. The multiplicity of the discourses and the discrepancies of their proclaimed objectives are understood to be at the source of the malfunctioning of the Institute.<br>This thesis does not attempt at finding solutions to the many problems of the Arab World Institute. It is rather an excavation work that aims at bringing forth some of the issues that could be explored while attempting at finding a resolution to the ailments of the Institute.
17
Abebe, Opeyemi Temitope. "Regional trade agreements and its impact on the multilateral trading system: eroding the preferences of developing countries?" Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this paper was to examine the impact that the proliferation of regional trade agreements have had on the Multilateral Trading System and whether by allowing regional trade agreements under the World Trade Organization rules, the members of the World Trade Organization have not unwittingly weakened the multilateral trading system. It also examined the effect the proliferation of regional trade agreements have had on the special and deferential treatment for developing countries within the system.
18
Styan, David A. "Franco-Iraqi relations and Fifth Republic foreign policy, 1958-1990." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/15/.
Full textAbstract:
This study analyses the evolution of France's relations with Iraq since 1958. It seeks to understand the motivations behind French government, state and private sector interests in Iraq. This is done in the dual context of France's economic rivalry with other western powers in the Middle East, and the Iraqi state's attempts to follow an independent foreign policy while using its oil revenues to rapidly industrialise and arm itself. The text first charts France's rivalry with Britain in the ex-Ottoman empire and its fears of Anglo-American domination of oil supplies. It then demonstrates that while France's early links with Israel continued under President De Gaulle, by the mid sixties they had been eclipsed by the commercial importance of trade with Arab states. The core text then focuses on France's relationship with Iraq since 1958, the year in which new governments came to power in both states. Despite the 1972 nationalisation of the Iraq Petroleum company, in which France had a 25% stake, French politicians and businessmen nevertheless gained favourable access to oil supplies, greatly increasing their exports of defence and high technology products, including a nuclear reactor, to Iraq during the seventies. The Iran-Iraq war (1980-88) intensified both bilateral trade links and the indebtedness of Iraq to France. By the mid-eighties what become a de-facto alliance generated severe problems for France's middle eastern policies, particularly towards Iran. The central themes of the study are the processes of foreign policy formation in France, and the extent and impact of economic interests underlying policy making. The thesis argues that substantial state ownership in France's oil, defence and aeronautical industries, coupled with the common interests and interpretations of a relatively homogeneous and interconnected corps of businessmen, politicians and civil servants, helps explain the continuity of French policy in the region. This is seen to be true despite the change of government (from Gaullist to Socialist) in France in May 1981.
19
Condren, John. "Louis XIV et le repos de l'Italie : French policy towards the duchies of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, 1659-1689." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/8259.
Full textAbstract:
Between 1659 and 1689, northern Italy was generally at peace, having endured almost three decades of continuous war from the 1620s. The Peace of the Pyrenees of November 1659, between the French and Spanish crowns, seemed to offer the young Louis XIV an opportunity to gradually subvert Spanish influence over the small princely families of the Po valley. The Houses of Farnese, Este, and Gonzaga-Nevers, respective rulers of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, had all been allies of France at various points in the Franco-Spanish War (1635-1659), but had gained scant reward for their willingness to jeopardise their own relationships with the king of Spain and the Holy Roman Emperor, despite the promises of material and diplomatic support which Cardinals Richelieu and Mazarin had extended to them. As a consequence, they were reluctant to agree to again participate in alliances with France. This thesis examines how Louis XIV gradually came to lose the friendship of these three ruling families, through his arrogant disregard of their interests and their ambitions, and also by his contempt for their capabilities and usefulness. This disregard was frequently born out of the French monarch's unwillingness to jeopardise or to undermine his own interests in Italy – in particular, the permanent retention of the fortress of Pinerolo, in Piedmont, as a porte onto the Po plain. But although the principi padani comprehended the reasons for Louis's unwillingness to act as a benevolent patron, they resented his all-too-palpable distrust of them; his entrenched belief that they were unreliable; and his obvious love of war. The rulers and élites of the Italian states believed that Louis would undoubtedly seek, at some point in his reign, to attack Spain's possessions in Italy, and dwelt in perpetual dread of that day. This thesis provides the account of French policy towards the small Italian states after 1659 which is still absent from the historiography of Louis XIV's foreign policies.
