Journal articles on the topic 'Franciscans. Third Order'

The Franciscan Order was one of the most important missionary orders in China during the Ming and Qing Dynasties. While rooted in the local communities, they also engaged in various forms of interactions with Chinese literati. This article will begin by briefly discussing the issue of the Franciscans changing from religious habit into Chinese dress as well as their evolving attitude towards Confucianism and Chinese rituals, aiming to illustrate the process of shaping their “Western Confucian” image and their adaptation to Chinese culture. Subsequently, the focus of this paper will be shifted to exploring the modes of interactions between the Spanish Franciscans and the Chinese literati. The author argues that the interactions between the two sides were primarily power-based. These power-based interactions entailed establishing connections with officials and leveraging their influence to safeguard missionary activities. It can be further categorized into three types. The first type involved socializing with officials, while the second type included interaction with Jesuit officials in court, and the third type was direct involvement in official positions. In their engagement with literati, the Franciscans demonstrated a thorough understanding of and adaptation to Chinese societal and cultural norms, thereby facilitating the development of their mission.

“The womb of the Province” is how one eighteenth-century resident described Querétaro, for within that city the Franciscans of the Province of San Pedro y San Pablo de Michoacán supported not only the friary of Santiago el Grande with its Spanish and Indian parishes, but also the pioneering College of Santa Cruz, the convents of Santa Clara and Santa Rosa de Viterbo for women, the seminary of the Province, the mission church of San Sebastián, and the friary and shrine of Nuestra Señora de Pueblito. The city additionally served as the seat of the Provincial chapter. Friars and nuns at these various foundations directed over twenty associations of laity organized into confraternities, or cofradíos. Poised delicately between those who were professed Franciscans (male and female, of the First and Second Orders, respectively), and the lay confraternities affiliated with the monasteries, was the Third Order, an institute which has defied classification.

COLLECTIVE PORTRAIT OF THE LITHUANIAN ORDER OF FRIARS MINOR CONVENTUAL (LATE EIGHTEENTH–EARLY NINETEENTH CENTURY) The article analyses data of the 567 Franciscan Friars Conventual from the Lithuanian St Casimir province, who died in the period of 1775–1832: age of entry, geographic and social background. These are the factors that allow to restore the dynamics of the development of this brotherhood. Order of Friars Minor Conventual accepted individuals from 12 to 40 years of age (94.6 % of all candidates), and this was in accordance with age requirements set within the Franciscan Order. Later, when faced with the calling crisis, the brotherhood started integrating candidates of a more mature age (sometimes even 67 years old) who could become both lay brothers (Lat. laicus professus) and friars priests (Lat. clericus proffessus). Likewise, both groups could include married men, who were formally named as friars of the Third Order (Lat. tertiarius claustralis). Therefore, this flexibility of the brotherhood, its ability to deal with the issues of the period, ensured viability of the community. The research revealed, that sometimes the brotherhood would be “enlivened” by the inter-congregational “migration” of the friars, which was not voluminous: the Franciscan Order would be joined by friars formerly from Carthusian, Bernardine, Discalced Carmelite and Piarist orders, yet sometimes Franciscan Conventual Friars would leave for the Dominicans or the Carmelites. Such movement shows the continuous search by the “men of prayer” on the path of spiritual calling. The established presence of several converts (Uniats, Jews) in the brotherhood shows that the Franciscans did have, even if not strong, influence in towns and in the eastern part of the Grand Duchy. On the other hand, “migrant” friars and converts would enrich the brotherhood spiritually and culturally.

The early 17th century witnessed a revival of the Franciscan lay communities in practically all Catholic territories. Such communities were open to clerics and lay people alike, regardless of marital status, gender or social status. Their members committed their lives to Franciscanism and an intense spirituality, following a strict calendar of devotional practices as set out in the rule and the statutes. These latter were specific to each of the communities but were drawn up based on the rule. The statutes of the Third Order in the Portuguese town of Viana do Castelo, analyzed here, were drawn up in 1726. Until then, those of 1663 had been applied and attributed to the then commissary visitor of the Order. The need for new statutes arose because the earlier ones were considered too vague, but the new statutes failed to solve the problem and were revised in 1740.

This historical research has focused on the religious movement of the Third Order Regular Francis of Asisi. The followers of the Poor man of Assisi consist of four Franciscan Orders, known today as the Order of Friars Minor, the Order of St. Clare, the Third Order Regular of St. Francis, and the Secular Franciscan Order (formerly known as the Third Order Secular). More than that, the religious vision and Francis’ inspiration are being put into practice by a certain Lutheran denomination and an Anglican church. The research which applied the method of spiritual-historical theology has narrated the emancipatory movements that were realized by the Third Order (penitence) of St. Francis. In fact, there were lay people who would imitate Francis’s way of life within their state of life, in their works, and within their family. This is the origin of Tersiaris (the Secular Franciscan Order). Then, there were some people who would be religious in the spirit of St. Francis by living the holy gospel. In reality, some interventions by the Holy See took part in determining the development of the Third Order Regular of St. Francis, besides the active roles of the members of the First Order (as spiritual fathers) and local bishops. Throughout its long history, the Third Order Regular has served as a kind of sanctity school for its own members as well as those who completely immerse themselves in their service to the world. So, the primary characteristic of the Third Order remains penance, that is the spiritual ideals of Francis of Assisi.

In the early thirteenth century, informal communities of pious lay women in urban areas of Northern Europe came to the attention of the Church. These women lived in their own homes or small communities, and played a prominent role in secular society. However, these women soon found themselves both the subject of controversy, and increasingly steered toward a monastic model. Attempts were made to create and institutionalize a “middling” status. These primarily took the form of the creation of “third orders” or “tertiary groups” attached to official religious orders. Using the example of the so-called Franciscan third order, this article explores the evolution and institutionalization of penitential life from the thirteenth through sixteenth centuries. It both traces the evolution of the fictive Franciscan penitential order, and places it in its wider context. In so doing, it explores the norms and controversies associated with this way of life in later medieval and early modern religious culture.

