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Journal articles on the topic 'Franciscan missionaries of Mary'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 11 February 2022

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1

Martin, Phyllis. "Complexity in the Missionary Experience: The Franciscan Missionaries of Mary in Upper Congo." Social Sciences and Missions 23, no. 2 (2010): 228–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187489410x511551.

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AbstractThe contradictions that permeated the missionary experience can be lost through the use of words such as “encounter” and “civilizing.” This study seeks to illustrate the complementary and competing forces that impinged on the work of the Franciscan Missionaries of Mary sisters in Upper Congo. It emphasizes their commitment to social action and evangelism through work, their interaction with local women and local knowledge, the particular colonial rule they witnessed, and the imperial simplification of complexity at the 1931 Paris Exposition Coloniale Internationale. Les contradictions dont a été imprégnée l'expérience missionnaire risquent de perdre en acuité avec l'usage de mots comme « rencontre » et « processus de civilisation ». Le présent article cherche à illustrer les dynamiques de complémentarité et de compétition qui ont affecté le travail des Sœurs Franciscaines de Marie dans le bassin supérieur du Congo. Il souligne leur engagement pour l'action sociale et l'évangélisation par le travail, leur rapport avec les femmes locales et le savoir local, les spécificités du régime colonial auquel elles furent confrontées, ainsi que la simplification impériale de la complexité à laquelle il fut procédé lors de l'exposition coloniale internationale de Paris en 1931.

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Morales Francisco, OFM. "The Native Encounter with Christianity: Franciscans and Nahuas in Sixteenth-Century Mexico." Americas 65, no. 2 (October 2008): 137–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.0.0033.

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Among the nations of the New World, Mexico is probably the country in which the Franciscans worked most intensively. Having been the first missionaries to arrive in Mexico, they covered most of its territory and worked with numerous native groups: Nahuas, Otomies, Mazahuas, Huastecas, Totonacas, Tarascans, Mayas. Their intense missionary activity is evident in the many indigenous languages the Franciscans learned, the grammars and vocabularies they wrote, the numerous Biblical texts they translated, and the catechisms they wrote with ideographical techniques quite alien to the European mind. This activity left an indelible mark in Mexico, a mark still alive in popular traditions, monumental constructions, popular devotions, and folk art. Without a doubt, in spite of the continuous growth of the Spanish and Mestizo populations during colonial times, the favorite concern of Franciscan pastoral activity was the indigenous population. Thus, Franciscan schools and colleges, hospitals, and publications were addressed to it. For their part, the native population showed the same preference for the Franciscans. To the eyes of the civil and ecclesiastical authorities, Franciscans and natives appeared as an inseparable body, an association not always welcomed by the Spanish Crown. In fact, since the middle of the sixteenth century bishops and royal officials tried to separate them, assigning secular priests in the native towns and limiting the ecclesiastical authority of the friars.

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Ross, Ellen. "St. Francis in Soho: Emmeline Pethick, Mary Neal, the West London Wesleyan Mission, and the Allure of “Simple Living” in the 1890s." Church History 83, no. 4 (December 2014): 843–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640714001152.

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An 1894 biography of St. Francis of Assisi was a milestone in the lives of two young urban missionaries. They were “Sisters of the People” at the dynamic and progressive Wesleyan Methodist West London Mission in Soho, a poor and overcrowded central London district. Sister Mary Neal and Sister Emmeline Pethick would eventually distinguish themselves nationally, Emmeline as a militant suffragist in tandem with her husband Frederick Pethick-Lawrence, and later as a feminist and peace activist; Mary as a music educator and folklorist. French protestant clergyman Paul Sabatier's scholarly but lyrical biography of Francis enthralled the mission's leaders, including the superintendent, Hugh Price Hughes. Francis's rejection of his family's wealth, his insistence on absolute poverty for himself and his followers, and his devotion to the poor presented a compelling model of Christian service, one that the two young Sisters found especially exciting. They resigned the Sisterhood in 1895 to live cheaply in workers' housing just north of their old turf. This decision launched them into a national community of Franciscan-inspired settlers, philanthropists, “simple livers,” and collective farmers—offering us a new perspective on fin de siècle social activism.

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Langer, Erick D. "The Franciscan Missionary Enterprise in Nineteenth-Century Latin America." Americas 68, no. 02 (October 2011): 167–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500006738.

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This essay is in large part inspired by Fr. Antonine Tibesar OFM, whom I had the privilege to meet in 1982 just after I returned from my doctoral research sojourn in Bolivia. Fr. Antonine was for many years the director of the Academy of Franciscan History when that institution had its beautiful campus in Potomac, Maryland, a suburb of Washington, D.C. I had corresponded with Fr. Antonine earlier and during my visit enjoyed discussing with him the many facets of Franciscan missions in Latin America. He proudly showed me the large collection of books in the academy library. What impressed me about both Fr. Antonine and the friars I had met in Bolivia during my research was their selflessness and willingness to help a budding scholar—one who at that point had little of scholarship to show. These characteristics got me thinking about the Franciscans and their worldviews and how those must have affected the missions. Although I was determined to write mainly about the indigenous population on the missions (after all, they constituted the vast majority of the mission population and were the ones most profoundly affected by the mission experience), I realized that it was important not to ignore the missionaries. Though few in number—most missions had just one or perhaps two friars—it was their desires for the native population and the overall goals and local organization of the missions they founded that profoundly shaped the human settlements they supervised.

