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Journal articles on the topic 'Franciscains Franciscains Franciscains Franciscains Franciscains'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 8 February 2022

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1

Kaupp1, Dorothée. "« Nos premiers missionnaires ». L’histoire des récollets dans les ouvrages franciscains au Canada, XIXe-XXe siècles." Études d’histoire religieuse 75 (October 2, 2009): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/038187ar.

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Résumé Cette communication tend à comprendre comment, à travers des ouvrages franciscains portant sur l’histoire des récollets, s’est construite, voire reconstruite, l’identité des franciscains du XXe siècle au Québec. Notre hypothèse est que la thématique de la primauté des missionnaires récollets en Nouvelle-France est le noyau autour duquel gravitent des dynamiques de réappropriation et de reconstructions identitaires de l’idéal franciscain au Canada.

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2

Nieto Soria, José Manuel. "Franciscanos y franciscanismo en la política y en la corte de la Castilla Trastámara (1369-1475)." Anuario de Estudios Medievales 20, no. 1 (2020): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/aem.1990.v20.1143.

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Les auteurs qui, depuis des années, ont observé la présence d'une ambiance franciscaine comme une caractéristique spécifique de la réalité religieuse vers la fin du Moyen-Age, sont nombreux. Cette constatation a amené l'auteur à chercher, pendant l'époque Trastamara, l’effet de ce franciscanisme, effet qui se manifeste aussi bien dans la participation concrète de franciscains aux problèmes politiques de l'époque que dans leur présence quotidienne dans les milieux de la Cour. Il n'a pas oublié non plus l'influence franciscaine sur la configuration d'un certain genre de dévotion religieuse de la part de la famille royale, et la participation de franciscains au développement d'une politique de réforme religieuse sous l'impulsion, notamment, de la royauté elle-même. Ceci apparaît spécialement à travers le phénomene observé. L'étude est complétée par un récit prosopographique sur les franciscains les plus impliqués dans la politique, entre 1366 et 1475. Il s'agit de la manifestation la plus palpable du problème étudié.

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3

Cadez Ortola, Émilie. "Un franciscano asturiano en Nueva España: fray Juan Agustín Morfi (1735-1783)." Cuadernos de Estudios del Siglo XVIII, no. 2 (December 19, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.17811/cesxviii.2.2018.1-72.

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RESUMENEste trabajo presenta resultados parciales de la tesis doctoral Les mobilités intercontinentales dans le Royaume d’Espagne: fray Juan Agustín Morfi, franciscain asturien en Nouvelle-Espagne (1735-1783), defendida en la Universidad de Toulouse en 2017, y aspira a reordenar ciertos contenidos y aportar nuevos elementos que contribuyan al mejor conocimiento de la biografía y el perfil, tanto vital como intelectual, de Juan Agustín Morfi.PALABRAS CLAVEMorfi; Asturias; Nueva España; Texas; Franciscanos; Théodore de Croix. TITLEAn Asturian Franciscan in New Spain: fray Juan Agustín Morfi (1735-1783)ABSTRACTThis paper presents partial results of the doctoral thesis Les mobilités intercontinental dans le Royaume d'Espagne: fray Juan Agustín Morfi, franciscain asturien in Nouvelle-Espagne (1735-1783), defended at the University of Toulouse in 2017. It aspires to reorder certain contents and provide new sources that contribute to the better knowledge of the biography and the profile, both vital and intellectual, of Juan Agustín Morfi.KEY WORDSMorfi; Asturias; New Spain; Texas; Franciscans; Théodore de Croix.

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4

Armstrong, Megan C. "The Missionary Reporter." Renaissance and Reformation 34, no. 1-2 (2012): 127–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v34i1-2.16170.

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Historiquement parlant, les auteurs franciscains n’ont jamais hésité à emprunter à d’autres genres littéraires lorsque leurs ordres du jour spirituels pouvaient en bénéficier. Il n’est donc pas étonnant de constater que les traités franciscains de pèlerinage en Terre Sainte imitent certaines conventions stylistiques et rhétoriques des relazione (relations). Ce que les frères mendiants ont trouvé de particulièrement utile était la façon qu’avaient les relazione de se concentrer sur le siècle, et simultanément de placer l'auteur en position d’autorité en tant que témoin expert. Les auteurs franciscains pouvaient employer le style de narration du temporel des relazione comme repoussoir à la description du royaume du Christ. Tout comme dans les relazione, les traités franciscains ont également souligné l’expérience personnelle des frères mendiants en mission dans la patrie du Christ. Ces deux stratégies fonctionnaient de pair, afin de réaffirmer pour les lecteurs européens éloignés le pouvoir sacré de la Terre Sainte, ainsi que l’autorité spéciale des frères mendiants en tant que vrais apôtres du Christ.