Síntese: A preocupação com a salvação das almas durante o século XVIII fazia parte da vivência dos católicos. Como outras instituições da época, a Ordem Terceira franciscana de São Paulo (SP/Brasil) inumava seus associados e possuía disposições a respeito dos ritos funerários, entre as quais, para garantir o bem morrer, destacavam-se: a utilização de mortalhas, a celebração de missas, o enterro no interior da igreja e a celebração anual em prol dos defuntos. Nesse sentido, a partir da documentação produzida no interior da associação são analisados os ritos fúnebres e os sepultamentos entre os irmãos terceiros, no intuito de lançar luz sobre alguns aspectos da vivência religiosa dos moradores de São Paulo, indicando também a relevância da Ordem Terceira franciscana no conjunto de associações da cidade.Palavras-chave: Ordem Terceira de São Francisco. Rituais fúnebres. Morte. São Paulo. Século XVIII.Abstract: Concern for the salvation of souls during the eighteenth century was part of the experience of Catholics. Like other institutions of the time, the Third Order of Saint Francis of São Paulo (Brazil), had provisions regarding funeral rites and buried its members. Among the provisions destined to ensure a good death stood out: the use of shrouds, the celebration of mass, burial inside the church and the annual celebration in favor of the deceased. In this sense, from the documentation produced within the association, we analyze the funeral rites and burials among the brothers of the Third Order of Saint Francis in order to shed light on some aspects of religious life of the inhabitants of São Paulo at that time, also indicating the importance of the Third Order of Saint Francis in the set of the city associations.Keywords: Third Order of Saint Francis. Funeral rites. Death. São Paulo-Brazil. Eighteenth century.

The paper highlights the role of communities of monks and nuns (the Third Orders) inthe structure and activity of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church (UGCC), which functionedunderground. It is emphasized that the historical roots of the Third Order are traced back to the13th century when spiritual life of specific lay communities was regulated by the Franciscan andthe Dominican Orders, and later, by the Carmelite Order. Between 1900 and 1930s lay communitiesof the UGCC became noticeably active. A characteristic example of their activity is the well knownRules for laypersons of the Basilian Order drawn by Metropolitan Archbishop Andrey Sheptytsky.In the 1970s (the Soviet time, when the UGCC worked underground), there appeared theRedemptorist and the Basilian Third Orders in Ivano-Frankivsk Oblast. Their members kept insafety different cult objects, held underground Divine Services, meetings, had spiritual practices,did catechesis, etc. On the whole, these lay communities had played an important role in theUGCC underground activity up till the late 1980s

Abstract: Throughout the history of Christianity in Japan, tension and conflict have persisted between the Jesuits and Franciscans. At face value, this appears to be due to their different readings of the policies of Rome and varied approaches to apostolic work. However, upon closer examination, politics also played an important role. Behind the two orders were two rival maritime powers - Portugal and Spain, whose fellow countrymen’s feelings of national sentiment may occasionally have outweighed their interests in the mission in Japan. In an attempt to keep the peace, Rome had issued the Patronatus missionum. However, it intensified the conflict and rendered the situation into an irreparable state of disarray. This eventually caused heavy losses to the whole mission. For a better understanding, in this thesis I summarize the following arguments between the Jesuits and Franciscans. The first, and most salient, argument pertains to commerce; the second pertains to the separation of parishes; the third to their apostolic approaches, and the final argument is on their practical policies. It is also worth mentioning that the relationship between the Jesuits and the Franciscans was not eased by the 26-person Nagasaki martyrdom incident. Indeed, this was a heavy loss.

This paper argues that: a) economic systems are an expression of their own cultures and histories and they cannot therefore be exported to places where the local culture does not support their implementation; b) the indiscriminate application of the German (Lutheran) model to all European countries (mainly to Mediterranean Catholic countries) has fostered economic growth in the EU at different speeds; c) Italy, the cradle of Catholic capitalism, is currently attempting to react against austerity measures —imposed by the economic constrictions of the German model— by focusing on the third sector and non-profit companies, which are an expression of Catholic capitalism originating in the Franciscan Third Order.

The purpose of the article is the historical and archeographic analysis of the main group of written sources for the study of Franciscan missions in Rus` in the 13th – the fi rst third of the 15th century. Th e research methodology involves the application of the principles of scientifi c objectivity and historicism, a civilizational approach and non-legalism, which made it possible to study the problem without ideological or religious bias. During the studies, general scientifi c methods were used: logical, structural, classifi cation, statistics, as well as special meth- ods of historical science: comparative, systematic, chronological. Th e scientifi c novelty consists in the source-scientifi c analysis of a group of written monuments in order to reproduce as fully as possible the missionary activity of the Order of Friars Minor (lat. Ordo Fratrum Minorum, hereinaft er – OFM), refl ected in the political, social, economic and cultural life of Rus` in the 13th – the fi rst third of the 15th centuries . Conclusions. Th e source base of the research consists of a complex of various types, mostly published documents, which will require a comprehensive critical analysis in the future. Th e main body of sources of the proposed topic are archival and published documents, conventionally divided into act and narrative. Most of the act materials were published in archeographic publications of the 18th – 21st centuries. Th ese are mainly documents of a church and secular nature, narratives of minorites and “non-minorites” origin. Among descriptive sources, numerous Franciscan annals, chronicles, geographical, biographical and hagiographical works should be singled out, on the pages of which information about Rus` came through the empirical experience of the authors or people close to them. A signifi cant number of sources from the 16th to the 17th century, which oft en leaned towards the “tradi- tion of the order,” should be critically examined. Despite the considerable number of diverse archeographical publications outlined in this source-based review, it is worth noting that similar studies on the history of Franciscan missionary work in Rus` of the 13th – the fi rst third of the 15th centuries. need constant heuristic attention and critical analysis, taking into account the well-known “traditions” and “legends” of the order.

Using the community of St Martha's Hospital in Aberdour as a case study, this article places the experiences of Scottish tertiary women in the wider European context. In 1488 Pope Innocent VIII confirmed the introduction of the third order of St Francis to Scotland via a small community of women in Aberdour. Although the surviving information regarding this community is both scarce and contradictory, it is compatible with the information that is available for tertiary communities throughout Europe. To understand the complexity of the canonical situation that arose around such communities, this article traces papal proclamations on the subject from 1289 (Supra montem) to 1413 (Personas vacantes). Close examination suggests that Innocent did not bring a new form of life to Scotland but a system of regularisation and identity. Throughout Europe various groups of non-monastic women were given the name ‘tertiary’ or said to ‘join’ the Franciscan third order. Both in Scotland and on the continent, these groups were generally connected with the larger movement of observant reform that took hold from c. 1370–1500. Although tertiary life never became an integral part of the Scottish ecclesiastical climate, the parallels between the ways that communities were regulated sheds additional light on the relationship between religious communities in Scotland and Europe.

