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1

Katzew, Ilona. "La Virgen de la Macana. Emblema de una coyuntura franciscana." Anales del Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas 20, no. 72 (August 6, 1998): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/iie.18703062e.1998.72.1802.

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The cult to the Vírgín of the Macana was not limited to New Mexico. It was consolidated and survived in the center of New Spain because the ímage and the story that explains it became parts of the symbolic and polítical repertory of the Franciscans during their conflict with the secular clergy which dominated the institutional life of the viceregal church during the eighteenth century. The study of the images of the Virgin provide understanding of some of the arguments used by the Franciscans during this struggle.
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2

Don, Patricia Lopes. "Franciscans, Indian Sorcerers, and the Inquisition in New Spain, 1536-1543." Journal of World History 17, no. 1 (2006): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jwh.2006.0025.

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3

Berlanga, C., and J. A. Ruiz. "Study of Corrosion in a Biomass Boiler." Journal of Chemistry 2013 (2013): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2013/272090.

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Biomass plants, apart from producing energy, help to reduce CO2(g) emissions. One of the biggest problems for their development is superheater corrosion due to fuel corrosivity, especially of the straw. This limits both the temperature of the vapour and also the effectiveness of the plant. In order to know more about the reactions which happen inside the boiler of biomass, thermodynamic calculations using software (HSC Chemistry) have been carried out. Field tests have been carried out in the Sangüesa Biomass Plant in Navarra (Spain): determination of the types of oxides and the deposits formed on the superheaters tubes as well as a program to measure temperatures. Finally, the global results are discussed.
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4

West, Delno C. "Medieval Ideas of Apocalyptic Mission and the Early Franciscans in Mexico." Americas 45, no. 3 (January 1989): 293–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007224.

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On June 18, 1539, at Tlaxcala, New Spain, Indians recently converted to Christianity performed a pageant written and directed by the Franciscan missionaries. The play titled “The Conquest of Jerusalem” featured the final siege of the Holy City led by combined armies from Spain and New Spain aided by forces from France and Hungary. The drama unfolds with the army from New Spain, protected by angels and St. Hippolytus, showing the most valor. Huddled to one side of the battlefield are the Pope and his court offering prayers for a Christian victory. After several attacks, each of which ends in a miracle saving the Christian armies, the Moslems capitulate and convert to the true faith. In the final scene, the Pope causes all the new converts to be baptized after which the Sultan and his soldiers bow before Charles V and proclaim him to be “God's Captain” for all the earth. The pageant commemorated the Truce of Nice concluded on June 17, 1538, between Charles V and Francis I at the urging and coordination of Pope Paul III who wanted to free Charles V to attack the Turks and capture Jerusalem. Celebrating the Truce of Nice was a natural choice for the friars because it reflected commonly held theories of apocalypticism. The pageant exhibited salient themes of the apocalyptic conversion of non-believers and infidels, the recapture of Jerusalem, and the recognition of a “last world ruler.” Toribio de Benavente (Motolinía), who recorded the pageant, prefaced the drama by praying that this prophesied victory would soon happen and he assigned an unprecedented role to the peoples of the New World in the victory.
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5

Truitt, Jonathan. "Adopted Pedagogies: Nahua Incorporation of European Music and Theater in Colonial Mexico City." Americas 66, no. 03 (January 2010): 311–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500005757.

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In 1519 Spanish conquistadors arrived on the shores of Mesoamerica under the leadership of Hernando Cortés. Following the defeat of Mexico-Tenochtidan, the Aztec capital, Cortés requested that members of the Franciscan order be sent from Spain to lead the conversion effort. In 1523 the first three Franciscans arrived, among them fray Pedro de Gante. One year later another 12 Franciscans made the journey. They established themselves in the southeastern portion of Mexico-Tenochtitlan, and under their direction Nahua laborers built the principal Franciscan religious compound, San Francisco, and the first indigenous chapel in New Spain, San Josef de los Naturales. Together this friary and chapel served as the main point of interaction for Franciscan conversion efforts within the altepetl, ethnic state, of Mexico-Tenochtidan. In the courtyard of San Francisco, next to the indigenous chapel, fray Pedro established an indigenous school aimed at the indoctrination of the Nahua peoples of Mexico-Tenochtitlan and other outlying altepetl. Although its students were primarily members of indigenous nobility, other promising Nahuas received an education there as well.
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6

Truitt, Jonathan. "Adopted Pedagogies: Nahua Incorporation of European Music and Theater in Colonial Mexico City." Americas 66, no. 3 (January 2010): 311–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.0.0209.