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5

Bergeret, Agnès, Isabelle Remy, Hélène Réveillas, and Arnaud Gaillard. "Carcassonne, le couvent des franciscains." Archéologie du Midi médiéval 25, no. 1 (2007): 165–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/amime.2007.1648.

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6

Costa, Rafael Ferreira. "Aproximação entre dois patrimônios: a construção narrativa dos Conventos Franciscanos nas Crônicas da Ordem no Período Colonial." Revista Discente Ofícios de Clio 5, no. 8 (2020): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.15210/clio.v5i8.19049.

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Este artigo abordará a reconstituição do Patrimônio Franciscano no Brasil, através das narrativas registradas nas Crônicas Clássicas da Ordem, entre 1614 e 1761. Durante o século XX, essas obras foram revisitadas pela historiografia brasileira de modo a restaurar o legado franciscano e consolidar o processo de patrimonialização de seus conventos. A escassez documental não impediu que sua memória fosse preservada através dos relatos dos cronistas. O ponto focal será o reconhecimento das Crônicas Franciscanas como Patrimônio Escrito que reconstitui o Edificado através de suas descrições.Palavras-chave: Crônicas Franciscanas; Patrimônio Edificado; Narrativas; Período Colonial.Abstract This article will discuss the reconstitution of the Franciscan Heritage in Brazil, through the narratives documented in the classical chronicles of the Order, between the years 1614 and 1761. Over the 20th century, these narratives were revisited by the Brazilian historiography in order to restore the Franciscan legacy and consolidate the process of patrimonialization of its convents. The document scarcity did not prevent its memory from being preserved through reports of chroniclers. The focus will be the recognition of the Franciscan Chronicles as a Written Heritage that reconstitutes the Edified through its descriptions.Keywords: Franciscan Chronicles; Edified Heritage; Narratives; Colonial Period.

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7

Causse, Maurice. "Les « synoptiques franciscains » et leurs sources." Revue d'histoire et de philosophie religieuses 77, no. 3 (1997): 273–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rhpr.1997.5459.

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8

Mutafian, Claude. "Franciscains et Arméniens (XIIIe-XIVe siècle)." Studia Orientalia Christiana 32 (January 1999): 221–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.socc.3.231.

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9

Laperrière, Guy. "Jean HAMELIN (dir.), Les Franciscains au Canada, 1890-1990." Recherches sociographiques 32, no. 1 (1991): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/056601ar.

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10

Zeller, Madeleine. "39 incunables de la Bibliothèque provinciale des franciscains d’Aquitaine." La Revue de la BNU, no. 18 (November 1, 2018): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/rbnu.737.

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11

Michaud, Francine. "Liaisons particulières ? Franciscains et testatrices à Marseille (1248-1320)." Annales du Midi : revue archéologique, historique et philologique de la France méridionale 104, no. 197 (1992): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/anami.1992.2313.

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12

Magalhães, Ana Paula Tavares. "Franciscanismo, trabalho e mendicância: o léxico franciscano do século XIII." Antíteses 12, no. 24 (2019): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.5433/1984-3356.2019v12n24p70.

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Os Franciscanos encontravam-se, desde suas origens, dispensados da estabilidade, o que acarretava, automaticamente, na possibilidade do retorno dos frades ao estado dos monges giróvagos, garantindo seu direito – e também sua vocação – para a circulação no saeculum. A Ordem Franciscana se constituíra, portanto, a partir da autorização verbal de Inocêncio III, em uma comunidade mendicante, à qual se encontrava disponível o mecanismo esmoler. A partir da institucionalização da comunidade, entretanto, a mendicância deveria, progressivamente, apresentar-se como um expediente vinculado a uma realidade institucional pré-existente e, portanto, identificada a normas e práticas ligadas à tradição. Por essa razão, o léxico da mendicância na Ordem Franciscana tendeu a incorporar os conceitos relacionados ao trabalho (o labor) da Regula monachorum de São Bento. Identificamos, de uma maneira geral, no corpus escrito franciscano, uma apresentação da mendicância como profundamente associada ao trabalho.

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13

Bergeret, Agnès, Richard Donat, and Claire-Anne De Chazelles. "Le couvent des Franciscains à Perpignan. Premiers résultats et perspectives." Archéologie du Midi médiéval 22, no. 1 (2004): 199–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/amime.2004.1498.

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14

Koch, Jacky. "Mulhouse (Haut-Rhin). Cour de Lorraine - 21, rue des Franciscains." Archéologie médiévale, no. 45 (December 1, 2015): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/archeomed.7619.

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15

Brunório, Roger. "Franciscanos no Brasil: arte, educação e ciência." Revista Territórios e Fronteiras 9, no. 1 (2016): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.22228/rt-f.v9i1.567.