Abstract Scholarship on Saint Francis of Assisi and the Franciscan movement, established in the thirteenth century, surprisingly tends to ignore his response to a central message of the Church: that we must love and care for the needy among our human brethren. Jesus himself said so, nowhere more explicitly than in Matthew, chapter twenty-five. Yet Francis’s writings repeatedly manifest his familiarity with Matthew, including that chapter. Conditions in rapidly urbanizing parts of Europe during the late-medieval period such as Northern and Central Italy rendered Christ’s mandate to “love one another” especially pertinent. Charitable confraternities played a major role in mitigating human suffering during that transitional era, providing various types of assistance community-wide to disadvantaged neighbors. Archival documents confirm that such actions performed by members of the Misericordia Confraternity of Florence followed Christ’s declaration in Matthew 25 setting forth the Corporal Works of Mercy. Inscriptions and pictorial details in the Misericordia’s frescoed Allegory of Mercy of 1342 underscore this point. Other details within that painting signal a Franciscan influence upon, and presence within, the Misericordia Company, reflecting the existence of a robust Franciscan community in Florence comprising not only members of the First and Second Orders—the Friars Minor and Poor Clares, respectively—but also laypersons of the Third Order. Passages in the writings of Saint Francis and his early biographers indicate the importance that works of mercy had for the Poverello, the six named in Matthew and a seventh commonly added to that list. In particular, Francis’s experiences, pronouncements, and efforts in regard to the fourth and sixth works of mercy, clothing the naked and aiding prisoners, exemplify the charitable activities both encouraged by the saint and, almost certainly with his background, words, and deeds in mind, actually implemented by members of the Misericordia Confraternity, as articulated in their inspirational centerpiece, the Allegory of Mercy.

Abstract In this article I focus on two of the most prominent female saints: the Franciscan St. Clare of Assisi (1194–1253) and one belonging to the third order of Saint Dominic, St. Catherine of Siena (1347–1380). I analyze a series of visual examples that picture their roles as saviors against epidemics and point out similarities and differences between them. I emphasize the power of the images in providing relief and salvation. St. Clare of Assisi and St. Catherine of Siena offer two distinct models of female sanctity that protect against the plague: the first owing to her symbolic power and her being a kind of a second Mary and the second because of her unique personality and actions in healing the sick and saving the dying in Italian cities.

In every order or monastic congregation a group of ‘favourite’ saints can be selected. The reasons differ. Most often the foremost place goes to the congregation’s founder or founders. It should be emphasized that in a number of orders, monastic congregations, monasteries, or abbeys the cult is given to benefactors and founders not formally canonized by the Church. The other group of saints venerated with a particular cult in congregations are those recognised as patrons or protectors of their congregations and saints and beatified coming from the ranks of their order. In the history of the Congregation o f the Sisters o f Saint Felix o f Cantalice Third Order Regular o f Saint Francis o f Assisi we can clearly see the care of the cult of a number of saints and beatified who in a distinctive way affected the Congregation’s spirituality and activity. First the founders of the Congregation, Blessed Honorat Koźmiński (1826-1916) and Blessed Mother Angela Truszkowska (1825— 1899), should be mentioned. From the beginning of its existence the Congregation was deeply rooted in Franciscan spirituality. The Congregation was established after approval by sisters of the Tertiary Order of Saint Francis of Assisi. It should not come as a surprise that in monasteries of the Felician Sisters the cult of Saint Francis of Assisi (1181-1226) and also of Saint Clare (1194-1253) was cherished with great popularity. The Saint to whom the Felician Sisters owe their name is Saint Felix of Cantalice (1515-1587), while in a special way the Congregation was entrusted to the care of Saint Joseph and Immaculate Heart of Mary.

At the tum of the 19,h and 20th centuries lots of religious communities were founded in the St John Baptist parish in Sokołów Małopolski. One of the most important was the Third Order of St Francis. Its foundation was preceded by many years of endeavours. The very idea was propagated by the inhabitant of Sokołów, Katarzyna Koziarz, who became the member of the secular family of Franciscan family in Rzeszów in 1890. Since then morę and morę people from Sokołów had joined the Tertiary.At the beginning of the 20“’ century those who took steps to popularize the Third Order were Katarzyna Koziarz in Sokołów, Maria Ożóg and Małgorzata Maksym in Wólka Sokołowska and Katarzyna Bąk in Trzebuska while the parish priests, Franciszek Stankiewicz and Leon Szado did little for this matter. The members of the Third Order got involved in lots of activities such as sup- porting the building of the church, providing necessary things for the church and making mass of- ferings.Serious steps to found the Third Order in Sokołów were taken by the parish priest Ludwik Bukała. He organized monthly meetings for the Third Order members. He also established contact with the Bemardine Father, Wiktor Biegus, who 27 April 1936 came to Sokołów and became ac- ąuainted with the tertiaries in the parish. The permission for the canonical establishment of tertiary congregation was granted 4 May 1936 by the ordinary of Przemyśl, Bishop Franciszek Bard.The official foundation of the congregation in Sokołów took place 24 May 1936. The local tertiaries chose St Ludwik as their patron. The congregation govemment was constituted at the first meeting. The parish priest became the director of the community and Katarzyna Koziarz was ap- pointed the superior. On the day of the foundation there were about 100 members. In the first three years of the existence of the Third Order there were 30 people who received the habits and 28 who were admitted to the profession.After the canonical establishment of the congregation, the tertiaries became morę active. They provided the church with sacred appurtenances and fumishings, as well as organising public adora- tion of the Holy Sacrament. They would also wash liturgical linens and adom altars. In 1937 they bought a chasuble with the image of St Francis, and in 1939 they donated a banner with the images of Mother of God and St Francis. In addition, the tertiaries founded their own library with religious books and magazines.The congregation gathered for meetings in the parish church every month. Besides, they had occasional private gatherings. In the first years of the existence of the congregation there were 19 meetings of the Counsel. There were also two visitations of the Sokołów congregation held by Father Cyryl from Rzeszów 11 July 1937 and 6 August 1939. The activities of the tertiaries were hindered by the outbreak of the Second World War.

This article aims to present three hypotheses about how the preaching treatise of the Catalan author, Francesc Eiximenis, entitled 'Ars praedicandi populo', ended up in Krakow in the library of Mikołaj Spycymir. For this purpose, three codices, which contain copies of the Eiximenis treatise, were compared to each other. The article also presented in more detail the biography of Nicolaus Spycymir, the owner of the oldest copy of the treatise. The first two hypotheses are related to the Franciscan Order and diplomatic travels and pilgrimages to Compostela. They seem not to be as well-grounded in the sources as the third hypothesis, which concerns the Polish delegations to the Council of Basel and Council delegations coming to Kraków. One of the delegates of the Council was Marc Bonfill, a Catalan theologian and well-known preacher, associated, like Eiximenis, with the University of Lerida and Girona. The article also pays special attention to Bonfill’s associate, Stanisław Sobniowski, who was a close friend of Spycimir. It is possible that Spycymir obtained the treatise on the preaching arts through these connections (Bonfill or Sobniowski). This hypothesis, however, requires further research.

