Relevant bibliographies by topics / Franco-Russian Alliance

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Academic literature on the topic 'Franco-Russian Alliance'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 30 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Franco-Russian Alliance"

1

Галкина, Ю. М. "Remember the Alliance: the Image of the Franco-Russian Alliance in the Third Republic in the Interwar Period." Диалог со временем, no. 82(82) (April 21, 2023): 210–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2023.82.82.013.

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Заключение франко-русского альянса было шокирующим для современников: союз республиканской Франции и монархической России воспринимался с удивлением. Тем не менее, этот альянс был закреплен французскими элитами в различных памятниках литературы, искусства, предметах элитного потребления. Предлагаемое исследование ставит вопрос: пользовался ли «спросом» образ франко-русского альянса в судьбоносные для Франции 1930-е гг.? Был ли Пакт 1935 года окружен воспоминаниями о союзе с Россией? На материалах прессы, источников личного происхождения (в том числе, впервые вводимых в научный оборот) автор приходит к выводу, что франко-русский альянс не был востребован в обстановке 1920-х гг., а в 1930-е гг. вызывал полярные оценки политиков и интеллектуалов, зависел от внутриполитических, идеологических (проблема распространения левой идеи во Франции) и экономических факторов. The conclusion of the Franco-Russian alliance was shocking for contemporaries: the union of republican France and monarchist Russia was perceived with surprise. Nevertheless, this alliance was consolidated by the French elites in various monuments of literature, art, and elite consumer goods. The proposed study raises the question: was the image of the Franco-Russian alliance relevant for France in the 1930s? Was the 1935 Pact surrounded by memories of an alliance with Russia? Based on press materials, sources of personal origin (including those first introduced into scientific circulation), the author concludes that the Franco-Russian alliance was not in demand in the 1920s. In the 1930s, the Franco-Russian alliance caused polar assessments of politicians and intellectuals, depended on domestic political, ideological (the problem of the spread of the left idea in France) and economic factors
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Rey, Marie-Pierre. "France and Russia from 1892 to the Present Day: Looking Back on a “Sinusoidal” Relationship." ISTORIYA 12, no. 11 (109) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840017597-5.

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The contribution endeavors to demonstrate that Franco-Russian relations in the long run have never been linear and that despite a cultural proximity linked to the Francophonie and Francophilia of the Russian elites, political relations have been much more fraught and even conflictual. However, from the last third of the 19th century, a rapprochement took place which led to a military alliance that was brutally ended by the October Revolution. Decades of distrustful and tense relations followed, before General de Gaulle, from 1965—1966, embarked on a policy of détente, understanding and cooperation beyond the differences of political regimes. It is this Gaullian “paradigm” that remains the key word in Franco-Russian relations to this day.
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Silverman, Willa Z. "Of Traiteurs and Tsars." Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 44, no. 3 (December 1, 2018): 95–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/hrrh.2018.440307.

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Between 1893 and 1901, the Parisian traiteur Potel et Chabot catered a series of gala meals celebrating the recent Franco-Russian alliance, which was heralded in France as ending its diplomatic isolation following the Franco-Prussian War. The firm was well adapted to the particularities of the unlikely alliance between Tsarist Russia and republican France. On the one hand, it represented a tradition of French luxury production, including haute cuisine, that the Third Republic was eager to promote. On the other, echoing the Republic’s championing of scientific and technological progress, it relied on innovative transportation and food conservation technologies, which it deployed spectacularly during a 1900 banquet for over twenty-two thousand French mayors, a modern “mega-event.” Culinary discourse therefore signaled, and palliated concerns about, the improbable nature of the alliance at the same time as it revealed important changes taking place in the catering profession.
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Галкина, Ю. М. "The Franco-Russian Alliance in Historiography: On the Mechanisms of Rapprochement." Historia provinciae - the journal of regional history, no. 2 (June 15, 2023): 611–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2023-7-2-6.