20
Meyer, Martin Federico. "The Europeanization of the public sphere in the foreign policy domain : political action and public discourse in Germany and the United Kingdom." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608997.
Full text
21
Schlesinger, Thomas. "North vs. South: Sovereign Equality and the Environment in the Twentieth Century." PDXScholar, 1995. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/5048.
Full textAbstract:
Although Third World states lack military and economic strength, they still are able to exert considerable influence on certain international issues. The proliferation of small states following World War II, coupled with the twentieth century acceptance of the norm of sovereign equality, has enabled the weak states of the international system to challenge the order established by the strong. While Third World nations are weak according to traditional measures of power, sovereign equality and bloc voting by the small states, have accorded a type of "conditional" power to the South. This conditional power is augmented by the advent of a new international issue, the environment. Because of their large populations and natural resource bases, developing countries significantly influence environmental problems and therefore have greater leverage in environmental negotiations. This thesis seeks to demonstrate that because of the military and economic weakness of the South, it has sought to develop alternative sources of international strength. These new sources take advantage of norms and issues particular to twentieth century world politics. While these other sources thus far lack the potency of military or economic power, they do provide the South with a limited, but nonetheless important amount of influence in international politics. This thesis analyzes the nature and scope of the South's power arising out of the acceptance of the norm of sovereign equality. The paper also studies a second source of strength for developing nations, negative power; this power is based on the South's ability to frustrate Northern efforts to deal with serious environmental problems. By examining two major international environmental conferences, the thesis demonstrates both the character and limitations of this negative power. The foregoing study concludes that the new power of the South, though still quite limited today, may be an indication of growing strength as global environmental problems become increasingly central to international relations.
22
Xia, Lan Yan. "The change and challenge of Chinese overseas interest in post 9/11 era." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554620.
Full text
23
Yang, Zi Wei. "Economic integration in Greater China : drawing lessons from European Union." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555596.
Full text
24
Jónsdóttir, Jóhanna. "Europeanisation of the Icelandic policy process." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609096.
Full text
25
Jaoui, Abdelhak. "Can the Baker plan work?" Virtual Press, 1987. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/490119.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this study was to analyze, using a medium term scenario of three years, the impact 9f the Baker Plan on the economies of fifteen debt laden countries. A central argument of this scenario was to assess whether growth and creditworthiness would be restored in these countries. A model using projections of debt service, imports, exports and capital requirements was developed to test these variables. Baker's package of $29 billion over three years (1985-1988) was contrasted with the model projections. The findings showed that, in the short-term, Baker's proposal will fall short of restoring growth and creditworthiness. However, the supply side policies suggested by Baker Initiative are the right way to go if the indebted countries are to resume growth and creditworthiness in the long run.
26
Javidan, Darugar Mohammad Reza. "International Economic Dependency and Human Development in Third World Countries." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1996. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278243/.
Full textAbstract:
This study empirically tested the two competing development theories--modernization and dependency/world-system. Theoretical and methodological approaches suggested by these two paradigms offer opposing interpretations of the incorporation of the Third World countries into the world capitalist system. Therefore, they provide conflicting and, at times, confusing guidelines on the ways available to enhance the well-being of the general populations in these countries. To shed light on the subject matter, this study uses a few specific indicators of economic growth and human development by comparing the outcomes based on the two conflicting paradigms. The comparative process allows us to confirm the one theoretical approach that best explains human conditions in Third World settings. The study focuses on specific aspects of foreign domination--foreign investment, foreign trade, foreign debt, and the resulting disarticulated national economies. The main arguement, here, conveys the idea that as far as Third World countries are tied in an inescapable and unilaterally benefitial (to the core countries of course) economic and political relations, there will be no hope for any form of sustainable economic growth. Human well-being in Third World countries might very well depend on their ability to develop self-reliant economies with the least possible ties to the world capitalist system.
27
Rasmussen, Ashley Marie. "In or Out: Interpretation of European Union Membership Criteria and its Effect on the EU Accession Process for Candidate and Potential Member States of Southeastern Europe." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/127.