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Langer, Erick D., and Robert H. Jackson. "Colonial and Republican Missions Compared: The Cases of Alta California and Southeastern Bolivia." Comparative Studies in Society and History 30, no. 2 (April 1988): 286–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500015206.

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In Latin America missions have traditionally played a large role in conquering and incorporating native populations into dominant society. Most studies of the missionary enterprise have focused on the colonial period, when the missions reached their high point. The Jesuit missions in Paraguay and the Franciscan missions of central and northern Mexico, for example, ruled over vast territories and thousands of Indians. Although these institutions and their leaders have been widely studied because of their importance and visibility for colonial Latin America, it is not often recognized that missions continued to play a crucial role in the frontier development of the region even after the Spanish and Portuguese had been driven from the continent. Throughout the republican period, missionaries from many orders and creeds became critically important actors who, to a large degree, determined the shape of relations between native peoples and national society. This is quite clear even today in the Amazon basin, where missionaries often provide the natives' first exposure to Europeanized society.

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6

Muntán, Emese. "Uneasy Agents of Tridentine Reforms: Catholic Missionaries in Southern Ottoman Hungary and Their Local Competitors in the Early Seventeenth Century." Journal of Early Modern Christianity 7, no. 1 (May 27, 2020): 151–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2020-2020.

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AbstractFrom the 1570s onwards, the territories of southern Ottoman Hungary with their amalgam of Orthodox, Catholics, Reformed, Antitrinitarians, and Muslims of various ethnic and linguistic backgrounds, were the focus of Rome–directed Catholic missionary and pastoral endeavors. Prior to the establishment of the Sacred Congregation de Propaganda Fide in 1622, several Jesuits had already been active in the region and sought to implement Tridentine reforms in this religiously, linguistically, and legally-diverse setting. The activity of the Jesuits, however, was complicated by the presence of the Bosnian Franciscans, who were legally Ottoman subjects, and with whom the Jesuits were in a permanent competition over the jurisdiction of certain missionary territories. Furthermore, the Jesuits also had to contend with the local authority and influence of Orthodox priests and Ottoman judges (kadis), who, in several instances, proved to be more attractive “alternatives” to many Catholics than the Catholic authorities themselves. Drawing primarily on Jesuit and Franciscan missionary reports, this article examines how this peculiar constellation of local power relations, and the ensuing conflicts among missionaries, Orthodox clergymen, and Ottoman judges, influenced the way(s) in which Tridentine reforms were implemented in the area. In particular, this study addresses those cases where various jurisdictional disputes between Jesuits and Bosnian Franciscans on the one hand, and Jesuits and Orthodox priests on the other, resulted in contestations about the administration and validity of the sacraments and certain rituals, and led Jesuits, Franciscans, and even Roman authorities to “deviate” from the Tridentine norm.

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De Gruttola, Raissa. "The First Catholic Bible in Chinese: Gabriele Allegra and His Translation." International Journal of Area Studies 10, no. 1 (March 1, 2015): 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijas-2015-0001.

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Abstract Christian missionaries play an important role in the history of the relationship between China and Europe. Their presence in China has been widely explored, but little attention has been paid to the role played by the Bible in their preaching. From 13th to 19th century, although they did not translate the Bible, Catholic missionaries preached the Gospel orally or with catechisms. On the other hand, the Protestant missionaries had published many version of the Chinese Bible throughout the 19th century. It was only in the 20th century that the Franciscan friar Gabriele Allegra decided to go to China as a missionary to translate the Holy Scriptures into Chinese. He arrived in China in 1931 and translated from 1935 to 1961. He also founded a biblical study centre to prepare expert scholars to collaborate in the Bible translation. Allegra and his colleagues completed the translation in 1961, and the first complete single-volume Catholic Bible in Chinese was published in 1968. After presenting the historical background of Allegra’s activity, a textual analysis of some passages of his translation will be presented, emphasizing the meanings of the Chinese words he chose to use to translate particular elements of Christian terminology. This study will verify the closeness of the work by Allegra to the original Greek text and the validity of some particular translation choices.

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Triviño, Ascensión Hernández. "Tradiciones, paradigmas y escuelas." Historiographia Linguistica 43, no. 1-2 (June 24, 2016): 11–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.43.1-2.02tri.

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Summary After “discovering” a New World at the end of the 15th century, missionaries soon began to produce grammars of the languages spoken there. It can be said that ‘missionary linguistics’ was born and thus the nature of the American languages was becoming known. In this paper the author proposes to analyse a corpus of fifty-six grammars from Mesoamerica, i.e., the central region of the American continent. In the analysis, the author distinguishes five schools according to the established religious orders in New Spain: Franciscan, Dominican, Jesuit, Augustinian, and the secular Church. Although the grammars written in these schools are almost exclusively based on the Latin tradition, many of them contain innovative descriptions of the specific structures found in these Mesoamerican languages.