On whit Monday, June 1st, 1857, the first general chapter of the Oblates of St. Charles Borromeo in the diocese of Westminster was held at Bayswater, one month before the splendid new gothic-conceived church of Thomas Meyer was solemnly blessed by Cardinal Wiseman and dedicated to St. Mary of the Angels, a title reflecting Manning’s enduring devotion to St. Francis of Assisi and the Franciscan Third Order. Subsequent building, extensions and additions were to be the work of John Francis Bentley. The founding group of Oblates was small, all its members being admitted as novices of the community on the day of the first general chapter. When the first biennial elections were held, Manning was confirmed by Wiseman as Superior and henceforth known to the community simply as ‘the Father’. Before the year was over the group was to be joined by three new novices and two postulants, all of whom eventually persevered in their vocation. By the time Manning died in 1892, the Oblates had been able to number a total of forty-six priests in their ranks in the space of only thirty-five years, thus easily outstripping the recruitment pattern of Brompton Oratory, the closest to the concept of the Oblates in both spiritual formation and organisation. Over the eighty years immediately following Manning’s demise, a further thirty-three priests were to be counted among the Oblates.

The third partition of Poland, and thus the collapse of the Polish state, spontaneously forced a situation in which the legal orders of the partitioning states came into force almost immediately on Polish lands. In the lands divided between Prussia, Russia and Austria, legal acts of the partitioning states came into force with a strong influence of models derived from French legislation. The Polish lands which came under Austrian rule found themselves in the reality, in which the Austrian legislator conducted codification works on the new penal code, which resulted in the fact that in 1787 the penal code of Joseph II, called Josephine, became binding. As early as 1803, a penal code was introduced in Poland, which was under Austrian rule, under the name of the Book of Laws on Crimes and Serious Police Crimes called Franciscan. In the German annexation there was the Prussian Landrecht, which was characterized by a current far removed from the European science of law. On the territory of the former Duchy of Warsaw a Penal Code for the Kingdom of Poland was introduced. In Russia in 1903, the Tagantsev’s Code came into force, which in its systematics divided crimes according to their gravity into crimes and misdemeanours and clearly separated minor offences. The characteristics of criminal legislation until 1918 made it possible to show the enormity of the work of the Codification Commission, the aim of which, after Poland regained independence, was to create a uniform and coherent Polish legal system, not only in terms of social life standards, but also in the area of the catalogue of its areas.

This article examines the development and the contents of the library of Ignacy Oginski, appointed elder of the Darsūniškis and Vaiguva communities; his collection of books is discussed with an emphasis on how the sense of self as well as geneological and religious identity are expressed. The library of I.Oginski is discussed within the context of the history of his family and closest relatives as well as his connections with the Bernardines of Trakai. The bibliographical and provenance analysis is founded on I. Oginski’s books, which are stored in Vilnius University Library (10 specimens); also published at the end of this paper is a list of books bestowed by I. Oginski to the Trakai Bernardine Monastery, which itself was added into the 1787 catalogue of the monastery’s library. It was determined that I. Oginski belonged to the third order of the Franciscan tertiaries and was a financial affairs trustee (i.e., a syndic, Lat. Sindicus Apostolicus) of the Trakai Bernardine Monastery, which he, together with his mother Antonina Oginska, had amply sponsored and to which he bequeathed upon death a sum of 7 thousand Lithuanian Zloty. I. Oginski bestowed his personal library, which consisted of 201 volume, to the Bernardines on March 29, 1786 based on a testament written in Kruonis. It contained not only the more traditional printed materials but also some sheet music characteristic of courtly culture, ledgers, and silva rerum manuscripts. Noteworthy is the prayer “On the Appeal for a Fulfilling Life” (Pol. O uproszenie stanu życia przyzwoitego), handwritten by I. Oginski himself. A large part of the library consisted of ascetic lectures, spiritual exercises, and sermons typical of the Bernardine monks, but the collection was not limited in this aspect, as it also had some secular French works from the Enlightenment period and textbooks printed by the publishing house of the Vilnius Piarists. The considerable number of historical works and books containing dedications with references to the merits of the Oginskis to the state and the Church shows that I. Oginski was particularly attentive of his family history. Generally, the library demonstrates quite clearly a promotional-religious aspect of I. Oginski’s genealogical sense of self and identity. And here, too, the ascetic literature supplements the data from other sources regarding I. Oginski’s piety and his belonging to the tertiary community. The carried out study of I. Oginski’s identity and his personal library’s development and the relevant associations confirms the available possibilities of using the approaches and methodologies of cultural anthropology and social communication in book science studies.

This article examines the development and the contents of the library of Ignacy Oginski, appointed elder of the Darsūniškis and Vaiguva communities; his collection of books is discussed with an emphasis on how the sense of self as well as geneological and religious identity are expressed. The library of I.Oginski is discussed within the context of the history of his family and closest relatives as well as his connections with the Bernardines of Trakai. The bibliographical and provenance analysis is founded on I. Oginski’s books, which are stored in Vilnius University Library (10 specimens); also published at the end of this paper is a list of books bestowed by I. Oginski to the Trakai Bernardine Monastery, which itself was added into the 1787 catalogue of the monastery’s library. It was determined that I. Oginski belonged to the third order of the Franciscan tertiaries and was a financial affairs trustee (i.e., a syndic, Lat. Sindicus Apostolicus) of the Trakai Bernardine Monastery, which he, together with his mother Antonina Oginska, had amply sponsored and to which he bequeathed upon death a sum of 7 thousand Lithuanian Zloty. I. Oginski bestowed his personal library, which consisted of 201 volume, to the Bernardines on March 29, 1786 based on a testament written in Kruonis. It contained not only the more traditional printed materials but also some sheet music characteristic of courtly culture, ledgers, and silva rerum manuscripts. Noteworthy is the prayer “On the Appeal for a Fulfilling Life” (Pol. O uproszenie stanu życia przyzwoitego), handwritten by I. Oginski himself. A large part of the library consisted of ascetic lectures, spiritual exercises, and sermons typical of the Bernardine monks, but the collection was not limited in this aspect, as it also had some secular French works from the Enlightenment period and textbooks printed by the publishing house of the Vilnius Piarists. The considerable number of historical works and books containing dedications with references to the merits of the Oginskis to the state and the Church shows that I. Oginski was particularly attentive of his family history. Generally, the library demonstrates quite clearly a promotional-religious aspect of I. Oginski’s genealogical sense of self and identity. And here, too, the ascetic literature supplements the data from other sources regarding I. Oginski’s piety and his belonging to the tertiary community. The carried out study of I. Oginski’s identity and his personal library’s development and the relevant associations confirms the available possibilities of using the approaches and methodologies of cultural anthropology and social communication in book science studies.