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Presentes na América Latina desde o início da Idade Moderna, os franciscanos expressaram sua vocação deste lado do Atlântico de maneira ampla e diversificada. A ciência e a educação foram alguns dos seus mais profícuos e menos conhecidos trabalhos. Neste texto de encerramento do dossiê, apresenta-se uma exposição virtual acerca dessa temática composta por fotografias de franciscanos da Província Imaculada Conceição que, selecionadas pelo seu diretor de Bens Culturais, o frei Roger Brunório, museólogo formado pela UNIRIO, restringe-se a imagens de 1910 até 1970 e procura dar a conhecer a um público mais amplo tal vertente franciscana, fomentando assim novos estudos sobre a ordem. Vale ressaltar que a Província reúne as casas franciscanas do Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo, Minas Gerais e Espírito Santo desde meados de 1600 até os dias atuais e que ela possui um acervo de documentos, fotos, livros e vídeos que abarca igual período e está disponível para pesquisa. O arquivo está situado na Vila Clementino, em São Paulo, e esta exposição virtual se destina à divulgação do mesmo para pesquisadores nacionais e internacionais.Palavras-chave: Franciscanos; Província Imaculada Conceição; exposição virtual.

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Paumier, J. L. "Les Franciscains de Nantes du XIXe siècle jusqu'aux expulsions de 1903." Annales de Bretagne et des pays de l’Ouest 99, no. 3 (1992): 277–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/abpo.1992.3433.

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17

Moukarzel, Pierre. "Les franciscains dans le sultanat mamelouk des années 1330 jusqu'à 1516." Le Moyen Age CXX, no. 1 (2014): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rma.201.0135.

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18

Benedetti, Marina. "Frades Menores e Inquisição. Alguns casos na Itália medieval." Revista Territórios e Fronteiras 9, no. 1 (2016): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.22228/rt-f.v9i1.564.

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Os franciscanos parecem ter jogado um papel secundário na história medieval da Inquisição. Isto não é verdade, de forma alguma. A contribuição traz clara a sua participação ativa nas haeretica pravitas, através da análise de quaisquer casos emblemáticos do século XIII ao século XV, ou a partir do nascimento da Inquisição para a cruzada contra os Valdenses de 1488, que contou com a presença franciscana de frades da Observância. A contribuição incide sobre documentos não publicados utilizados, tais como livros de contas dos inquisidores (libri racionum), um processo em que os inquisidores Frades Menores submetidos a inquérito judicial os membros da sua ordem religiosa (no caso de Todi, na Úmbria), com foco principalmente nos os arquivos Franciscanas da Officium fidei.Palavras-chave: Ordem dos Frades menores; Inquisição; Processos de Todi (Úmbria).

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19

Buffon, Giuseppe. "Les franciscains en Terre sainte entre religion et politique. Une recherche institutionnelle." École pratique des hautes études, Section des sciences religieuses 115, no. 111 (2002): 383–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ephe.2002.12148.

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20

MacCormack, Sabine, and Louis Necker. "Indiens Guarani et Chamanes Franciscains: Les premieres reductions du Paraguay (1580-1800)." Hispanic American Historical Review 65, no. 2 (1985): 370. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2515272.

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21

Dedieu, Hugues. "Le recrutement des novices franciscains d'Aquitaine (Cordeliers et Récollets) au XVIIIe siècle." Annales du Midi : revue archéologique, historique et philologique de la France méridionale 100, no. 181 (1988): 35–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/anami.1988.2151.

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22

Besson, Gisèle. "Locus et conuentus : un état des « lieux » franciscains chez Salimbene de Adam." Médiévales, no. 48 (June 1, 2005): 123–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/medievales.844.

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23

Wadi, A., and V. Mistrih. "Catalogue des Manuscrits Arabes du Couvent des Franciscains à Bāb-Tūmā, Damas." Studia Orientalia Christiana 29-30 (January 1998): 221–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.socc.3.213.

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MacCormack, Sabine. "Indiens Guaraní et Chamanes Franciscains: Les premières réductions du Paraguay (1580-1800)." Hispanic American Historical Review 65, no. 2 (1985): 370–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-65.2.370.

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25

Meloni, Maria Giuseppina. "Ordini religiosi e politica regia Nella Sardegna catalano-aragonese della prima metà del XIV secolo." Anuario de Estudios Medievales 24, no. 1 (2020): 831. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/aem.1994.v24.1002.

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Le roi catalan Jacques II et son fils, l’Infant Alphonse, en entreprenant la conquête de la Sardaigne pisane, croyèrent de fondamentale importance obtenir l'appui du clergé local. La documentation retrouvée dans les Archives de la Couronne d'Aragon met en évidence le considérable rôle attribué par les souverains catalano-aragonais aux Ordres Mendiants, surtout Franciscains et Dominicains, comme véhicule pour la catalanization de l’île, et les efforts faits pour s'en assurer la fidélité. La documentation démontre, en outre, comme l'occupation catalano-aragonaise marque le déclin définitif des Ordres Monastiques Bénédictins, dépuis longtemps en grave décadence, même si encore propriétaires de vastes extensions territoriales.