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9

Laird, Andrew. "From the Epistolae et Evangelia (c. 1540) to the Espejo divino (1607)." Journal of Latin Cosmopolitanism and European Literatures, no. 2 (November 13, 2019): 2–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/jolcel.v2i0.8522.

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In 1536, fifteen years after the Spanish conquest of Mexico, the Imperial College of Santa Cruz was founded in Santiago Tlatelolco, an Indian enclave to the north of Mexico City. The students at the college, who were drawn from native elites, received an advanced education in Latin from Franciscan missionaries. The present discussion will explain why such a training was provided to those indigenous youths, and clarify the nature of their accomplishments (1). A discussion of the translations of biblical texts into Nahuatl made at the College of Santa Cruz (2) will be followed by a survey of original religious texts produced there in the Mexican language, many of which had identifiable Latin precedents (3). The concluding section then offers some tentative general reflections on the part played by Latin Christian humanism in shaping early Nahuatl literature, arguing that it bears some comparison to the way Latin had already underscored the development of vernacular literature in early modern Europe (4).

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10

G.M.D. "Franciscan Missionaries." Americas 51, no. 4 (April 1995): 580–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500023117.

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Beebe, Rose Marie, and Robert M. Senkewicz. "The End of the 1824 Chumash Revolt in Alta California: Father Vicente Sarría’s Account." Americas 53, no. 2 (October 1996): 273–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007619.

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The 1824 Chumash uprising against three Franciscan missions in the central section of the California chain—Santa Inés, La Purísima Concepción, and Santa Bárbara—was the largest organized revolt in the history of the Alta California missions. The Chumash burned most of the Santa Inés mission complex. At La Purísima, they drove out the mission guard and one of the two priests in residence. The mission was not forcibly retaken by the Mexican army for almost a month. At Santa Bárbara, the Chumash disarmed the soldiers stationed at the mission and sent them back to the presidio. After an inconclusive battle against troops who were sent out against them from the presidio, most of the rebels retired to the interior, where they set up their own community. The revolt was finally brought to an end when a military expedition led by Pablo de la Portilla negotiated the return of this group to the Santa Bárbara Mission. The role of the Prefect of the Missions, Father Vicente í, in bringing the revolt to an end by persuading this group to return to the Santa Bárbara Mission has long been recognized. Antonio María Osio, most likely relying on what he had been told by his brother-in-law, Governor Luis Argüello, stated in 1851, “They [the Chumash] had decided not to return to the missions and expressed the low regard in which they generally held the inhabitants of California. Yet, at the same time, they revered Reverend Father Vicente í for his many virtues. Only he had the necessary power of persuasion to calm the Indians’ fears.” In 1885, as he described the negotiations between the Mexican military and the Chumash, Theodore S. Hittell wrote, “Communications were opened and a conference held; the two missionaries, Father President Vicente í and Father Antonio Ripoll of Santa Bárbara, acted as negotiators; and the result was that the Indians submitted unconditionally; were pardoned, and the fugitive neophytes marched back to their respective missions.” We offer here a translation of a letter which í wrote to the Bishop of Sonora, Bernardo Martínez Ocejo, a few months after these events. The document provides an excellent first-hand account of the conclusion of the revolt. It also offers a close view of the growing fear and anxiety the missionaries were experiencing in the early years of Mexican independence. As a context for the letter, let us briefly summarize the Chumash revolt.

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12

Valtrová, Jana. "Beyond the Horizons of Legends:Traditional Imagery and Direct Experience in Medieval Accounts of Asia." Numen 57, no. 2 (2010): 154–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852710x487574.

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AbstractThe article deals with several medieval travel accounts about Asia, which were produced during the 13th and 14th centuries, in the time of the so called Mongol mission. These reports were written by Franciscan and also some Dominican missionaries, namely William of Rubruck, John Plano of Carpini, Odoric of Pordenone, John of Marignola, Jordanus Catalanus and a few others. The aim of the article is to analyze the encounter of European travelers’ “traditional” ideas about Asia with the actual reality. Did the friars mostly rely on their anticipations, or were they open to new information, even if this could destroy views often advocated by eminent authorities of European medieval thought? The article analyses three “traditional” topoi, each of them in the context of the above-mentioned reports: earthly paradise, the kingdom of Prester John and human monsters. All of them belonged to the medieval lore regarding the East, as testified by many literary as well as pictorial documents. Each of the authors adopted a slightly different strategy for how to solve the potential conflicts between “tradition” and experience. Finally, I suggest conceptualizing the problem of “tradition” and experience in medieval travel accounts with reference to a typology of “otherness” created by Karlheinz Ohle. According to Ohle, a “cognitive Other” (1) is an unknown, never encountered Other which can only be imagined, whereas a “normative Other” (2), is an Other which is directly encountered and gradually explored. In my opinion, the friars’ medieval travel accounts actually reflect a shift from imagination towards gradual encounter and exploration — in these reports the imagined (cognitive) fabulous East gradually turned into an explored (normative) reality.

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13

Gustafson, David M. "Mary Johnson and Ida Anderson." PNEUMA 39, no. 1-2 (2017): 55–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700747-03901002.