Full textAbstract:
Since 1973, the European Union has been expanding its borders from its six founding members - West Germany, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, and Belgium, to include all of Western Europe and parts of Scandinavia by 1995. However, with the fall of the Soviet Union in 1990, the EU made a difficult but beneficial choice of paving the road for the Eastern and Central European (ECE) to become EU members. However, there was a need for the EU to determine the goals and guidelines that would format the transition of these former communist states into productive members of the EU. This paper will analyze the evolution of these guidelines - formally outlined by the Copenhagen Criteria - that set the precedent for these states to become members. The main issue of this paper will take these criteria a few steps forward, comparing states that were given membership based on the criteria and those who have been established by the EU as at least "potential EU members" but have not been deemed as satisfying these criteria enough to become candidates or full members. Both qualitatively and quantitatively, the comparisions of the 2004 and 2007 new EU members and other states of the Western Balkans and Turkey will be conducted to determine if the political and economic guidelines established by Copenhagen are the only guidelines being met, or if areas such as cultural values and "Europeanness" are also contributing to membership levels.
28
Marks, Martha Staley. "United States policy toward Tunisian nationalism during World War II." PDXScholar, 1985. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3664.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis has attempted to describe the controversy between Robert Murphy and Hooker Doolittle over American policy toward the North Africans and French during World War II. The research was based primarily on material from State Department documents found in the National Archives supplemented by material from the French archives as well as memoirs, personal interviews, and histories of the period. In order for the reader to understand this particular dispute, the problem was developed in the context of the larger political scene as it evolved in North Africa. The controversy between de Gaulle and Giraud was described since it tended to dominate relations between the United States and France at that time. As a result of the research, it was obvious that Murphy's position prevailed, but not without raising important questions about the long term implications of this position.
29
Wang, Jia. "Research on EU regional policy : its selective mechanisms, effects and role for EU integration, with reflections on its possible meaning for China." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555597.
Full text
30
Etienne, Anne. "Towards European Integration: Do the European Union and Its Members Abide by the Same Principles?" Thesis, University of North Texas, 2004. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4617/.
Full textAbstract:
In the last few decades the European Union (EU) and its members have emphasized the importance of human rights and the need to improve human rights conditions in Third World countries. In this research project, I attempted to find out whether the European Union and its members practice what they preach by giving precedence to countries that respect human rights through their Official Development Assistance (ODA) program. Furthermore, I tried to analyze whether European integration occurs at the foreign policy level through aid allocation. Based on the literatures on political conditionality and on the relationship between human rights and foreign aid allocation, I expected that all EU members promote principles of good governance by rewarding countries that protect the human rights of their citizens. I conducted a cross-sectional time-series selection model over all recipients of ODA for each of the twelve members for which I have data, the European Commission, and the aggregate EU disbursements from 1979 to 1998.
31
Martill, Benjamin. "Cold War at the centre : liberalism and the politics of Euratlantic strategy, 1945-1990." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:59dc5f4a-5a58-4b0e-8690-9f99595e5200.
Full textAbstract:
Patterns of domestic political contestation in international affairs often see the centre aligned against both the left and the right of the ideological spectrum. This is observable in a range of issues, from democracy promotion, intervention, international law, European integration, free trade, globalization and the creation of international regimes. Why centre-periphery ideological competition occurs is an interesting puzzle, given the challenge it offers to the idea that partisanship is an inherently left-right phenomenon. Yet the role of the political centre in foreign policy has not been subjected to systematic analysis. This thesis studies the nature and effects of the foreign policy position of the political centre. It argues that the centre is distinguished from left and right by its embrace of distinct elements of liberal ideology. The liberal view of international politics differs in thee important respects from its socialist and conservative competitors: It is particular, rather than pluralist, when it comes to questions of sovereignty and international legitimacy; it views interdependence, rather than independence, as a natural and desirable condition of the international; and it views deterrence, rather than diplomacy, as the best means of achieving security. To test the validity of this thesis I discuss the role of ideology in explaining variation in relations between four Euratlantic states (Britain, France, West Germany and Canada) and the United States during the Cold War. This is a hard case given the intensity of global threat at the time. The thesis tests the claim that the strength of Euratlantic-American relations is a function of the relative influence of the political centre at the time. To do this it outlines a mixed-methods research design that combines in-depth case studies with a quantitative analysis of Euratlantic-US relations. The results from both elements confirm the validity of the theoretical proposition.