Abstract Non-melanoma skin cancer (NSCLC) is the most frequent cancer in humans worldwide. Solar UV radiation is main risk factor to NSCLC developing in areas such as the face, neck, arms, etc. Basal cell carcinoma and precursor lesions of squamous cell carcinoma (SCC), such as actinic keratosis, Bowen’s disease, etc. can be treated with Photodynamic Therapy (PDT). PDT consists of applying a cream containing a photosensitizer on the skin lesion, to then being irradiated with light at a specific wavelength. The most used PS in skin cancer is methyl aminolevulinate (MAL). Light excites the photosensitizer, which interacts with intracellular O2, producing reactive oxygen species (ROS), triggering cancer cell death. One of the main advantages of PDT is that it offers satisfactory cosmetic results. However, its effectiveness is variable. Our previous results, using a PDT-resistant SCC cell model, showed that the addition of epigallocatechin gallate (EGCG) to PDT has a potentiated effect, killing 100% of these cells. Therefore, the aim of this work was to evaluate the effect of an EGCG-enhanced cream for PDT on squamous cell carcinoma lesions in an animal model.A two-step chemical carcinogenesis protocol (DMBA/TPA) was used in male and female mice of the Balb/c strain (21 animals). Once the animals developed the desired lesions, they were randomly separated into three groups. The first group received conventional cream (MAL 20%), the second group cream A (MAL 20% + EGCG 1%) and the third group B cream (MAL 20% + EGCG 3%). PDT was performed as follows: cream was applied for 4 hours on the lesion and then protected from the light with a patch. Subsequently, the excess cream was removed and the lesions were irradiated with 630 nm red light. The lesions were followed up for one month, measuring the size of the tumor and taking a final biopsy.We successfully develop an in vivo model of NSCLC using chemical inducers. Mice develops two kind of lesions: plane and/or papillar. All mice were treated with PDT using the three different formulations. Lesions reduced its size until a 50% more when treated with PDT plus EGCG. Formulation B (MAL 20% + EGCG 3%), was the most effective, given it had a greater on the relative reduction of the volume of the lesion. In conclusion, this in vivo pilot study evidences the enhancing effect of EGCG on PDT, encouraging the pursue to continue with the investigations on this matter, in order to improve the PDT and the quality of life of skin cancer patients. Citation Format: Carmen Gloria Ili, Daniela Leon, Maria Elena Reyes, Kurt Buchegger, Francisca Acevedo-Canala, Pablo Guzman, Claudia Nicklas, Cecicia Orlandi, Priscilla Brebi. In vivo pilot study of the effect of EGCG in photodynamic therapy on non melanoma skin cancer [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the American Association for Cancer Research Annual Meeting 2023; Part 1 (Regular and Invited Abstracts); 2023 Apr 14-19; Orlando, FL. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Res 2023;83(7_Suppl):Abstract nr 2422.

In 1913 László Éber wrote a paper about the rood screen of the baroque cathedral of Vác. He was the first who revealed that sixteen pieces from the renaissance-style carved stone elements of the rood screen were made in the late medieval period. the stone material of the pieces is marl of the Buda region. there were other stone carvings masoned in the cathedral: four dividing pillars of this balustrade, other two with Jagellonian signs from red marble and two tables with the coat of arms of Miklós Báthori (bishop of Vác, 1474–1506). The balustrade elements can be seen in the baroque cathedral thought to be in strong connections with some dividing pillars from Buda castle. there were two ideas about the dating of the Vác balustrade: either they were made during the reign of King Matthias corvinus or after his death during the Jagellonian era. In 1992 árpád Mikó discovered a barrel on the backside of one pillar, which is one of the emblems of King Matthias. there is another important question: what was the original finding place of the pillars? Éber wrote, that it is plausible that Miklós Báthori was the order of the balustrade and it was stood in the medieval cathedral of Vác, which was destroyed during the Ottoman era. is it possible that they came from the site, which now laid under and around the baroque Franciscan church and monastery in Vác? I examined the written sources from the 18–19th centuries and it turned out, that there is no information about it.On the other hand, there are several other renaissance fragments from Vác, most of them were also made of marl of the Buda region. the fragments kept by the local museum came into light by archaeological excavations between 1912 and 2019, on the site where the medieval episcopate laid. From the first time, researchers (based on Éber) wrote that the findings stand close to the ones in the cathedral’s rood screen. Most of them are well known – we could say – because tibor Koppány published every known piece in 1994. He wrote about a few other balustrade fragments too, but his descriptions are very short, and we can see drawings of only ca. one-third of all pieces. so i decided to see the original fragments and found that those small pieces kept by the museum don’t come from that balustrade can be seen today in the cathedral.The most important difference is the shaping of the baluster’s foot rings. they are divided: there is a vertical section and after that, the ring widens into a curved form. Furthermore, the image field of the dividing pillars framed in a more complex mode. On the image fields probably tapes, garlands, trophies were carved, but there is not any intact one, only very small pieces, which came to light in every corner of the site. so the balustrade’s original place couldn’t be determined certainly. nevertheless, because of the fine surfaces of the carvings, i think the balustrade stood inside, maybe in the medieval cathedral, perhaps in the chapel of saint nicolaus where Miklós Báthori was buried.Among the early renaissance-style pieces known from the medieval Hungarian Kingdom, there are a few analogies. First of all, we can see the very same solution on the foot rings of the Jagellonian era dividing pillars from Hungarian red marble in Vác. they belong to a group of red marble carvings: the other elements of this group can be found in Buda and esztergom. Furthermore, from the marl of the Buda region stone material i know only one other example where the baluster foot rings are similar: the gallery of the castle chapel in siklós. so i think we can say certainly that the „new” balustrade fragments from Vác were made during the Jagellonian era.