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Cousin, Bernard. "Une bibliothèque de couvent à l'époque moderne : les livres des Franciscains de Sospel." Annales du Midi : revue archéologique, historique et philologique de la France méridionale 2, no. 1 (1989): 617–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/anami.1989.2930.

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27

Iglesias, Tania Conceição. "Fontes franciscanas: historiografia franciscana brasileira." Revista HISTEDBR On-line 11, no. 42 (2012): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/rho.v11i42.8639864.

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artigo de divulgação de fontes documentais e bibliográficas que abordam a ação missionária referentes à Ordem franciscana no Brasil Colonial (1500-1822) decorrente de investigações desenvolvidas entre 2005 a 20102. Este texto é o segundo da série de um projeto de três publicações sobre o assunto. No primeiro artigo foram apresentadas as obras Clássicas da Ordem franciscana, priorizando as Crônicas. O presente oferece as fontes bibliográficas da historiografia franciscana no Brasil Colonial, bem como, uma análise dos temas por ela abordados.

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Vu Thanh, Hélène. "The Glorious Martyrdom of the Cross. The Franciscans and the Japanese Persecutions of 1597." Culture & History Digital Journal 6, no. 1 (2017): 005. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2017.005.

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The Franciscan martyrdom of 1597 was not an unprecedented event in the young history of Japanese Christianity, as a first wave of persecutions occurred ten years earlier. But the echo it found in Asia, America and Europe, was unparalleled. This article aims to account for Franciscan success in giving worldwide publicity to what could otherwise be seen as a local event of limited consequence. The martyrdom of 1597 finds it roots in a context of tensions between Christians and Buddhists, who formed an overwhelming majority in Japan. However, the persecutions had more to do with the suppression of troubles than with theological considerations. But this political aspect is hardly apparent in Franciscan sources, which were mostly concerned with describing the martyrdom. From the start, the Franciscans were keen to actively circulate witnesses’ accounts of the martyrdom in Mexico and in Europe. What also helped the event achieve worldwide publicity was that the Franciscans blamed the Jesuits for the outbreak of persecutions. The martyrdom indeed became the object of a dispute between religious orders, but with political ramifications, as the Spanish in the Philippines supported the Franciscans while the Jesuits were closely dependent on the Portuguese in Macao.

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Santos, Joan Helder. "A concepção de trabalho na obra “A Ética Protestante e o Espírito do Capitalismo” e o conceito de trabalho para o franciscanismo à luz de Giorgio Agamben / The conception of work in the work "Protestant Ethics and the Spirit of Capitalism" and the concept of work for Franciscanism in the light of Giorgio Agamben." Profanações 5, no. 2 (2018): 248. http://dx.doi.org/10.24302/prof.v5i2.1320.

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O presente artigo tem como característica fundamental a análise do conceito de trabalho na obra A Ética Protestante e o Espírito do Capitalismo e o conceito de trabalho bem como pobreza no debate franciscano ocorrido no século XIII. Com efeito, o debate a cerca das questões proeminentes do espírito do capitalismo nos tempos atuais estão sendo levantadas por muitos estudiosos principalmente na área da filosofia política e da sociologia da religião. De outro modo, é comum entre os filósofos medievais disputas a cerca de problemas sobre questões políticas tais como poder e domínio. De fato, é relevante a investigação de como estas questões acerca do trabalho, poder e domínio nos medievais ressoam ainda nos tempos hodiernos. Pretendemos investigar neste artigo a diferença dos conceitos de trabalho entre o movimento franciscano e o protestantismo. Recorreremos principalmente ao debate sobre a pobreza na escola franciscana de filosofia que ocorreu no século XIII, com João XXII e Guilherme de Ockham. AbstractThis article has as fundamental characteristic the analysis of the concept of work in the work Protestant Ethics and the Spirit of Capitalism and the concept of work as well as poverty in the Franciscan debate occurred in the thirteenth century. Indeed, the debate about the prominent issues of the spirit of capitalism in the present times is being raised by many scholars mainly in the area of political philosophy and the sociology of religion. Otherwise, it is common among medieval philosophers to quarrel about problems on political issues such as power and domination. Indeed, it is relevant to investigate how these questions about work, power, and dominance in the medieval still resonate in modern times. We intend to investigate in this article the difference of the concepts of work between the Franciscan movement and Protestantism. We will focus mainly on the debate on poverty in the Franciscan school of philosophy that took place in the thirteenth century, with John XXII and Guillaume de Ockham.

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Ferkov, Oksana. "MONASTERIES OF THE ORDER OF FRIARS MINOR (FRANCISCANS) IN THE COUNTIES OF BEREG AND UGOCSA IN THE MIDDLE AGES AND EARLY MODERN TIMES." Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, no. 1 (44) (June 27, 2021): 80–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.1(44).2021.232490.