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In 1519 Spanish conquistadors arrived on the shores of Mesoamerica under the leadership of Hernando Cortés. Following the defeat of Mexico-Tenochtidan, the Aztec capital, Cortés requested that members of the Franciscan order be sent from Spain to lead the conversion effort. In 1523 the first three Franciscans arrived, among them fray Pedro de Gante. One year later another 12 Franciscans made the journey. They established themselves in the southeastern portion of Mexico-Tenochtitlan, and under their direction Nahua laborers built the principal Franciscan religious compound, San Francisco, and the first indigenous chapel in New Spain, San Josef de los Naturales. Together this friary and chapel served as the main point of interaction for Franciscan conversion efforts within the altepetl, ethnic state, of Mexico-Tenochtidan. In the courtyard of San Francisco, next to the indigenous chapel, fray Pedro established an indigenous school aimed at the indoctrination of the Nahua peoples of Mexico-Tenochtitlan and other outlying altepetl. Although its students were primarily members of indigenous nobility, other promising Nahuas received an education there as well.
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7

Díaz Paredes, Aitor. "Fidelidad, fueros y negociación Las Cortes de Sangüesa en la defensa de la Corona de Aragón (1705) = Fidelidad, fueros y negociación. Las Cortes de Sangüesa en la defensa de la Corona de Aragón (1705) = Loyalty, Fueros and Negotiation. The Cortes of Sangüesa in the Defense of the Crown of Aragon (1705)." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie IV, Historia Moderna, no. 32 (July 16, 2019): 303. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfiv.32.2019.22466.

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En el verano de 1705, España se encontraba al borde de una guerra civil. La Monarquía Hispánica, en previsión a un desembarco Aliado en Cataluña, se vio obligada a desviar recursos al frente mediterráneo. Felipe V necesitaba tropas, y convocó Cortes en Navarra. Navarra era un territorio leal, pero que mantenía sus propias instituciones políticas –las Cortes y la Diputación–, y su propio sistema fiscal y jurídico –el Fuero General–. Estas particularidades habían mantenido a Navarra al margen de la costosa política exterior de los Habsburgo. Ahora, sin embargo, la situación había cambiado, y la Monarquía tenía que negociar con las Cortes un servicio, en forma de regimientos. AbstractIn the summer of 1705, Spain was about to face civil war. In the eventuality of an Allied landing in Catalonia, the Crown was forced to divert resources to the Mediterranean front. Philip V needed troops, and he called the three estates of Navarre for Cortes. Navarre was a loyal territory, but it had its own political institutions –the Cortes and its permanent commission, the Diputación– and its own tax and juridical system –the Fuero General–. These particularities kept Navarre out of the gruelling Habsburg foreign policy. However, the situation was now different, and the Monarchy had to negotiate with the Cortes a servicio, in the form of regiments.
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8

Tóth, Ágnes. "Política colonizadora de España en Alta California en la correspondencia de los padres Franciscanos 1769-1795." Acta Hispanica 13 (January 1, 2008): 13–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/actahisp.2008.13.13-24.

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What were the reasons for the inability of the Viceroyalty of Spain to consolidate its power in Alta California? The aim of the essay is to provide an answer to this question, examining the interpretation of Franciscan fathers serving in missions of the region about the causes of that failure. The letters and other documents of the Franciscans—either unintentionally or consciously—represent a very modern point of view on power relations and government measures; they impeach the government for the lack of certain economic and commercial conditions that would encourage free trade and development in the region. In their interpretation, the essential prerequisite of development and wealth creation is the dilingent, continuous labor of the population. However, in the case of Alta California, this is hindered by the overregulation of commerce and the regulation of prices on behalf of the government. The Franciscans also note that as a result of the strict land ownership laws, the region does not attract much settlers, resulting in a decrease of urban development. Due to the lack of motivating factors, the main philosophy of the residents of the region is “maybe tomorrow”.
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9

Schwaller, John F. "Fr. Agustín de Vetancurt: The “Via crucis en mexicano”." Americas 74, no. 2 (March 27, 2017): 119–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2017.1.