The article analyses the iconographic programme of the altars of St Trinity Church of the convent of former Bernardine nuns (Sisters of the Third Order of St Francis) in Kaunas until its closure in 1864 and reveals the expression of the spirituality of this order in the sacral art as far as the surviving few sources and heritage allow. In order to achieve the goal, the following objectives were established: (1) to reconstruct the old interior of the altar ensemble, (2) to reveal the most important peculiarities of the Bernardines’ spirituality, and (3) to highlight the logical connections between art and Bernardine spirituality in church art through the icono-theological approach. Scarce earliest sources indicate that the most venerated representation of the Virgin Mary and the relics of the True Cross were in the church in the first half of the seventeenth century, and the Feast of the Discovery and Exaltation of the Holy Cross was celebrated. These hints suggest that piety to the Crucifix and the Mother of God was prevalent at that time. The cult of the Crucifix is associated with the common origin of Franciscan religious devotion, which encourages following the example of St Francis by contemplating the suffering of Jesus Christ. Also, it is not difficult to infer that based on the name of the church, the high altar should have been dedicated to the Holy Trinity; therefore, there should have been appropriate piety practices. It is believed that the fraternity of the Holy Trinity was active from the time of the completion of the church. The main accents of iconography of the altars of the Bernardine Church in Kaunas were formed after the disasters in the mid-seventeenth century, the last fire in 1668. The Holy Trinity was the dominant accent of piety. A painting dated to the early eighteenth century that reflects the post-Tridentine recommendations for visual arts decorated the high altar of the same name. In the early eighteenth century, the exceptional piety to St Joseph also gains prominence: in 1703, the fraternity of St. Joseph was established and a separate altar was dedicated to this saint. The feasts of the Holy Trinity and St Joseph were celebrated. It is believed that the Bernardine nuns in Vilnius, who had settled in the city a little earlier, influenced the piety to the Holy Trinity. A highly developed and majestic iconography distinguished their high altar, visually emphasising the figure of the Crucifix. The exceptional piety of the Bernardine nuns of Krakow to St Joseph influenced the cult of this saint. The first Bernardine nuns came to Lithuania from Krakow and, without doubt, the Lithuanian nuns must have kept in touch with the nuns from Krakow. Devotion to the Virgin Mary and the Crucifix was further developed. Two altars in the church were dedicated to the Mother of God (Mary, Consoler of the Afflicted and Our Lady of Sorrows); also, there were altars of Jesus at the Pillar and the Crucifix. The relics of the True Cross preserved and venerated in the altar of the Crucifix are mentioned from the first half of the seventeenth century. The Feast of the Discovery and Exaltation of the Holy Cross was celebrated. The Bernardine nuns venerated the Franciscan saints and close followers and brothers of St Francis. This is confirmed by the altars of St Francis of Assisi (stigmatisation plot), St Clare, and St Anthony of Padua in the church. A closer study into the lives of the lesser-known saints who can be easily confused with other popular saints of the same name revealed a rich gallery of Franciscan saints, especially females, among them. Bernardine nuns had a separate altar and a feast dedicated to St Elizabeth of Hungary, the patron of the Third Order of St Francis and one of the most venerable followers of the example of St Francis’ life. In the context of other Bernardine monasteries in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, the Bernardine nuns in Kaunas stood out for their veneration of this saint. Bernardine nuns also distinguished St Rose of Viterbo, St Agnes of Assisi, and St Barbara, whose cult is associated with active devotion of the Lithuanian Bernardines to this saint. The iconography of the Bernardine Church was influenced by the Convent of St George the Martyr in Kaunas, whose church was naturally richer and whose iconographic programme covered a broader spectrum. Interestingly, it also contained images or sculptures of all the above-mentioned saints associated with the Franciscan Observants, including the female saints lesser known to other communities of believers, while individual altars were dedicated to St Rose from Viterbo and St Barbara. The ensemble of church altars, which had been gradually evolving from the seventeenth century, and the practices of piety hardly changed until the closure of the convent in 1864. It is unfortunate that due to the lack of sources, many assumptions and questions remain, and one can only hope that further research into the interior of the church will lead to more discoveries.

The infectious diseases (IDs), that are defined as “disorders caused by organisms” (such as bacteria, viruses, and fungi); spread, directly or indirectly, from one person to another; are one of the major public health concerns for many societies and communities. In order to prevent mortality and other health-related complication among children, men and women, it is essential to put in place effective public health strategies at all levels. In the broader perspective of this realization, several initiatives have been taken, both at macro and micro levels, for effective management of the IDs. Multi-stakeholders have come forward to address the issue in several countries, including in the United States of America (USA). According to some estimates, the IDs are the third leading cause of death in the US (which has public health law in order to minimize the transmission of this disease). In addition, several stakeholders in the country, both in governmental and non-governmental sectors, have joined hands to prevent spread of the IDs. The Infectious Disease Emergency Response (IDER) Plan of San Francisco in the USA is an initiative the purpose of which is to (a) contain an outbreak of IDs caused by an infectious agent or biological toxin, and (b) respond to other ID emergencies. The author, in this review research paper, primarily aims to study the management of San Francisco’s IDER Plan. Data used in the work are ‘qualitative’ (collected from secondary sources) & method of data analysis is descriptive.