32
Hengari, Alfredo Tjiurimo. "A regional economic partnership agreement between SADC and the European Union within the Cotonou framework : opportunities and challenges for the political economy of regional integration in SADC." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49851.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: One of the most notable features of the relations between the European Union and
SADC is the current reconfiguration of their trading architecture as encapsulated in
the Cotonou Agreement. Such a process of change can be shown to have inevitably
been the result of policy shifts, which are salient characteristics of a global political
economy, whose ontology is embedded theoretically in neo-liberalism. Nevertheless,
any process of change in the structure of global trading relations has the logical
outcome of systemically imposing either challenges or opportunities, and in some
cases both, on the participants of that structure.
This study represents a scholarly attempt at creating a lucid and descriptive
embodiment of the challenges and opportunities involved for SADC in the negotiation
and implementation of a Regional Economic Partnership Agreement (REPA) with the
European Union. These challenges and opportunities, obligatory within a REPA
framework are theoretically pronounced in as far as they shape the political economy
of regional integration in SADe. The process of negotiating such a multifaceted
agreement with a sophisticated partner, calls for institutional and negotiating
capacity. Undoubtedly, such capacity is beyond the membership of SADe. The point
is also emphasized that the process of trade liberalization, ingrained in a REPA will
create a complex and difficult interface with the current SADC initiatives underway to
deepen regional integration. Tellingly, these would contradict the cautious
developmental and bottom up approach taken by SADC in its drive for regional
integration.
Conversely, this study concedes that a REPA with the EU holds a number of novel
opportunities for SADC because such a process would provide scope for the
fundamental restructuring of the SADC economies. The competitive pressures
through decreased levels of protection within a REPA can create an upward
convergence of low performing industries in the region. These, amongst others are
important aspects if the political economy of SADC is to move into a virtuous cycle of
deeper integration and ultimate insertion in the global economy.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Een van die mees opvallende kenmerke van verhoudinge tussen die Europese Unie
(EU) en Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG) is die huidige
rekonjigurasie van handelsbetrekkinge, soos vervat in die Cotonou Ooreenkoms.
Hierdie proses is die onafwendbare gevolg van beleidsveranderinge in die
internasionale politieke ekonomie, met 'n. ontologie wat teoreties in neo-liberalisme
gewortel is. Sodanige veranderinge in die struktuur van internasionale
handelsverhoudinge. bied uitdagings sowel as geleenthede, en soms beide, aan
deelnemers van sodanige struktuur.
Hierdie studie is 'n akademiese poging om 'n helder en deskriptiewe blik te werp op
die uitdagings en geleenthede vir die SAOG met betrekking tot die onderhandeling en
implimentering van die Regionale Ekonomiese Venootskapsooreenkoms (REVO) met
die EU Hierdie uitdagings en geleenthede, wat verpligtend is binne die REVO
struktuur, is teoreties belangrik in soverre as wat dit die politeke ekonomie van
regionale integrasie in SADC beinvloed. Die onderhandelingsproses van so 'n
komplekse dokument met gesofistikeerde vennote vereis intitusionele en
onderhandelingskapasiteit. Hierdie kapasiteit is nie in SAOG te vinde nie. Die punt
word ook benadruk dat die proses van handelsliberalisering, wat deel uitmaak van
REVO, botsend kan wees met SAOG inisiatiewe om regionale integrasie te versterk.
In essensie sal dit die huiwerige ontwikkelings en 'onder na ba' benadering, wat die
SAOG tans volg, weerspreek.
Aan die ander kant, gee die studie toe dat 'n REVO met die EU 'n hele aantal
voordele inhou, aangesien so 'n proses momentum kan voorsien vir verreikende
herstrukturering van SAOG ekonomieë. Die kompeterende druk a.g. v. 'n afname in
beskermingsvlakke onder die REVO, kan lei tot 'n opwaartse neiging onder
tradisionele swakpresterende nywerhede in die streek. Hierdie is onder andere
belangrike aspekte wat SADC in gedagte moet hou, ten einde deel te word van die
deugsame kringloop van dieper integrasie, en uiteindelike deelwording van die
internasionale ekonomie.
33
Di, Mauro Francesca A. "Essays on foreign direct investment and economic integration: a gravity approach." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211356.