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The reputation of Fr. Agustín de Vetancurt, one of the better known Franciscans of colonial Mexico, derives largely from his fame as a historian. He is the author of the monumental Teatro mexicano (1698), a historical description of the most important events of colonial New Spain. Fr. Agustín was also an accomplished scholar of Nahuatl, and published several works in that language. This essay will take a preliminary look at his life and times by focusing on a small work written by him in Nahuatl. It is a guide for the ceremony of the Stations of the Cross, celebrated throughout the year but especially on Good Friday.
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10

Cadez Ortola, Émilie. "Un franciscano asturiano en Nueva España: fray Juan Agustín Morfi (1735-1783)." Cuadernos de Estudios del Siglo XVIII, no. 2 (December 19, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.17811/cesxviii.2.2018.1-72.

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RESUMENEste trabajo presenta resultados parciales de la tesis doctoral Les mobilités intercontinentales dans le Royaume d’Espagne: fray Juan Agustín Morfi, franciscain asturien en Nouvelle-Espagne (1735-1783), defendida en la Universidad de Toulouse en 2017, y aspira a reordenar ciertos contenidos y aportar nuevos elementos que contribuyan al mejor conocimiento de la biografía y el perfil, tanto vital como intelectual, de Juan Agustín Morfi.PALABRAS CLAVEMorfi; Asturias; Nueva España; Texas; Franciscanos; Théodore de Croix. TITLEAn Asturian Franciscan in New Spain: fray Juan Agustín Morfi (1735-1783)ABSTRACTThis paper presents partial results of the doctoral thesis Les mobilités intercontinental dans le Royaume d'Espagne: fray Juan Agustín Morfi, franciscain asturien in Nouvelle-Espagne (1735-1783), defended at the University of Toulouse in 2017. It aspires to reorder certain contents and provide new sources that contribute to the better knowledge of the biography and the profile, both vital and intellectual, of Juan Agustín Morfi.KEY WORDSMorfi; Asturias; New Spain; Texas; Franciscans; Théodore de Croix.
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11

Achmatowicz, Jerzy. "El salmo 59 como base de la interpretación apocalíptico-milenarista de la misión fundadora de los franciscanos en Nueva España." Estudios Hispánicos 24 (March 31, 2017): 9–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2084-2546.24.1.

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Psalm 59 as the basis of apocalyptic-millenaries interpretation of in New Spain Franciscans the founder’s missionArticle treat about the criticism of sources. In this case it comes to appeal to the Spanish chroniclers Motolinii and Mendieta to Psalm 59. In Mendieta comes to special translate a fragment of the same psalm, which is one of the foundations of apocalyptic-millenaries interpretation of the Franciscan missions in Mexico in the first half of the sixteenth century.Using specific translating tools we show that the said base includes acceptance of confusion mentioned Psalm, which allows us to identify the specific validity of source criticism. It should be mentioned that the analysis of a fragment of Psalm 59, which in this context is the first to carry out the extensive literature on the subject, both when it comes to apocalyptic-millenaries perception of Franciscan spirituality among the missionaries operating in New Spain including Phelan, Baudot as well as the critics of such perception Lino Canedo, Andrés Martín, Zaballa Beascoechea.
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12

Pollnitz, Aysha. "OLD WORDS AND THE NEW WORLD: LIBERAL EDUCATION AND THE FRANCISCANS IN NEW SPAIN, 1536–1601The Whitfield Prize Winner." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 27 (November 1, 2017): 123–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440117000068.