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The author investigates while systematizing and analyzing available sources, the circumstances under which the monasteries of the Order of St. Francis in the counties of Bereg and Ugocsa, namely in the cities of Beregsas and Sevlush, were founded and functioned. As the article author states, the region was not among the top-priority and attractive settlement areas for the Franciscans, who usually chose crowded and wealthy cities. In Hungary, the first records about Franciscans appeared in the mid-1220s. In 1238, a separate Hungarian province of the Order was formed; however, Friars Minor came to the northeastern outskirts much later, not earlier than the second half of the XІV century. According to the author, the golden age of the Franciscans in Hungary dates back to the XV-XVI centuries. Both threads of the Order of Friars Minor established monasteries in the northeastern counties of Hungary. The conventuals had their monastery in Beregsas, and the observers stayed in Sevlush. Among the Franciscan patrons, the baronial (Nyalab) branch of the ancient Pereni lineage can be found; its representatives set up a Franciscan monastery in Sevlush on Mount Kanko in the late XV century. Like other Catholic centers, Franciscan monasteries fell into decay with the spread of the Reformation. The monks moved to safer monasteries, and the Order leaders did not relinquish their intention to return the lost estates and lands. At the turn of the XVI-XVII centuries, the first grounds for the revival of Franciscan activity appeared at the northeastern boundary of Hungary. For various reasons, Polish monks in Stropkov could not involve large areas in missionary work, and Italian monks failed to adapt to a multi-ethnic and often hostile environment. In 1651, the Franciscans’ diligent work and the Pereni family’s support contributed significantly to restoring their Sevlush monastery. 

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Lima, Maria do Carmo Gonçalves da Silva, and Célio Juvenal Costa. "O PROTAGONISMO DA EDUCAÇÃO FRANCISCANA NO BRASIL COLONIAL." Revista Expressão Católica 9, no. 2 (2020): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.25190/rec.v9i2.3988.

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O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a atuação protagonista da Ordem Franciscana no campo educacional colonial brasileiro. A Ordem Franciscana esteve presente em vários momentos da história dos descobrimentos, inclusive do Brasil e aqui realizou sua atividade evangelizadora e educativa. Com a chegada de Pedro Álvares Cabral, em território brasileiro, os franciscanos também vieram com o objetivo de propagação da fé cristã entre os nativos. Estabeleceram na principal colônia portuguesa, conventos, capelas e escolas, onde praticaram métodos de ensino que foram incorporadas às práticas pedagógicas posteriores. Esta pesquisa analisa a educação franciscana a partir da bibliografia, a fim de compreendê-la com base no processo de transformação social do Brasil à época colonial. Por meio do estudo dos documentos é possível verificar o conceito de educação elaborado pelos franciscanos, que consistia na formação de um perfil de homem que reproduzisse os valores cristãos. Assim, este estudo destaca a história da educação brasileira em sua origem, a partir da cristianização dos povos indígenas, pela atuação dos frades franciscanos.

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Delmas, Sophie. "Clément Lenoble, L’exercice de la pauvreté. Économie et religion chez les franciscains d’Avignon (xiii." Revue de l'histoire des religions, no. 233 (March 1, 2016): 128–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/rhr.8519.

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Dewez, Harmony. "Clément Lenoble, L’Exercice de la pauvreté. Économie et religion chez les franciscains d’Avignon (xiii." Médiévales 73, no. 73 (2017): 241–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/medievales.8245.

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34

Almagno, Romano Stephen. "Les Franciscains en Terre Sainte (1869-1889): Religion et politique: Une recherche institutionnelle (review)." Catholic Historical Review 91, no. 4 (2005): 836–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2006.0070.

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Jeanne, Boris. "Christianisme et criollismo : les franciscains et la société de Nouvelle-Espagne au xvie siècle." Cahiers des Amériques latines 2011/2, no. 67 (2011): 55–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/cal.252.

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Massip, Francesc, and Lenke Kovács. "Les Franciscains et le genre macabre: Les Danses de la Mort et la prédication." European Medieval Drama 8 (January 2004): 91–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.emd.2.300218.

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Lecco, Margherita. "Le miniature di Renart le Contrefait nel manoscritto Paris BnF fr. 1630." Reinardus / Yearbook of the International Reynard Society 28 (December 31, 2016): 100–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/rein.28.07lec.