Full text
34
Kerekou, Hondo Séphora Claire. "Transfer of training and development practice from western countries MNCs to their subsidiaries in developing countries : the case of french and US MNCs in ivory cost." Doctoral thesis, Université Laval, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/69448.
Full textAbstract:
Cette thèse s'intéresse aux déterminants institutionnels et culturels du transfert de la pratique de formation et du développement des compétences des multinationales françaises et américaines vers leurs filiales en Côte d'Ivoire, un pays Africain en développement. La question fondamentale de recherche est : quels sont les facteurs institutionnels et culturels qui influencent le transfert de la pratique de formation et du développement des compétences des multinationales françaises et américaines vers leurs filiales en Côte d'Ivoire ? Afin de répondre à cette question, cette thèse est subdivisée en trois (03) articles. Le premier article met en évidence les initiatives visant à développer les compétences en Afrique subSaharienne, identifie les challenges qui leurs sont liées et propose des solutions idoines à leur amélioration. Le deuxième article examine les facteurs institutionnels du pays hôte qui influencent le transfert de la pratique de formation et de développement des compétences des multinationales françaises et américaines vers leurs filiales en Côte d'Ivoire. Le troisième article, quant à lui, examine l'influence de la distance culturelle entre les pays d'origine et hôte sur ce transfert.<br>This thesis examines institutional and cultural determinants of training and development practice transfer to French and US MNCs' subsidiaries in Ivory Coast, a developing country of Africa. The fundamental research question is: 1) what institutional and cultural factors influence training and development practice transfer to French and US MNCs' subsidiaries in Ivory Coast? This thesis is divided into three (03) articles to answer this question. The first article highlights human capital development initiatives in Sub-Saharan Africa, identifies challenges related to them, and offers solutions for their improvement. The second article investigates the host country's institutional factors that influence training and development practice transfer to French and US MNCs' subsidiaries in Ivory Coast. The third article examines the influence of the cultural distance between home and host countries on such transfer.
35
Sohns, Olivia Louise. "Lyndon Baines Johnson and the Arab-Israeli conflict." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283940.
Full text
36
Vargo, Trina Y. "French and American foreign policies : concordances and discordances in the light of ideological differences 1981-1984." Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61971.
Full text
37
Egbe, Daniel Enonnchong. "The Global Mediterranean Policy : the evolution of the EU-Mediterranean countries relations during 1976-1998 /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9998481.
Full text
38
Walsh, Sebastian John. "Britain, Morocco and the development of the Anglo-French entente." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610042.
Full text
39
Li, Jinxiang. "The European Union relationship to the Africa, Caribbean and Pacific countries in terms of the Cotonou Agreements: will the economic partnership agreements aid regional integration." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
Full textAbstract:
The main purpose of this paper was to explore the role economic partnership agreements play in regional integration. The whole paper was premised on identifying the nature of economic partnership agreements that is conceived as a free trade arrangement. Therefore the paper discussed the feasibility of the reciprocal principle between the European Union and ACP countries, and further indicated that there is no need to implement the principle of reciprocity at present. The paper also discovered that, due to the fact that unequal trade relations between the EU and the ACP countries still exist, the implementation of the EPAs is most likely to generate the complementary but non-competitive trade relations between the EU and the ACP countries. Such a situation could result in the ACP countries over-independence on the EU's market. ACP countries are not expecting to such integration. In addition the paper ascertains that the EPAs themselves could contain the intrinsic negative impacts such as discrimination against the third countries on regional integration.
40
Van, Deusen Karl J. "U.S.-Portuguese relations and foreign base rights in Portugal." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 1990. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA237179.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 1990.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Bruneau, Thomas C. Second Reader: Yost, David S. "June 1990." Description based on title screen as viewed on October 15, 2009. DTIC Identifier(s): Military Bases, Political Science, Theses, United States, Portugal, Azores, Security Assistance Program, France, West Germany, European Community, Western European Union, Madeira, Trade. Author(s) subject terms: Portugal, Azores, Lajes, Flores, Beja, Overseas Bases, Security Assistance, Slazar, Soares, Silva, Emigration, Emigrant's Remittances, Trade, Foreign Direct Investment, WEU, CFE. Includes bibliographical references (p. 180-185). Also available in print.