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Mary Johnson (1884–1968) and Ida Anderson (1871–1964) are described in pentecostal historiography as the first pentecostal missionaries sent from America. Both of these Swedish-American missionaries experienced baptism of the Spirit, spoke in tongues, and were called as missionaries to Africa by God, whom they expected to speak through them to the native people. They went by faith and completed careers as missionaries to South Africa. But who were these two figures of which relatively little has been written? They were Swedish-American “Free-Free” in the tradition of August Davis and John Thompson of the Scandinavian Mission Society—the first Minnesota district of the Swedish Evangelical Free Mission, known today as the Evangelical Free Church of America. This work examines the lives of these two female missionaries, their work in South Africa, and their relationship with Swedish Evangelical Free churches in America, particularly its pentecostal stream of Free-Free (frifria).

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Hair, P. E. H. "Franciscan Missionaries and the 1752 'Donation of Sierra Leone'." Journal of Religion in Africa 30, no. 4 (November 2000): 408. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1581582.

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Hair, P. E. H. "Franciscan Missionaries and the 1752 `Donation of Sierra Leone'." Journal of Religion in Africa 30, no. 4 (2000): 408–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006600x00393.

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AbstractThe Franciscan mission to western Guinea between the 1660s and the late eighteenth century operated, from its Bissau centre, a 'Mission to Sierra Leone', whose priests occasionally reached the territory of modern Sierra Leone. Contact was made with the Afro-Portuguese resident in the Sierra Leone estuary, particularly with the Lopes family, and in 1752 a leading member was encouraged to make a 'Donation of Sierra Leone' to the Portuguese crown. This had little meaning and no effect. Hardly anything else is known about the local missionary activities, partly because of the decay of the general mission, but scraps of information about the Catholicism of the Afro-Portuguese appear in Portuguese and English sources.

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Dries, Angelyn. "Mission and Marginalization: The Franciscan Heritage." Missiology: An International Review 26, no. 1 (January 1998): 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182969802600101.

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Associated with political, gender, and economic realities of oppression, “marginalization” is frequently a pejorative term. The increased number of publications on “marginalization” from various fields invites missionaries to examine the experience for theological insight and challenge for mission. The Franciscan heritage, starting with Francis and Clare of Assisi who espoused a central incarnational perspective, provides direction for the transformation of marginalization: identification with “those outside the gate,” a witness of inclusion, and an exercise of mutuality.

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Naylor, Natalie A., and Amanda Porterfield. "Mary Lyon and the Mount Holyoke Missionaries." History of Education Quarterly 38, no. 3 (1998): 329. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/369167.

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Boylan, Anne M., and Amanda Porterfield. "Mary Lyon and the Mount Holyoke Missionaries." American Historical Review 105, no. 3 (June 2000): 927. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651866.

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Yohn, Susan M., and Amanda Porterfield. "Mary Lyon and the Mount Holyoke Missionaries." Journal of American History 86, no. 1 (June 1999): 228. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2567451.

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20

Rios, Maria Cristina. "The Ideals of Renewal of European Spiritual Movements in the Americas." International Journal of English and Cultural Studies 1, no. 2 (November 21, 2018): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijecs.v1i2.3727.

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This article aims at revealing the connections between the ideals of renewal contained in the European devotions of the Late Middle Ages and those of the missionaries during the first wave of the Evangelization of Mexico. Inspired by a variety of spiritual movements aimed at building an indigenous church and centred on upholding the Law of Christ, these missionaries concur with both the reformers of the Brethren of the Common Life and Luther’s political philosophy of attaining a perfect communitas. This research focuses on demonstrating how the ideals of spiritual renewal articulated by Franciscan mystics and missionaries in the Americas embraced the same theological sources as those used by Groote, Eckhart and à Kempis in the Late Middle Ages.

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Vu Thanh, Hélène. "The Role of the Franciscans in the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations between the Philippines and Japan in the 16th–17th Centuries: Transpacific Geopolitics?" Itinerario 40, no. 2 (August 2016): 239–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115316000346.

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This article proposes to study the role of Franciscan missionaries in the establishment of economic and diplomatic relations between the Spanish Philippines and Japan. More specifically, it argues that the missionaries played an active part in the construction of a trans-pacific commercial and religious network connecting the Spanish Americas with Asia. In so doing, the article aims at correcting the commonplace historiographical assumption that the Franciscan presence in Japan was negligible and of little interest compared to the Jesuits’. Indeed, the diplomatic relations between Japan and the Philippines were set against a general context of Iberian expansion in Asia. The Spanish conquered Manila in 1571 for chiefly commercial reasons. However, the spreading of the faith provided a justification for Spanish territorial ambitions in Asia. In this process, the Franciscans played a prominent role, as they were picked as ambassadors to Japan by the governor of Manila. The Franciscans did not have mere regional ambitions for Japan: they intended the country to become a hub for the whole Pacific region.

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22

Levi, Joseph Abraham. "Portuguese and Other European Missionaries in Africa." Quot homines tot artes: New Studies in Missionary Linguistics 36, no. 2-3 (December 1, 2009): 363–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.36.2.10lev.