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ABSTRACTThe Colegio de Santa Cruz de Tlatelolco, established in 1536, liberally educated the sons of Nahua (Aztec) leaders in New Spain. Its Franciscan pedagogues, including Bernardino de Sahagún (c. 1499–1590), Andrés de Olmos (1491–1571) and Juan Bautista (c. 1555–1606/13), worked with indigenous students and alumni to collect, edit and circulate Nahuatl huehuetlahtolli, or ‘speech of the ancients’. This paper examines the largest collection of these orations printed in pre-modern Mexico, the Huehuetlahtolli [1601] edited by Juan Bautista and indigenous intellectuals from the college. It argues that the Tlatelolcans adapted Nahuatl ‘old words’ for the New World of colonial society. They ornamented the speeches with rhetorical techniques derived from Santa Cruz's Erasmian curriculum. They interpolated biblical sentences, particularly from Proverbs and Sirach, to enhance the evangelising potential of the discourses. Finally, they drew on Erasmus's theory of speech, as expressed in his pedagogical and spiritual writings, to explicate Nahuatl los difrasismos concerning eloquence and good counsel. Contextualising the Huehuetlahtolli [1601] in Santa Cruz's Erasmian schoolroom reveals the contours of its argument for vernacular evangelisation, the liberal education of indigenous youth and for the elegance of the Nahuatl tongue.
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13

Pardo, Osvaldo F. "How to Punish Indians: Law and Cultural Change in Early Colonial Mexico." Comparative Studies in Society and History 48, no. 1 (January 2006): 79–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417506000041.

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Not long after the arrival of the Mendicant orders in New Spain, a view emerged among the friars that the subjection of the Mexican Indians to Spanish law might not be a goal as practical and desirable as the Crown expected, at least not for the immediate future. Franciscans, in particular, thought that the transfer and application of long-established legal principles to the Mexican Indians, such as the customary distinction of jurisdictions, could ultimately hurt rather than facilitate their full conversion to Christianity. For them, the administration of justice was but a natural extension of the enterprise of evangelization, a point that they made repeatedly in letters and reports throughout the sixteenth century.1 In part, their opposition to seeing the new converts subject to secular law stemmed from a general dissatisfaction with the state of legal affairs in the Peninsula, where an alarming increase in lawsuits and legal costs leading to the further consolidation of a class of letrados appeared to threaten the fabric of social life.
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14

Poole, Stafford. "‘El Yndio Mas Venturoso’: A Spanish Guadalupan Drama of the Early Nineteenth Century." Americas 73, no. 2 (April 2016): 171–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2016.36.

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The Catholic missionaries who first brought Christianity to New Spain (colonial Mexico) were often very creative and innovative in their teaching methods. They used various audiovisual devices and, often without realizing it, built on preconquest and pre-Christian concepts, a form of unconscious syncretism. It is widely accepted that the missionary enterprise began in 1524 with the arrival of “The Twelve,” the first Franciscan missionaries. Their initial decision that evangelization would be carried on in the native languages, not Spanish, was crucial and had become Church policy by the eighteenth century. They were aided in this by the fact that Nahuatl, the Aztec language, served as a lingua franca, especially in commerce and diplomacy, throughout the central plateau and as far south as Guatemala. The Franciscans, and later the Jesuits, produced grammars (artes), dictionaries, sermonaries, catechisms, miracle stories, and even religious drama in Nahuatl. The adaptation of Nahuatl to the Latin alphabet was enthusiastically received by the native peoples who left us chronicles, town council records, censuses (with valuable information on baptisms and polygamy), lawsuits, and other documentation. With all this, we have been able to open a new window on colonial life.
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Aronberg Lavin, Marilyn. "El Pueblo de Nuestra Señora la Reina de los Ángeles de la Porciúncula: Or How Los Angeles Got its Name." Religion and the Arts 18, no. 1-2 (2014): 11–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685292-01801003.

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‭This study traces the route by which the city of Los Angeles came to be called by that name. Late in life St. Francis retired to a tiny hut on “a little piece of property,” una porziuncola near Assisi. Because angels were frequently heard singing there, the area around his hut was known as “La Valle di Nostra Donna degli Angeli.” Here, Francis experienced two appearances of Mary and her Son, during which he obtained the revolutionary plenary indulgence known as Il Perdono d’Assisi. The Porziuncola became a pilgrims’ shrine, and Francis’s hut was transformed into a huge basilica dedicated to Santa Maria degli Angeli. Reception of the indulgence slowly spread throughout Europe, and most particularly in Spain. Columbus, who was a Franciscan Tertiary, after a stay in the monastery of Our Lady of the Angels at La Rábida, set sail on his momentous journey on the feast of the Perdono (2 August). The indulgence was carried to the New World by the Franciscans where the devotion developed a wide-spread cult. Three hundred years later, the Spanish king’s army, accompanied by Franciscan friars, journeyed up the western coast and came upon a clear stream, which they called la Porciúncula. In 1781, the New World City of the Angels was founded in the cult’s honor.‬
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Lightfoot, Kent G. "Demographic Collapse in Colonial Missions: Indian Population Decline: The Missions of Northwestern New Spain, 1687-1840. Robert H. Jackson.: Indians, Franciscans, and Spanish Colonization: The Impact of the Mission System on California Indians. Robert H." American Anthropologist 98, no. 3 (September 1996): 633–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1996.98.3.02a00220.