41
Othieno, Timothy. "Cuba's revolutionist and anti-imperialist foreign policy in Southern Africa: the case of Angola and Namibia." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003029.
Full textAbstract:
This study examines Cuba’s role in the two southern African countries of Angola and Namibia during the Cold War period. It argues that Cuba’s ideological motivations have been embodied in the mutually reinforcing concepts of proletarian internationalism and anti-imperialism. These conceptual perspectives constitute some of the central variables that influence Cuba’s foreign policy behaviour in international relations. It is within this context that one can understand Cuba’s involvement in Southern Africa. This study also attempts to explain that Cuban foreign policy towards Africa was based on two complementary and contextual objectives namely, promoting nationalism at home and nurturing revolutionary Marxist-Leninist governments, as well as supporting anti-colonial and anti-imperialist movements abroad. For the purpose of achieving these foreign policy objectives, Cuba not only engaged in state-to-state relations with Angola and Namibia; but had cordial relations with the rest of the continent and in particular Southern Africa, which also became a direct military testing ground for Cuba’s commitment to an anti-colonial and anti-imperialist revolutionary stance. Furthermore, the thesis shows that Cuba’s relentless hatred of imperialism is rooted in its historical relationship with the United States because from the turn of the century till 1958, the Americans interfered in Cuba’s internal affairs by supporting corrupt administrations and exploited the country. These practices by the United States laid the foundation for Cuba’s anti-colonialism and antiimperialism abroad. Ultimately, this thesis shows that Cuban involvement in Angola and Namibia can be conceptualised within these contexts (anti-imperialism, anti-colonialism, proletarian internationalism and revolutionary Marxism-Leninism). The role of Cuban nationalism in the realisation of these objectives and ideals, as well as its role in perpetuating and consolidating her foreign policy is assessed in this study. This nationalism and ideals of internationalism constitutes the central idea in the Cuban revolution. Finally, this thesis asserts that Cuban motives for getting involved in the politics of Southern Africa were not motivated by economic or imperialistic reasons. Rather, the historical similarity and colonial experiences between Africa and Cuba were some of the central causal factors.
42
Raphala, Mmapitsi Grateful. "A critique of the foreign policy of France towards Africa :case studies of Central African Republic and Ivory Coast, 2007-2014." Thesis, University of Limpopo, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/2010.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M. A. (International Politics)) --University of Limpopo, 2017<br>Many Western and Central African countries were colonised by France from the early 17th century until the early 1960s. However, Africa has continued to be the private hunting ground for France in the post-independence period. This is because France still needs African resources, particularly its oil. In fact, Africa holds a strategic position for French foreign policy. Therefore, when France gave independence to its African colonies, it did not really mean it was completely disengaging from Africa. In essence, a package was imposed on Francophone African countries which tied them to the revitalised African states to preserve French colonial status. Moreover, France‟s heavy involvement in African countries has earned it a perception of being a police officer of the continent. Within this premise, due to protracted conflicts in French African countries, Francophone Africans bank their hope on France to assist in offering just and lasting solutions to the complex challenges facing their countries. This should be understood within the context that France maintained a significant colonial empire in the continent for almost a century and a half. Nevertheless, France attempts to uphold hegemonic foothold in Francophone Africa through political, economic and cultural connections while the security of Africans is threatened. With this in mind, this study critiques the French foreign policy towards Africa and it uses Ivory Coast and Central African Republic as case studies. These two countries are chosen given their recent conflicts and their assistance in critiquing the French position in African complex challenges. This study also adopted the use of document review and interviews to generate data.
43
Mavura, Mike Tigere. "The European Union trade, development and cooperation agreement (TDCA) with South Africa : promoting development or self interest?" Thesis, Rhodes University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007572.
Full textAbstract:
This research analyses development cooperation between the European Union (EU) and South Africa with the objective of determining which between the two entities, ultimately benefits more out of this arrangement The research goes beyond the altruistic reasons offered by the EU as the rationale for development cooperation to investigate whether South Africa's development is actually being promoted by this cooperation. Further, the research investigates whether there is also EU self-interest that informs this development cooperation. This research is conceptualised within the development aid debate framework. The research argues that this development cooperation is important to South Africa even though its impact is in real terms has not been extensive due to a number of factors. It further contends that there are EU political, security and economic interests amongst others that are being promoted by this development cooperation. The research concludes by asserting that this development cooperation promotes the mutual interests of the EU and South Africa. This conclusion challenges the paradigms of the debate on development aid which is premised in black and white terms of development aid promoting either donor or recipient interests.