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Summary This study looks at some of the works produced by Catholic missionaries in Africa from the pre-dawn of the Modern Era (Fall of Constantinople, 1453), in particular the Fall of Ceuta (1415), to the Berlin Conference (1884–1885). Particular emphasis will be placed on the linguistic production of a few Franciscan, Augustinian, Capuchin, Dominican, and/or Jesuit clerics, working under the aegis of the Portuguese Crown, who – with the invaluable help of native assistants, usually members of the clergy or closely affiliated with the Church – compiled the first grammars, word lists, glossaries, and dictionaries of the indigenous languages with which they worked and interacted on a daily basis. Their endeavour, though meritorious and not always free from preconceived ideas of the ‘other’, paved the way for future studies in the field.

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Toth, Istvan Gyorgy. "Between Islam and Catholicism: Bosnian Franciscan Missionaries in Turkish Hungary, 1584-1716." Catholic Historical Review 89, no. 3 (2003): 409–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2003.0179.

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Szyszka, Tomasz. "Franciszkańscy misjonarze w Peru." Annales Missiologici Posnanienses, no. 22 (January 4, 2018): 33–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/amp.2017.22.3.

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The history of evangelization in Peru, which started at the very onset of the 16th century is connected with the presence of the missionaries of the Franciscan Order, who played a major role in the building of Church structures on the territory of the former Inca empire. However, their main contribution was an effective evangelization of the indigenous peoples through the use of innovative methods (music, singing and art, organizing schools for Indians, knowledge of indigenous languages, protection of Indians against excessive exploitation). In this activity they were urged by their Franciscan charisma summed up in the greeting “Peace and good”. Their missionary commitment was realized not only in the Andean world, but over time expanded across the Amazon Selva.

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Khamushi, Musa. "The Legacy of Mary Bird." International Bulletin of Mission Research 43, no. 3 (December 3, 2018): 284–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2396939318816597.

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English missionaries with the Church Missionary Society (CMS) began their work in Persia in 1869. In 1891 the CMS sent Mary Bird to Persia to evangelize Muslim women. In this article I consider Bird’s activities among Muslim women of Isfahan. Her work included establishing dispensaries and offering medical services to women and children. During the first phase of her time in Persia (1891–97), a small number of Muslim women and girls converted to Christianity.

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Nancy, Pollard Brown. "Robert Southwell’s Mary Magdalen." Recusant History 31, no. 1 (May 2012): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200013339.

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The imaginative life of Robert Southwell in Rome as a student and in England as a mission priest was energized by the figure of Mary Magdalen. From the translation of a Franciscan sermon to an extended meditative prose work, in poems and illustrative reference, he explored the complexity of her life, finding in it a depth of emotional experience in which he himself was immersed. Her torment of sorrow was seen reflected in the life of Catholics in England, in their suffering and in the strain of endless endurance. It is an irony that through his writing on Mary Magdalen’s witness to the Resurrection in the garden, Southwell’s message of comfort and hope introduced England to the ‘literature of tears’.

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McM, T., M. A. Taggart, and Isabelle Smyth. "The Medical Missionaries of Mary in Drogheda 1939-1999." Clogher Record 16, no. 3 (1999): 258. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27699448.

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28

Seat, Karen K. "Book Review: Mary Lyon and the Mount Holyoke Missionaries." International Bulletin of Missionary Research 24, no. 3 (July 2000): 141–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239693930002400322.

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Lavrin, Asunción. "Lay Brothers: The Other Men in the Mendicant Orders of New Spain." Americas 72, no. 3 (July 2015): 411–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2015.32.

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In 1556 Franciscan missionaries from the city of Mexico arrived in the then remote area of Zacatecas to begin what was expected to be a crucial but difficult evangelization of the area. They had been preceded by several other brothers who had not settled there despite having spent several years in catechizing the indigenous. The intention of these four missionaries was to stay and found a convent. Along with Fr. Pedro de Espinareda and Fr. Diego de la Cadena came one lay brother, Fr. Jacinto de San Francisco, and onedonadosimply called Lucas. Fr. Joseph Arlegui, chronicler of the order, assumed the presence of those friars would lay the foundation for the difficult task of evangelizing such distant lands and such unwilling peoples.

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Woolley, Christopher. "Missions and Missionaries in the Americas:A Special Teaching and Research Collection of The Americas." Americas 74, S2 (September 13, 2017): S4—S13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2017.90.

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For more than 70 years,The Americas, a publication of the Academy of American Franciscan History, has been a leading forum for scholars studying the history of Spanish America's colonial missions. As the articles collected from the journal for this special issue show, the general trend has been to move beyond the hagiographic treatment of missionaries and towards a more complex understanding of the historical roles played by the colonial missions in rural life.

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Warner, Rick. ""Ambivalent Conversions" in Nayarit: Shifting Views of Idolatry." Journal of Early Modern History 6, no. 2 (2002): 168–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006502x00103.

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AbstractThe Jesuit and Franciscan mission periods in New Spain's western province of Nayarit claimed numerous converts to Christianity, principally Cora Indians. Despite the efforts of missionaries and presidial soldiers, the indigenous residents of this rugged mountainous region persisted in clandestine non-Christian religious rituals. The extirpation of this "idolatry" was uneven, and the Coras emerged from the nineteenth century with a uniquely forged ceremonial tradition that fuses Catholic and indigenous practice and belief.