Introduction In the film Barbie, Stereotypical Ken “only has a great day if Barbie looks at him”. Ken’s identity is based on Barbie’s approval, that is, until he garners the approval of other Kens by reshaping their collective identities under the patriarchy. The Kens’ patriarchal collective identities are demonstrated in part through their participation in popular-culture fandoms. They mansplain The Godfather and Stephen Malkmus, demand their Barbies be “really invested in the Zack Snyder cut of Justice League”, and sing Matchbox 20’s “Push” at the Barbies “while staring uncomfortably into [their] eyes for four and half minutes”. It would be easy to write these moments off as jabs at stereotypic masculine interests. The film's criticism, however, is not only the merit of these interests, nor a declaration that only men care about them. Rather, the critique of patriarchal collective identity is shown in the way these interests are shared through competitive, affirmational fandom. Affirmational fandoms are fandoms built on knowledge of canon, with fan identity typically expressed through competition around mastery of explicit, official knowledge. Affirmational fandoms have historically been thought to draw more men-dominated fan bases (Correa-Chávez, Kohfeldt, and Nguyen 1), as they lend themselves to the kinds of hierarchies inherent in patriarchy. Transformational (or transformative) fandoms, on the other hand, are thought to be more popular among women and gender-diverse fans and show less interest in pure canon ideation, instead utilising the source material to create something entirely new (Jenkins 47-8). In this way, transformational fandom is similar to how Barbies themselves are intended to be played with. This article will explore how Barbie illustrates the differences between affirmational vs. transformational fandom, textually and metatextually, and how patriarchal and binary approaches to fandom ultimately disempower everyone, including those who identify as men. Affirmational vs. Transformational Fandom The term “affirmational fandom” was first coined by Dreamwidth user obsession_inc in 2009 to distinguish fan culture which seeks to reiterate a creator’s intended meaning of a work. Participation in an affirmational fandom is demonstrated through steadfast devotion to canonical knowledge, and adherence to rules inherent to the creator’s own worldbuilding. In affirmational fandom, knowledge of canon is treated as important capital, often traded between fans as a way to best one another in a competition of who knows the most about niche topics. Specifically, fans participate in what sociologist Bourdieu describes as cultural capital (knowledge) that leads to building social capital (networks). Since this type of fandom positions the creator as the master authority on interpretations of works, fans are able to weaponise their own mastery of the text and alignment with the creator's intentions in order to create a social structure within the fandom that is intentionally exclusionary and hierarchical. Moreover, since many popular works have male creators, largely due to systemic inequities in the film, television, and written fiction industries (“2021 Statistics”), this hierarchy also mirrors patriarchy in its unchallenged centring of men’s perspectives and thus its overall appeal to men as fans (Busse). Suzanne Scott further criticised this centring of creators as ultimate authorities through her deconstruction of the "fanboy auteur" (44). The fanboy auteur is someone who functions as both content creator and fan, thus manufacturing an even greater divisiveness between production and the everyday consumer by stratifying the fanboy auteur into a separate category of fan that most other fans cannot achieve. Scott (47) draws upon the Foucauldian notion of textual discourses and the role of the author, or “author function” (Foucault 75), to describe how a fanboy auteur reinforces the status quo by maintaining an exclusionary fan identity, as opposed to allowing the author to fully step back from the work so that it might be interpreted and reinterpreted, vastly, through a diversity of lenses. Foucault argued that the authorial role is, as are most things, socially constructed through public discourse, as is the definition of authorial power (76). In other words, by defining something in media, one has power over it, and that power can be used to discipline who gets to use, understand, and engage with said media as an artifact. As is often seen in patriarchal social structures, the fanboy auteur has overwhelmingly benefited not just men, but white men specifically (Salter and Stanfill). Affirmational fandoms stand in stark contrast to transformational fandoms, a concept popularised by Henry Jenkins in his book Textual Poachers: Television Fans and Participatory Culture. Jenkins described a transformative process that fans guide texts through, which prioritises meaning-making and imagination over canon, or creator, in fan spaces. This is often done through the production of transformative works such as fan fiction and fan art that are largely unconcerned with fidelity to a work’s creator, sometimes treating them as entirely separate from the production of fan works. While transformational fandoms still exchange cultural capital to build social capital and maintain a sense of hierarchy at times, they do so with a much lower bar for entry that is more accessible to otherwise marginalised fans. In addition to accessibility, transformational fandom has been thought of as a more feminist fandom due to the disproportionate presence of women in transformational fan spaces and their disproportionate engagement in fan labour through the creation of content such as zines and archival fan fiction (Correa-Chávez, Kohfeldt, and Nguyen). Importantly, there are ways in which this labour is exploited by male-dominated industries as a means to signal diverse representation, as opposed to actually including diverse representation in media texts (Lowe). Examples in Barbie Transformative fandom is what Barbie dolls, and by proxy the Barbie movie, were made for. The film’s opening is itself a transformative work, a reimagining of 2001: A Space Odyssey, with young girls rejecting the socially rigid construct of the baby doll for the sleek new toy that defies categorisation. Like transformative works, Barbies can be anything, implying that women and girls can also be anything. As a result, we see Barbies at the start of the film engaging in a broad array of careers and interests, appearing to have a level of autonomy that isn’t quite so easily obtained by women in the real world. Because the Barbie movie also features diverse Barbies including Barbies who are transgender, size-inclusive, of various races and ethnicities, and Barbies who use devices such as wheelchairs, the film also transforms the image of women in popular media by depicting them more realistically than is typical in major motion pictures. The shift that Barbie Land takes in the second act, when Stereotypical Ken introduces the concept of patriarchy, more closely mirrors affirmational fandoms, both textually and metatextually. Textually, the Kens are seen mansplaining various topics. Mansplaining has been defined by researchers “not only as simply patronizing and condescending, but as designed to assert the speaker’s superior knowledge, on the basis of their gender” (Joyce et al. 521). As within affirmational fandoms, through mansplaining, knowledge is used as a form of power. Simply mansplaining, however, is not in and of itself demonstrative of affirmational fandom. For fandom to be affirmational, it must also use said knowledge as cultural capital, elevating the Kens to a place of superiority over the Barbies, as well as over one another, based on their level of higher expertise and deference to a creator. This is where Barbie goes the extra mile as social commentary – the Ken’s are not just talking about the what of these various topics, but, in the case of fandom specifically, the why of it, central to an idealised creator. One of the clearest examples of this is actor Kingsley Ben-Adir’s Ken name-dropping The Godfather’s creators, noting “Coppola’s aesthetic genius” as well as referring to the film as a “triumph to Robert Evans and the architecture of the 1970s studio system”. This Ken is both sharing deep lore about the film’s production, as well as asserting dominance through this knowledge, sharing it only after he has belittled President Barbie for having not watched the film in the first place. Ncuti Gatwa’s Ken likewise discusses how “Stephen Malkmus really harnessed the acerbic talk-singing of Lou Reed with post-punk influences such as ‘The Wire’ and ‘The Fall’”. Neither of these are shallow, hot takes, but instead are the kinds of niche affirmational knowledge that fan studies authors describe as excess made into expertise (Zygutis; Scott). We see this again in Writer Barbie’s discussion of having gotten “really invested in the