44
Doh, Jong Yoon. "The EU Foreign policy towards the korean peninsula crisis, 1993-2006." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209801.
Full textAbstract:
The EU’s notable transformation over the past five decades is obviously an event of modern state concepts. However, the EU’s matter of concern has placed too much emphasis on economic and trade issues, while its capability and power have achieved remarkable growth with far-reaching ramifications in both economic and political affairs. This also means that studies of the EU foreign policy have hardly reached North East Asia because of geographical limit between them, the EU’s weak institutional capacity and vestige of the Cold War. Therefore the EU and the Korean Peninsula did not have chance to build a critical relationship. This time could be defined as ‘standstill’ between Europe and the Korean Peninsula or ‘quiet diplomacy’. 1993 marked a turning-point in relations between the EU and the Korean Peninsula. Firstly, European countries have launched the Maastricht Treaty since they had signed in 1992. The Treaty implies the EU’s more strengthened international role in the political and economic area in accordance with its increased capability and reinforced power. Secondly, North Korea announced its intention to withdraw from the NPT on 12 March 1993 and then the Korean Peninsula was compelled to face a political crisis. Since the EU took unofficial Humanitarian Aids for North Korea in 1994-1995, KEDO and the EU in 1997 agreed to the terms and conditions of the accession to KEDO of its nuclear regulatory body. This was the first challenge of the EU political engagement of the Korean Peninsula question. In the context, this research seeks to answer the question of “What are the EU priorities in its strategy for Korean Peninsula?” that includes broadly the EU’s regional strategy for North East Asia in line with its foreign policy agenda. To tell the conclusion, the EU’s intervention to North Korea was firstly encouraged in dimension of economic interests through vitalization of international trade after the Korean Peninsula would be reunified. The EU considered that Asian nuclear market is an important factor in order to build nuclear technical standard as well as to obtain commercial interests although the European nuclear firms did not obtain chance enough to construct for North Korea nuclear facilities construction. The EU’s political incentives for political change-seeking in North East Asia must also be considered. Actually, the EU diplomatically opened the door of Pyongyang and led the isolated regime to a channel that communicates with international community although the EU did not take a seat at Six-Party Talks to engage itself in the Korean Peninsula question. As a result, the EU could increase the image of a ‘peaceful mediator’ or an ‘honest blocker’ in the term of ‘reputation’ through engagement continued for the Korean Peninsula Crisis. The EU’s foreign policy has been partly successful in context that Europe succeeds in promoting its existence as a global actor. Therefore, its foreign policy would gradually be reinforced to bolster the EU’s credibility and influence in the Korean Peninsula. The EU’s role is surely reduced in the Korean Peninsula issues with the termination of the KEDO project. However, the EU’s role is expected to be performed in different ways under its confidence and capability. The EU’s next engagement depends on where its new incentives will be, and then its question will be how to realize them in accordance with its institutional conditions and actual capacity.<br>Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
45
Tan, Bo. "Impact of EU enlargement on EU-China trade." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554733.
Full text
46
Sutrisno, Nandang. "Recognition and enforcement of foreign arbitral awards in developed and developing countries : a comparison of the United States and Indonesia." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26222.
Full textAbstract:
Foreign arbitral awards should be recognizable and enforceable. However, this is not always the case; they are recognizable and enforceable in some countries but not in others. Those countries that recognize and enforce awards are mostly developed countries, whereas those which do not are mainly developing countries.<br>This study compares and contrasts the recognition and enforcement of foreign arbitral awards in developed and developing countries with a view to discovering why they are recognizable and enforceable in some countries but not in others. In this study, the United States is representative of the developed countries, while Indonesia represents the developing countries.<br>Three factors determining whether or not foreign arbitral awards are recognizable and enforceable are identified in this study. They are the availability and adequacy of the legal framework, the attitude of the business community, and the attitude of the courts. The inquiry, accordingly, focuses on an examination of those factors in both countries. The examination reveals that the third factor is the determining element regarding the recognition and enforcement of foreign arbitral awards.