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Norris, Jim. "The Franciscans in New Mexico, 1692-1754: Toward a New Assessment." Americas 51, no. 2 (October 1994): 151–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007923.

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Scholars who have studied the Franciscan effort in New Mexico during the Spanish colonial epoch have generally posited that the watershed event in the missionary program was the Pueblo Revolt of 1680. Thus, the periodization for the Order's evangelical effort has been structured in two parts: pre-1680 and post-reconquest (1692-1821). One need only compare Fray Alonso de Benavides's glowing description of his brethren's work in the region in 1630 with that of Fray Silvestre Vélez de Escalante's harsh rebuke to the friars in 1777 to realize fundamental changes had occurred in the missionization process. Benavides's Franciscans are ardent, ascetic, and capable missionary priests. Consequently, prior to 1680, the Franciscan Order, in what the Spanish called the Kingdom of New Mexico, was able to maintain a high degree of authority, power, and prestige especially in regard to its relations with the local population and civil government. On the other hand, the missionaries condemned by Escalante are complacent, contentious idlers. While there are a dearth of studies on the post-1692 Franciscans, historians who have ventured into the era suggest a significant erosion in the quality and dedication of the later missionaries. The conclusion, then, is that these less committed friars were at least partially responsible for the decline of the Order's position within the Kingdom.

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Gonzalez, Michael J. "Flights of Fancy: Using the Historical Imagination to Understand the Franciscan Missionaries of California." Franciscan Studies 77, no. 1 (2019): 231–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/frc.2019.0002.

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Greeley, June-Ann. "“Who Would Believe What We Have Heard?”: Christian Spirituality and Images from the Passion in Religious Art of New Spain." Religion and the Arts 13, no. 2 (2009): 181–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852909x422737.

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AbstractThe colonial art of New Spain/Mexico provides the viewer with a locus of examination into the robust Christianity that emerged over time out of a native spirituality newly laden with the contours and images from the Old World theology of late medieval/early Catholic Reformation Spain. Franciscan and especially Jesuit missionaries, impelled by a devotional zealotry, championed an apocalyptic vision of hope and suffering that was well suited for artistic expression. Religious art, whether or not patronized by European colonizers, became an instrument for the missionaries to teach and for the native artists to interrogate religious doctrine, and some artists, consciously or not, created their art as a response to that catechesis, a subtle fusion of ancient passion with the dramatic intensity of the new Catholic faith. One array of images in particular, that of the dolorous Passion of the Christ, was especially vibrant in the imaginations of the native artists and in the contemplation of the European missionaries and patrons. The image of the Suffering Servant resonated in the hearts and in the daily lives of the people just as it humbled missionary ardor, and excited a spiritual enthusiasm that forged an art of stunning doctrinal intimacy.

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La Porta, Sergio. "Armeno-Latin Intellectual Exchange in the Fourteenth Century." Medieval Encounters 21, no. 2-3 (July 2, 2015): 269–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342195.

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This essay examines the scholarly interaction and competition between the Armenian and Latin intellectual traditions in the fourteenth century. During the course of the century, Franciscan and Dominican missionaries successfully converted a number of Armenians to Roman Catholicism. In order to do so, they brought a significant number of texts that were translated into Armenian. The Aristotelian focus of the Dominican tradition in particular constituted a central factor in the intellectual appeal of the library that accompanied the missionaries as well as in the conversion of Armenians to Roman Catholicism. The popularity of the texts and the movement towards union with Rome stimulated both a reaction and a reformation in the Armenian Apostolic monastic schools. While Armenian Apostolic monastic teachers labored stridently against their fellow Armenian converts, they also adapted and incorporated Latin exegetical, philosophical, and organizational traditions into the Armenian monastic school system.

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Achmatowicz, Jerzy. "El salmo 59 como base de la interpretación apocalíptico-milenarista de la misión fundadora de los franciscanos en Nueva España." Estudios Hispánicos 24 (March 31, 2017): 9–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2084-2546.24.1.

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Psalm 59 as the basis of apocalyptic-millenaries interpretation of in New Spain Franciscans the founder’s missionArticle treat about the criticism of sources. In this case it comes to appeal to the Spanish chroniclers Motolinii and Mendieta to Psalm 59. In Mendieta comes to special translate a fragment of the same psalm, which is one of the foundations of apocalyptic-millenaries interpretation of the Franciscan missions in Mexico in the first half of the sixteenth century.Using specific translating tools we show that the said base includes acceptance of confusion mentioned Psalm, which allows us to identify the specific validity of source criticism. It should be mentioned that the analysis of a fragment of Psalm 59, which in this context is the first to carry out the extensive literature on the subject, both when it comes to apocalyptic-millenaries perception of Franciscan spirituality among the missionaries operating in New Spain including Phelan, Baudot as well as the critics of such perception Lino Canedo, Andrés Martín, Zaballa Beascoechea.

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Harrison, Jay T. "Franciscan Missionaries and Their Networks: The Diffusion of Missionary Concepts in Eighteenth-Century New Spain." Catholic Historical Review 105, no. 3 (2019): 457–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2019.0095.

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Cabrera, Arelis Rivero. "Missionaries and Moralization for the Franciscan Province of Santa Elena: The Dilemma of an Exported Reform." Americas 61, no. 04 (April 2005): 673–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500069352.