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Le manuscrit fr.1630 de la Bibliothèque Nationale de France, qui nous a transmis la rédaction A de Renart le Contrefait (1319–1322), contient 31 miniatures. Elles accompagnent fidèlement le texte, révélant la présence de certains éléments satiriques, comme le sermon que Renard prononce devant un auditoire d’oiseaux. On peut y voir une parodie du sermon que saint François avait adressé aux oiseaux, les incitant à l’obéissance et à l’humilité. Dans le Contrefait les mêmes mots poussent les animaux dans la bouche de Renart… Peut-on y voir une parodie, et donc une critique, à l’égard de saint François, de son enseignement sur la pauvreté et des Franciscains, qui semble se lire parfois dans quelques épisodes du texte?

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Umberger, Emily. "Bac on the Border." Anales del Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas 29, no. 91 (2012): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/iie.18703062e.2007.91.2250.

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A pesar de que actualmente se encuentra en la reserva de Tohono O'odom en el suroeste moderno de Estados Unidos, cuando la iglesia franciscana de San Xavier del Bac (1780-1797) fue construida, su ubicación era la frontera norte de la Nueva España. Desde el principio la iglesia sobresalió de las otras misiones del norte de la Nueva España por su elaborada decoración, y todavía se distingue porque su contenido ha permanecido intacto. Este ensayo es una introducción a la iglesia como sujeto de estudio de la historia del arte. Se resaltan los siguientes temas: la relación entre el programa franciscano con el jesuita que le precedió en una iglesia anterior en el emplazamiento, la disposición franciscana original de las figuras, los vínculos de estilo entre las esculturas y lo que significaban sobre el (los) taller (es) de la Nueva España de donde debieron haber sido importados; los pintores y enlucidores que trabajaron en la iglesia misma, y la posibilidad de distintas lecturas del programa creado por los españoles, sucesivos religiosos que lo alteraron, y generaciones de congregaciones autóctonas. Para documentar las ideas franciscanas del siglo XVIII, la iglesia de Bac proporciona evidencia, que aparentemente no está disponible en ningún otro lado, sobre la transferencia de propiedades e ideas jesuitas después de la expulsión de la orden de territorios españoles en 1767.

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Thériault, Janine. "D’un catholicisme à l’autre : trois ordres catholiques au Québec et leurs revues face à l’Aggiornamento, 1962-1970." Mens 5, no. 1 (2014): 7–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1024388ar.

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Le texte qui suit examine le processus de passage d’une forme de catholicisme, celui de l'après-concile de Trente, à celui qui se pratique au Québec depuis le concile Vatican II. Il s’agit principalement d’évaluer le degré d’adaptation de l’Église catholique québécoise à la modernité contemporaine et, en l’occurrence, trois revues en seront les témoins : Relations, publiée par les Pères jésuites, Culture, par les Pères franciscains et Maintenant, par les Pères dominicains. L’étude porte principalement sur les années 1962 à 1970, ce qui est d’autant plus intéressant qu’une polarité idéologique opposait alors la pensée des Jésuites à celle des Dominicains. Cette polarité se trouve au cœur des débats qui suivront la parution, en 1968, de l’encyclique Humanae Vitae, laquelle condamnait formellement les méthodes de contraception artificielle.

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Truitt, Jonathan. "Adopted Pedagogies: Nahua Incorporation of European Music and Theater in Colonial Mexico City." Americas 66, no. 03 (2010): 311–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500005757.

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In 1519 Spanish conquistadors arrived on the shores of Mesoamerica under the leadership of Hernando Cortés. Following the defeat of Mexico-Tenochtidan, the Aztec capital, Cortés requested that members of the Franciscan order be sent from Spain to lead the conversion effort. In 1523 the first three Franciscans arrived, among them fray Pedro de Gante. One year later another 12 Franciscans made the journey. They established themselves in the southeastern portion of Mexico-Tenochtitlan, and under their direction Nahua laborers built the principal Franciscan religious compound, San Francisco, and the first indigenous chapel in New Spain, San Josef de los Naturales. Together this friary and chapel served as the main point of interaction for Franciscan conversion efforts within the altepetl, ethnic state, of Mexico-Tenochtidan. In the courtyard of San Francisco, next to the indigenous chapel, fray Pedro established an indigenous school aimed at the indoctrination of the Nahua peoples of Mexico-Tenochtitlan and other outlying altepetl. Although its students were primarily members of indigenous nobility, other promising Nahuas received an education there as well.

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Truitt, Jonathan. "Adopted Pedagogies: Nahua Incorporation of European Music and Theater in Colonial Mexico City." Americas 66, no. 3 (2010): 311–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.0.0209.