47
Ward, Stuart. "Discordant communities : Australia, Britain and the EEC, 1956-1963." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1998. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/27667.
Full textAbstract:
This work is concerned with the demise of ‘British race patriotism’ in Australian political culture in the late 19505 and early 1960s. The organic ideal of British racial community was a founding ideological pillar of Australian nationality for much of this century, yet the declining relevance of these ideas, and the emergence of a more limited, exclusive conception of Australian ‘community’ has not been adequately addressed in the existing historical literature. In
many respects, the waning appeal of ‘Britishness’ in Australia was a gradual and piecemeal process, but at the level of Australian political culture the shifts in outlook and assumptions occurred surprisingly rapidly, and converged largely around a single key event; namely, the first British application for membership of the European Economic Community in the years 1961 to 1963. The Macmillan Govemment’s painful choice between the discordant communities of ‘Europe’ and the ‘the British race’ provoked a crisis of British race patriotism in Australia, and prompted long overdue reflection, discussion and debate about the changing determinants of Australian nationhood in the post-war world. This occurred, not under the impetus of an instinctive dawning of an innate and assertive Australian nationalism as is often suggested, but in reaction to the demise of British race patriotism as a viable and credible framework for the
ordering of Australian loyalties, priorities and policies. In the case of Britain's EEC membership application, it is significant that the revision of sentimental assumptions took place after it had become painfully self-evident that the United Kingdom was determined to pursue national interests and a national destiny that could no longer be reconciled with the traditional conception
of organic Anglo-Australian community. The tensions and contradictions between ‘sentiment’ and 'self—interest‘, long inherent in Australia's political and economic ties to Great Britain, imploded under the impetus of the Macmillan Government's EEC aspirations. Before any limited. sovereign, national community could become fully imaginable in Australian political culture, it was a necessary precondition that the wider sense of British racial community should
become ‘unimaginable’.
48
BICCHI, Federica. "European foreign policy making towards the Mediterranean non member countries." Doctoral thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5220.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 22 July 2003<br>Examining Board: Prof. Emanuel Adler, The Herbrew University of Jerusalem; Prof. Christopher Hill, LSE; Prof. Leonardo Morlino, University of Florence; Prof. Thomas Risse, Free University and European University Institute (Supervisor)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017<br>A comprehensive and theoretically informed examination of European foreign policy making towards the Mediterranean, from 1957 to nowadays. This dissertation focuses on the reasons and the patterns of Europeans’ actions, with a special emphasis on the early 1970s and on current times. It analyses how interest in Europe for the Mediterranean has generally arisen out of a shared sense of puzzlement in front of challenges, such as terrorism or migration, originating from the Southern neighbours. The dissertation casts new light on the role of member states as policy entrepreneurs in European integration, and explains European foreign policy as a way to collectively reconstruct a new understanding of Euro-Mediterranean relations.
49
DIMOPOULOS, Angelos. "Regulation of foreign investment in EU external relations law." Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14518.
Full textAbstract:
Defence Date: 25 June 2010<br>Examining Board: Professor Marise Cremona, European University Institute; Professor Ernst Ulrich Petersmann, European University Institute; Professor Eileen Denza, University College London; Professor Markus Krajewski, University of Potsdam<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
50
Leggatt, Nick. "China and France in the nineteenth century." Thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1957/33355.
Full textAbstract:
In studying Western, especially French, imperialist action in China during the nineteenth century, this thesis argues that contemporary Sino-Western relations took various forms across various social strata on both sides, and the general terms used to classify them are erroneous: in effect, there was no "Chinese" response to "the West," since there were several, and vice-versa. In the first main section of the thesis, the historiographical accepted wisdom about China's reactions to Western intrusion are repudiated or qualified. The next section of the thesis deals with French imperialism, through the eyes of the French and other Westerners. In so far as one can speak generally of French aims, it is demonstrated that the French both at home and abroad in general exploited China almost solely for national prestige. The next part looks at the variety of responses among four classes of Chinese people to Western intrusion, and the lasting legacy of Western thought as it relates to change in China. It is posited that although imperialist actions certainly served as a catalyst for Chinese nationalism, the transition between "traditional" and "modern" China was not a completely new break caused entirely by Western influence, but a series of rational changes brought about at least as much by China's domestic structure as external relations.<br>Graduation date: 1999