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The exact date on which the first Franciscan friars arrived in Cuba remains unknown, but it was certainly during an early phase of the conquest. Regardless of the exact moment in which the friars disembarked on the island, it is important to note that it marked the beginning of a long history, a history almost condemned to obscurity and from time to time the object of harsh criticism and impassioned indulgence, and more often recorded through partial constructions than through investigation and reasoning. Perhaps because of the complexity of its peculiarities and/or for certain socio-political determining factors that will not be analyzed at this time, Cuba has been one of the marginalized territories of the American ecclesiastical historiography. Nevertheless, in recent years, interest in ecclesiastical themes has grown incrementally among some scholars who, striving to fill the voids, have opened new lines of research and venture to investigate the older documents of the archive.

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Cabrera, Arelis Rivero. "Missionaries and Moralization for the Franciscan Province of Santa Elena: The Dilemma of an Exported Reform." Americas 61, no. 4 (April 2005): 673–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2005.0062.

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The exact date on which the first Franciscan friars arrived in Cuba remains unknown, but it was certainly during an early phase of the conquest. Regardless of the exact moment in which the friars disembarked on the island, it is important to note that it marked the beginning of a long history, a history almost condemned to obscurity and from time to time the object of harsh criticism and impassioned indulgence, and more often recorded through partial constructions than through investigation and reasoning. Perhaps because of the complexity of its peculiarities and/or for certain socio-political determining factors that will not be analyzed at this time, Cuba has been one of the marginalized territories of the American ecclesiastical historiography. Nevertheless, in recent years, interest in ecclesiastical themes has grown incrementally among some scholars who, striving to fill the voids, have opened new lines of research and venture to investigate the older documents of the archive.

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Dubrovskaya, Dinara. "Franciscan Missionaries the Alanian Guard and the Black Steed that Subdued the Pope to Yuan China." ISTORIYA 12, no. 4 (102) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840015586-3.

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Volik, N. "THE UKRAINIAN SISTERS SERVANTS OF MARY IMMACULATE AND BASILIAN FATHERS’ ACTIVITY IN CANADA IN 1901-1925." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 139 (2018): 19–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2018.139.03.

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The study focuses on the first half of the 20th century Basilian fathers and Sisters Servants of Mary Immaculate missions in Canada and the people behind those missions. The study explains that despite the zeal, knowledge, and dedication of the missionaries, the Basilian and Sisters Servants of Mary Immaculate missions in Canada were not organized, and were not particularly trained in missions. But their work during 1902–1925 between Ukrainian immigrants from Galicia helped to stop the processes of assimilation and transferring to the Churches that were widespread in Canada.

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Hermkens, Anna-Karina. "Marists, Marian Devotion, and the Quest for Sovereignty in Bougainville." Social Sciences and Missions 31, no. 1-2 (May 1, 2018): 130–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748945-03101012.

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Abstract Christianity and politics seem to be intrinsically linked. In Central Bougainville, which is part of the autonomous region of Bougainville in Papua New Guinea (PNG), the Catholic faith introduced by Marist missionaries has been instrumental in building a national Bougainville identity and sustaining the political struggle for sovereignty. Although the first missionaries were often cautious not to disrupt socio-political organisations, Marists have been advocating both local and Marist political interests and views in the continuously shifting religious, and socio-economical political context of colonial and “post”-colonial Bougainville. This article follows the early Catholic missionaries to Bougainville, elucidating dialectics, tensions and politics of conversion. Moreover, it shows how devotion to Mary became entangled with a particular representation of Bougainville land as Holy, and the engendering of an ethnic-religious nationalism in the context of a ten-year-long devastating conflict and struggle for sovereignty.

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Okello, Belindah Aluoch, and Dorothy Nyakwaka. "Missionaries’ Rivalry in Kenya and the Establishment of St. Mary’s School Yala." African and Asian Studies 15, no. 4 (December 21, 2016): 372–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341082.

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This article discusses the establishment of St. Mary School Yala, a school begun by the Mill Hill Missionaries as an incentive to attract potential African converts to Catholicism. The school was the outcome of fierce rivalry among missionary groups to spread their denominational faith. Provision of formal education became a popular method of enticing potential converts when colonialism took root as Africans then began flocking mission stations in search of this education to survive the colonial economy. Data for this study was collected from the Kenya National Archive, oral interviews, and from published works on missionary activity in their early years of settlement in Kenya. The study has applied Christian Apologetics theory in analysing the missionaries’ conflict which initiated the establishment of St. Mary’s School; and Dahrendorf’s Theory of Social Conflict in examining conflicts between missionaries, Africans and the colonial state which steered the later development of St. Mary’s School.

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Jones, Cameron D. "The Evolution of Spanish Governance during the Early Bourbon Period in Peru: The Juan Santos Atahualpa Rebellion and the Missionaries of Ocopa." Americas 73, no. 3 (July 2016): 325–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2016.62.