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In 1519 Spanish conquistadors arrived on the shores of Mesoamerica under the leadership of Hernando Cortés. Following the defeat of Mexico-Tenochtidan, the Aztec capital, Cortés requested that members of the Franciscan order be sent from Spain to lead the conversion effort. In 1523 the first three Franciscans arrived, among them fray Pedro de Gante. One year later another 12 Franciscans made the journey. They established themselves in the southeastern portion of Mexico-Tenochtitlan, and under their direction Nahua laborers built the principal Franciscan religious compound, San Francisco, and the first indigenous chapel in New Spain, San Josef de los Naturales. Together this friary and chapel served as the main point of interaction for Franciscan conversion efforts within the altepetl, ethnic state, of Mexico-Tenochtidan. In the courtyard of San Francisco, next to the indigenous chapel, fray Pedro established an indigenous school aimed at the indoctrination of the Nahua peoples of Mexico-Tenochtitlan and other outlying altepetl. Although its students were primarily members of indigenous nobility, other promising Nahuas received an education there as well.

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Dalarun, Jacques. "La part du faux. Les bienheureux Andrea et Giovanni, franciscains de Rimini au XIVe siècle." Mélanges de l'Ecole française de Rome. Moyen-Age, Temps modernes 102, no. 1 (1990): 79–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/mefr.1990.3085.

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Béraud, Sylvain. "Présence des Franciscains de Terre Sainte à Chypre Panorama historique (de 1217 à nos jours)." Studia Orientalia Christiana 22 (January 1989): 127–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.socc.3.169.

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Langewiesche, Katrin. "Clément Lenoble, L’exercice de la pauvreté. Économie et religion chez les franciscains d’Avignon (xiiie-xve." Archives de sciences sociales des religions, no. 172 (October 1, 2015): 324. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/assr.27395.

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Morales Francisco, OFM. "The Native Encounter with Christianity: Franciscans and Nahuas in Sixteenth-Century Mexico." Americas 65, no. 2 (2008): 137–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.0.0033.

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Among the nations of the New World, Mexico is probably the country in which the Franciscans worked most intensively. Having been the first missionaries to arrive in Mexico, they covered most of its territory and worked with numerous native groups: Nahuas, Otomies, Mazahuas, Huastecas, Totonacas, Tarascans, Mayas. Their intense missionary activity is evident in the many indigenous languages the Franciscans learned, the grammars and vocabularies they wrote, the numerous Biblical texts they translated, and the catechisms they wrote with ideographical techniques quite alien to the European mind. This activity left an indelible mark in Mexico, a mark still alive in popular traditions, monumental constructions, popular devotions, and folk art. Without a doubt, in spite of the continuous growth of the Spanish and Mestizo populations during colonial times, the favorite concern of Franciscan pastoral activity was the indigenous population. Thus, Franciscan schools and colleges, hospitals, and publications were addressed to it. For their part, the native population showed the same preference for the Franciscans. To the eyes of the civil and ecclesiastical authorities, Franciscans and natives appeared as an inseparable body, an association not always welcomed by the Spanish Crown. In fact, since the middle of the sixteenth century bishops and royal officials tried to separate them, assigning secular priests in the native towns and limiting the ecclesiastical authority of the friars.

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Carbajo Núñez, Martín. "Hyper-connected generation and Discernment: A Franciscan perspective." Revista Eclesiástica Brasileira 78, no. 311 (2019): 548. http://dx.doi.org/10.29386/reb.v78i311.1396.

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This article asserts the urgent need of discernment in our hyper-connected and hyper-accelerated society that drives people to frenetic activity and constant hurry. Furthermore, “the speed with which information is communicated exceeds our capacity for reflection and judgement.” The first part of the article focuses on discernment and indicates some of its characteristics, paying special attention to the Franciscan perspective. The second part reflects on how to practice it in order to meet the ethical challenges of our digital culture.Keywords: Discernment; Digital culture; Communication; Franciscanism; Ethics. Síntese: Este artigo afirma a urgente necessidade de discernimento em nossa sociedade hiperconectada e hiper-acelerada que leva as pessoas a ativismo frenético e constante pressa; além disso, “a velocidade da informação e da comunicada ultrapassa nossa capacidade de reflexão e julgamento”. Diante disso, a primeira parte do artigo concentra-se no discernimento e indica algumas de suas características, prestando especial atenção à perspectiva franciscana. A segunda parte reflete sobre como exercitar o referido discernimento ante os desafios éticos de nossa cultura digital.

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Carbajo Núñez, Martín. "Fraternity in the Encyclical Fratelli Tutti." Revista Eclesiástica Brasileira 81, no. 319 (2021): 295–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.29386/reb.v81i319.2760.

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This article studies the subject of fraternity in the encyclical Fratelli tutti and explores its Franciscan roots. The Pope asserts that “it was the evangelical witness of St. Francis, with his school of thought, that gave this term the meaning it then preserved over the centuries.” The key to understand it is found in the encounter with the needy (leper, wounded), which brings to light the dignity of each human person and the need for social friendship in order to achieve a “healthy and open” community life. Síntese: O presente artigo estuda o tema da fraternidade na encíclica Fratelli tutti e evidencia alguns pontos de contato com a perspectiva franciscana. O Papa afirma que “foi o testemunho evangélico de São Francisco, com sua escola de pensamento, que deu ao termo fraternidade o significado que este conservou no decorrer dos séculos”. O artigo explora estas raízes franciscanas. A chave de leitura encontra-se no encontro com o necessitado (leproso, ferido), que evidencia a dignidade de toda pessoa humana e a necessidade da amizade para alcançar uma vida social “sadia e aberta”.