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17

"Beowulf 875–902 and the Sculptures At Sangüesa, Spain." Notes and Queries, March 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/38.1.2.

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18

Kurowiak, Jan. "Dreams Give Birth to Reality”. Engraving Austroseraphicum Coelum as an Attempt to Create a New Reality by the Spanish Habsburgs Dynastic Propaganda / Sny rodzą rzeczywistość…”. Grafika Austroseraphicum Coelum jako próba kreowania nowej rzeczywistości za pomocą propagandy dynastycznej Habsburgów hiszpańskich." Annales UMCS. Sectio I (Filozofia, Socjologia) 39, no. 1 (January 1, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sectio-2013-0012.

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AbstractAs a work of propaganda, graphics Austroseraphicum Coelum Paulus Pontius should create a new reality, make appearances. The main impression while seeing the graphics is the admiration for the power of Habsburgs, which interacts with the power of the Mother of God. She, in turn, refers the viewer to God, as well as Franciscans placed on the graphic, they become a symbol of the Church. This is a starting point for further interpretation of the drawing. By the presence of certain characters, allegories, symbols, we can see references to a particular political situation in the Netherlands - the war with the northern provinces of Spain. The message of the graphic is: the Spanish Habsburgs, commissioned by the mission of God, they are able to fight all of the enemies, especially Protestants, with the help of Immaculate and the Franciscans. The main aim of the graphic is to convince the viewer that this will happen and to create in his mind a vision of the new reality. But Spain was in the seventeenth century nothing but a shadow of former itself (in the time of Philip IV the general condition of Spain get worse). That was the reason why they wanted to hold the belief that the empire continues unwavering. The form of this work (graphics), also allowed to export them around the world, and the ambiguity of the symbolic system, its contents relate to different contexts, and as a result, the Habsburgs, not only Spanish, they could promote their strength everywhere. Therefore it was used very well as a single work of propaganda, as well as a part of a broader campaign
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19

D'Amore, Anna Maria, Verónica del Carmen Murillo Gallegos, and Krisztina Zimányi. "Have faith in your vocabulary. The role of the interpreter in the conquest of power, language and ideology in the New Spain." Linguistica Antverpiensia, New Series – Themes in Translation Studies, no. 15 (December 7, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.52034/lanstts.v0i15.393.

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Crucial in the moments of initial contact and military conflict during the conquest, translation and interpreting continued to play a fundamental role throughout the 16th and 17th centuries in the New Spain. With evangelization both the means and end to control and conquest, the ideological conflict required the active participation of both translators and interpreters. Community interpreting in the context of conflict, colonization and evangelization in the region saw the collaboration of various actors/agents, and there is much speculation, if little reliable documentation, regarding their participation. This paper aims to analyse the role of interpreters and translators in the indoctrination of the local populations through a study of the document known as Los Coloquios de 1524, a text compiled fifty years after the actual conquest, that aspired to reconstruct the first contact with, and attempts at evangelization of, the indigenous population by Spanish Franciscan friars. Apparently under the supervision of the Franciscans, the role of indigenous Nahuatl speaking interpreters was paramount in the conceptualization -via Nahuatl- of Christianity in the New Spain, first interpreting indigenous religious and cultural practice and then adapting and reconstructing notions of Christianity for local consumption. Through the translation and interpretation of conflict between languages, religions and worldviews, changes in ideas, language and culture, and thus power, took place in the interstices and metaphorical spaces of negotiation.
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