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In 1742, a highland Andean named Juan Santos led a group of mainly Asháninka and Yanesha warriors against a handful of isolated Franciscan missions in the central high jungle of Peru. Over the next ten years the rebellion smoldered, occasionally sparking to life, as Santos's forces pushed the missionaries based out of the College of Santa Rosa de Ocopa (near Jauja, Peru) back to the highlands. The uprising culminated in a brief foray into the highlands, but never effectively reached beyond the security of the densely vegetated high jungle, known locally as the central montaña region. Despite its modest accomplishments, the rebellion secured autonomy for the combatant nations during the rest of the colonial period.

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Poole, Stafford. "‘El Yndio Mas Venturoso’: A Spanish Guadalupan Drama of the Early Nineteenth Century." Americas 73, no. 2 (April 2016): 171–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2016.36.

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The Catholic missionaries who first brought Christianity to New Spain (colonial Mexico) were often very creative and innovative in their teaching methods. They used various audiovisual devices and, often without realizing it, built on preconquest and pre-Christian concepts, a form of unconscious syncretism. It is widely accepted that the missionary enterprise began in 1524 with the arrival of “The Twelve,” the first Franciscan missionaries. Their initial decision that evangelization would be carried on in the native languages, not Spanish, was crucial and had become Church policy by the eighteenth century. They were aided in this by the fact that Nahuatl, the Aztec language, served as a lingua franca, especially in commerce and diplomacy, throughout the central plateau and as far south as Guatemala. The Franciscans, and later the Jesuits, produced grammars (artes), dictionaries, sermonaries, catechisms, miracle stories, and even religious drama in Nahuatl. The adaptation of Nahuatl to the Latin alphabet was enthusiastically received by the native peoples who left us chronicles, town council records, censuses (with valuable information on baptisms and polygamy), lawsuits, and other documentation. With all this, we have been able to open a new window on colonial life.

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Harrison, Henrietta. "British Imperialism, French charity and the changing behaviour of Italian Franciscan missionaries in Shanxi Province, 1800–1850." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 15, no. 4 (September 2010): 519–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2010.501972.

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Jolly, Penny Howell. "Gender, Dress, and Franciscan Tradition in the Mary Magdalen Chapel at San Francesco, Assisi." Gesta 58, no. 1 (March 2019): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/701601.

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Levi, Joseph Abraham. "Portuguese and Other European Missionaries in Africa: A look at their linguistic production and attitudes (1415–1885)." Historiographia Linguistica International Journal for the History of the Language Sciences 36, no. 2-3 (2009): 363–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.36.2-3.10lev.

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This study looks at some of the works produced by Catholic missionaries in Africa from the pre-dawn of the Modern Era (Fall of Constantinople, 1453), in particular the Fall of Ceuta (1415), to the Berlin Conference (1884–1885). Particular emphasis will be placed on the linguistic production of a few Franciscan, Augustinian, Capuchin, Dominican, and/or Jesuit clerics, working under the aegis of the Portuguese Crown, who — with the invaluable help of native assistants, usually members of the clergy or closely affiliated with the Church — compiled the first grammars, word lists, glossaries, and dictionaries of the indigenous languages with which they worked and interacted on a daily basis. Their endeavour, though meritorious and not always free from preconceived ideas of the ‘other’, paved the way for future studies in the field.

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Hall, Catherine. "A Jamaica of the Mind: Gender, Colonialism, and the Missionary Venture." Studies in Church History 34 (1998): 361–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400013759.

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Mary Ann Middleditch, a young woman of twenty in 1833, living in Wellingborough in Northamptonshire and working in a school, confided in her letters her passionate feelings about Jamaica and the emancipation of slaves. The daughter of a Baptist minister, she had grown up in the culture of dissent and antislavery and felt deeply identified with the slaves whose stories had become part of the books she read, the sermons she heard, the hymns she sang, the poems she quoted, and the missionary meetings she attended. In 1833, at the height of the antislavery agitation, Mary Ann followed the progress of William Knibb in Northamptonshire. Knibb, who was born in nearby Kettering, had gone to Jamaica as a Baptist missionary in 1824 and been radicalized by his encounter with slavery. In the aftermath of the slave rebellion of 1831, widely known as the Baptist War because of the associations between some of the slave leaders and the Baptist churches, the planters had organized against the missionaries, burnt their chapels and mission stations, persecuted and threatened those whom they saw as responsible. Faced with the realization that their mission could not coexist with slavery the Baptist missionaries in Jamaica sent William Knibb, their most eloquent spokesman, to England to present their case. Abandoning the established orthodoxy that missionaries must keep out of politics, Knibb openly declared his commitment to abolition. The effect was electric and his speeches, up and down the country, were vital to the effective organization of a powerful antislavery campaign which resulted in the Emancipation Act of 1833.

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Dorr, Laurence J. "Mary and William Pool and their (mostly her) Malagasy lichen and plant collections." Archives of Natural History 46, no. 1 (April 2019): 134–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anh.2019.0561.

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William and Mary (née Crage) Pool spent the decade from 1865 to 1875 in Madagascar as missionaries employed by the London Missionary Society. For amusement, Mrs Pool collected lichen and plant specimens, which her husband eventually donated to Kew. Even though Mrs Pool collected most of these specimens, her husband invariably receives credit: his name appears on the labels of plants collected by her, and her collections are attributed to him in a number of contemporary publications.

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