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Gallichan, Gilles. "De Toulouse à Limoilou : un itinéraire capucin (1902-1934)." Les Cahiers des dix, no. 56 (February 29, 2012): 125–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1008092ar.

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En mai 1902, des capucins originaires de Toulouse, installés à Ottawa depuis 1890, se voient confiés la paroisse Saint-Charles de Limoilou, aux portes de Québec. Cette arrivée est le fruit des efforts obstinés du père Alexis de Barbezieux pour fixer sa communauté au Québec. Une rivalité fraternelle a d'ailleurs opposé pendant 12 ans les capucins et les franciscains dans cette conquête de Québec. Ces congrégations françaises cherchaient au Québec une terre promise pour échapper aux lois laïques de la IIIe République. Les frères mineurs capucins prenaient en charge Limoilou alors au bord de la banqueroute. L'archevêque Bégin plaçaient sur leurs épaules un imposant défi d'organisation et d'administration que les capucins relevèrent pour enraciner leur communauté au Canada français. Une seconde partie traitera du milieu social et du travail de ces capucins français à Québec.

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Moraes, Géssica Marques. "A ligação do Dr. Astrogildo César de Azevedo na caminhada das irmãs franciscana (Santa Maria/RS, 1900) / The relationship of Dr. Astrogildo César de Azevedo on the walk of the Franciscan sisters (Santa Maria/RS, 1900)." Revista de História e Historiografia da Educação 3, no. 9 (2019): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5380/rhhe.v3i9.70582.

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O presente trabalho faz uma construção da jornada das Irmãs Franciscanas na cidade de Santa Maria (RS), no que diz respeito à área da Saúde, através dos seus trabalhos no Hospital de Caridade juntamente com o seu fundador, Dr. Astrogildo de Azevedo, e também no tocante à Educação privada com a fundação do colégio Sant’ Anna e, posteriormente, com a construção de outras duas escolas na cidade, auxiliando, assim, diferentes classes sociais e expandindo o lema das irmãs expresso nos ideais franciscanos de Paz e Bem na Educação. O estudo observa as dificuldades da chegada das Irmãs no país e a sua vinda para a cidade, assim como as dificuldades no desenvolvimento urbano e as deficiências da época em relação à proposta estudada.***The present work makes a constructive of Franciscan Nuns in the city of Santa Maria (RS), in Health through their work at Caridade Hospital simultaneously with its founder Doctor Astrogildo de Azevedo and in private Education with the foundation of Sant 'Anna College, posteriorly in the construction of two other schools in the city, therefore helping, other social classes and expanding the nuns' motto with the Franciscan ideals of Peace and Well in Education. Thus, the study notes the difficulties of the arrival of the Nuns in the country and their coming to the city, as well as the difficulties of urban development and the deficiencies of the time in relation to the proposal studied.

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Danilewicz, Daniel, Ignacio B. Moreno, Paulo H. Ott, et al. "Abundance estimate for a threatened population of franciscana dolphins in southern coastal Brazil: uncertainties and management implications." Journal of the Marine Biological Association of the United Kingdom 90, no. 8 (2010): 1649–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025315409991482.

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The franciscana dolphin has been considered the most threatened small cetacean in the south-western Atlantic Ocean due to gillnet by-catch. The estimation of the species' abundance has been recommended as the highest research priority. A line transect aerial survey to estimate franciscana abundance in Rio Grande do Sul, southern Brazil, was carried out in February 2004. The overall surveyed area comprised 13,341 km2 and at least 20 transect lines. Abundance was estimated using distance sampling methods and assuming g(0) = 0.304. The corrected density is 0.51 franciscanas/km2, resulting in an abundance estimation of 6839 franciscanas (CV = 32%; 95% CI = 3709–12,594) for the surveyed area in Rio Grande do Sul. To improve this estimate: (a) perception bias should be determined; (b) the parameters influencing availability bias should be identified and quantified; and (c) survey sample size should be increased. While the lack of data to correct for perception bias and group size underestimation in this aerial survey is likely to yield an underestimate of franciscana abundance, the use of surfacing and diving time data from boat and land-based surveys to correct for availability bias is likely to cause its overestimation. Alternative values of the g0 group-size estimates and rates of increase were incorporated in the analyses, creating 240 different estimates of annual increment for this franciscana population. Even in the most optimistic scenario, the annual increment of franciscanas is not sustainable with the current levels of by-catch in Rio Grande do Sul, and fishery management to reduce by-catch must be initiated promptly.

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