Zack Synder cut of Justice League” while under the indoctrination of the Kens. In the real world, fans developed a cult-like devotion to the Snyder cut of Justice League after the studio released a shorter, heavily edited version of the film. The organised collective action fans engaged in to pressure the studio to release the Snyder cut (or director’s cut) represents the intersection of affirmational fandom and civically engaged fandom (Cook and Joseph 73). Instead of working toward broader socio-cultural change, however, releasing the Snyder cut allowed fans to focus on levelling up their cultural capital within fandom to pull rank, so to speak, over fans who had not seen this version. This aligns with the idea of the creator’s vision as the ultimate authority over a story – one that not only should be released, but defended as canon. Even the repetition of Matchbox 20’s “Push”, in Barbie, is somewhat affirmational in that it is pure reproduction, right down to the 1990’s grunge singing style of yarling (“Yarling”), which we do not see repeated elsewhere in the diegetic portions of the soundtrack sung by Ryan Gosling or the other actors portraying Kens. Metatextually, we as the audience are meant to be in on the joke, meant to laugh at the Kens for posturing in this way, meant to see it as inherently patriarchal, and thus flawed when viewed through the feminist lens of the film. It is, after all, the very undoing of the Kens, as the Barbies plot to distract them by first aiming to make the Kens think they have power over the Barbies, and then, as Sasha remarks, “make them question whether they have enough power over each other”. This is accomplished by the Barbies through manipulating the Kens’ fannish appreciation for “Push”, done so by feigning interest in their Ken’s replication of the song, only to then wound their Ken’s pride by redirecting that attention to another, rival Ken. This act creates affirmational competition within the fannish display. Stereotypical Barbie even goes so far as to question the authorial voice of the song, which actor Sam Liu’s Ken misattributes to himself, instead of the actual and idealised creator. This interplay between competition and misattribution seeds disruption to the Kens’ collective power by calling into question fannish identity and fidelity to the creator such that in-fighting occurs. It is not the final domino in the chain of unseating the Kens’ power, but it is an important one that can only be accomplished by turning the competition inherent in affirmational fandom into something that can be used against fans, in this case the Kens. How Binary Approaches to Fandom (and Gender) Do Harm An important question the film asks is whether power should be lauded or shared, particularly as it relates to gender politics. Certainly, in the real world, we can see the harms of uneven power dynamics as highlighted by the affirmational nature of knowledge. Mansplaining, for example, has been shown to be prevalent in the modern workplace as a form of typically, but not always, gendered mistreatment, with impacts on job performance, retention, and psychological distress (Smith et al.). It has also been described as a tactic used by some neo-liberal white men as a way to re-centre masculinity and men’s voices as an ultimate source of knowledge, and thus power, in discourse on intersectional feminism, a tactic otherwise described as “covert hegemony” (Burkley 170). Importantly, these kinds of affirmational, hegemonic systems can also be upheld by people other than white men, when said systems prove beneficial to gaining or maintaining power. For example, Rouse, Condis, and Stanfill found examples of hegemony and racism in both anti-liberal and liberal fan spaces online, while Lothian and Stanfill found that even feminist fans spaces perpetuate harm to marginalised groups by the very structures built to protect some while not protecting all marginalised communities. Barbie as a film never quite presents a conclusion to gendered power inequalities. Instead, the film acknowledges multiple flaws in the binary territories of both Barbie Land and the real world but leaves us without an egalitarian solution in either. What Barbie does do is to offer a starting point for further exploration by asking the Kens to see themselves as “Kenough”, affirmed in who they are without the need to vie for power using the affirmational tactics they practiced before. Fandom studies has also only begun to answer questions about gender inequity. Firstly, recent research suggests that a gendered divide between affirmational and transformational fandom may exist, but not quite in the ways previously theorised. Rather than men being more likely to engage in affirmational fandom than women, Correa-Chávez, Kohfeldt, and Nguyen found that women fans were more likely compared to men to engage in all types of fannish activities, both affirmational and transformational, though women did tend to engage in transformational activities the most between the two types of fannish participation (4). Importantly, however, affirmational fandom was narrowly defined through consumption and not proliferation (e.g. reading but not producing plot analyses). Cosplay, or costuming, was also separated out into a third category of mimic fandom, using Matt Hill’s definition of the term from his own paper on the subject. While this third category constitutes an interesting approach to ways in which affirmational and transformational fandom overlap, it also somewhat negates the ways in which cosplay can itself be affirmational (rule-bound) or transformational (changed in ways that fundamentally reimagine a character). Many cosplayers, for example, gender-bend characters, or reinterpret them in ways that are transformative of canon, something that fans of Barbie have been enacting in movie theaters and at pop-culture conventions following the film’s release. These distinctions are important when considering the impact of Barbie on affirmational vs. transformational fan practices in fan spaces, as well as broader spaces. At what point are fans participating in reproduction (affirmational) vs. reimagination (transformational)? The answer depends somewhat on context and the meaning created through the cosplay. For example, cosplay at fan conventions is occurring within a fan space, and thus meaning is made by fan communities. Barbie as a cultural phenomenon has also made its way into non-fannish transformative spaces, however, where meaning is less clear. For example, San Francisco’s 2024 “Hunky Jesus” contest saw “Jesus Ken”, a man dressed as Jesus nailed to a cross inside a Ken-style pink box, take home the win for best costume (Kura). Here, the space between fandom and other communities is blurred, and thus, so is related meaning. Conclusion Barbies are imaginative play, so it is no surprise that Barbie as a film highlights the differences between imaginative, transformational fandom and more rule-bound, affirmational fandom. It is also not a coincidence that those who play with Barbie dolls and those who engage in transformative fan practice are more likely to identify as women, or as having gender- and sexually diverse identities, given ways in which transformational spaces make greater room to create a more equitable world through inherent feminist critique. Imaginative play, in this sense, is a life-long process and continues to be formative for exploring facets of ourselves. Playing with Barbies, including in the Barbie film, enables individuals to understand their place in the world while simultaneously pushing the boundaries of what is possible. Part of the genius of Barbie is that it shows how fan knowledge and practice (cultural capital) can constrain or enable personal and social growth. While the mastery and leveraging of fan knowledge under patriarchy gave the Kens a kind of power, it also isolated and limited them as individuals. Likewise, affirmational fandom can constrain and limit the potential for individuals and communities to change, grow, and explore through engagement with media when used in exclusionary ways. Importantly, affirmational fandom does not have to be exclusionary. Information can just be information. The critique of affirmational fandom is simply that it is often misused when viewed through a feminist lens. Transformational fandom, on the other hand, can challenge dominant cultural tropes, norms, and values. As Barbie demonstrates, transformational fandom has the power to inspire us to imagine better, and that power can never be put back in a box. References 2001: A Space Odyssey. Dir. Stanley Kubrick. Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, 1968. “2021 Statistics.” Women and Hollywood. 10 Apr. 2024 <https://womenandhollywood.com/resources/statistics/2021-statistics/>. Barbie. Dir. Greta Gerwig. Warner Bros. Pictures, 2023. Bourdieu, Pierre. A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste. Trans. R. Nice. 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