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Статья посвящена анализу историографического наследия России и Франции в свете выявления интересантов франко-русского сближения, а также механизмов принятия решения во французском и российском руководстве. Несмотря на то, что отношения России и Франции в XIX в. были напряженными, две страны сумели выстроить стратегический диалог и объединиться перед лицом германской угрозы, преодолев политические и культурные противоречия. Автор представляет следующие группы интересантов в Российской империи и Третьей Республике: дипломаты и военные, представители финансовой элиты, хозяйки литературных и политических салонов, политически активные представители элиты. На сегодняшний день в историографической традиции продолжает оставаться основополагающей идея о стратегическом значении франко-русского альянса, прямым следствием которой является положение о его очевидности и безальтернативности для политической и военной элиты обеих стран. Между тем, подобная точка зрения могла бы обогатиться при рассмотрении широкого круга сторонников и противников франко-русского сближения. В качестве перспективных направлений для будущих исследований возможно определить проблему участия в сближении Франции и России французского банковского капитала, выявить его связи с представителями Министерства иностранных дел Франции, а также более внимательно изучить механизмы формирования политического мнения в рамках т.н. «салонной дипломатии»: оказывали ли встречи политиков, деятелей культуры, лидеров общественного мнения влияние на принятие внешнеполитических решений и каким образом это происходило. The article is devoted to the analysis of the historiographical heritage of Russia and France. The author focuses on the problem of identifying those interested in the Franco-Russian rapprochement and on the decision-making mechanisms in the French and Russian/Soviet leadership. Even though the relations between Russia and France in the 19th century were tense, the two countries managed to build a strategic dialogue and unite in the face of the German threat, overcoming political and cultural contradictions. The author represents the following interest groups in the Russian Empire and the French Third Republic: diplomats and the military, the financial elite, holders of salons and periodicals, and politically active members of the elite. Today, in the historiographical tradition, the idea of the strategic significance of the Franco-Russian Alliance continues to be fundamental, which means (as a direct consequence) its obviousness and lack of alternative for the political and military elite of the two countries. Meanwhile, such a point of view could be enriched by considering a wide range of supporters and opponents of the Russo-French Rapprochement. As promising areas for further research, it is possible to consider the problem of the participation of French banking capital in the rapprochement between France and Russia, to identify its connections with representatives of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and to take a closer look at the mechanisms for forming political opinion within “salon diplomacy”: whether the meetings of politicians, cultural figures, and opinion leaders influenced decision making in foreign policy and how exactly that happened.
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Bespalova, Ksenia. "“The Friendship of Our Two Peoples Never Ended”: Franco-Russian Cultural Contacts in the Late 19th Century — Middle 1930s." ISTORIYA 14, no. 12-2 (134) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840019394-2.

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The article considers the Franco-Russian/French-Soviet cultural dialogue in the period between the conclusion of the Franco-Russian alliance in 1891 and the conclusion of the mutual assistance pact in 1935. Based on the sources involved in the study from the collections of the Russian State Archive of Literature and Art and domestic and foreign historiography, the authors traced the development of cultural contacts between France and Russia in this period. Using the example of contacts in the field of literature, fine arts, theater and science, the authors conclude that the cultural dialogue between France and Russia, despite political differences, not only persisted, but also actively developed, which emphasizes the importance of dialogue for cultural figures and intellectuals. between these countries.
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Mahiet, Damien. "The First Nutcracker, the Enchantment of International Relations, and the Franco-Russian Alliance." Dance Research 34, no. 2 (November 2016): 119–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/drs.2016.0156.

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Despite the lively scholarly debate on the place of The Sleeping Beauty (1890) in the political and cultural history of the Franco-Russian alliance in the 1890s, the representation of international relations in the first production of The Nutcracker (1892) has so far received little attention. This representation includes the well-known series of character dances in the second act of the ballet, but also the use of French fashion from the revolutionary era to costume the party guests, the mechanical dolls, the toy soldiers, and even Prince Nutcracker. The fairy-tale world offered a frame that not only promoted the absolutist aspirations of Alexander III's regime, but also solved the symbolic challenge of a problematic alliance between republican France and tsarist Russia. The same visual repertoire informed diplomatic life: four years after The Nutcracker, in 1896, the décor for the state visit of Nicholas II and Alexandra Feodorovna in France duplicated that of the fairy-tale world on stage.
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7

Vershinin, A. A. "USSR and the Red Army through the Eyes of the French Military Attaché E. Mendras (1933–1934)." Modern History of Russia 11, no. 3 (2021): 686–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2021.308.

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The article, largely based on new documents from Russian and French archives, examines an important aspect of Franco-Soviet relations on the eve of the Second World War: the interaction between the militaries of the two countries. The question of cooperation between the two armies was raised immediately after the signing of the Franco-Soviet non-aggression pact in 1932. The following year, the first French military attaché, E. Mendras, arrived in Moscow. A proponent of the revival of the Franco-Russian alliance, he explored Soviet reality to determine the real potential of the USSR as a possible ally. Despite a number of shortcomings of the Soviet socio-political system, Mendras came to the conclusion that the political regime in the country was quite stable, and its armed forces had the necessary resources to conduct a European war. At the same time, he questioned Moscow’s foreign policy goals and was critical of Soviet ideology as a factor in political decision-making. At first, the military attaché recommended that the French leadership enhance the alliance with the USSR. However, his attitude gradually changed against the background of a lack of complete mutual understanding with the Soviets and contradictions on the issue of rapprochement with Moscow, which cleaved the military-political leadership in Paris. In 1934, Mendras was skeptical about the prospects for cooperation with the USSR. This turn, in many ways, reflects a general change in the vector in Soviet-French relations in the mid-1930s, which led to their deterioration on the eve of the Second World War.
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Limanova, Svetlana. "The return visit of the President of the French Republic Emile Loubet and the Formation of the Image of a “Great Friend” of Russia." ISTORIYA 12, no. 6 (104) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016087-4.

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The article analyzes the visit of Emile Loubet, President of the French Republic, to the Russian Empire in 1902, as well as the specifics of its organization and representation. The visit was conceived as a demonstration of the inviolability of the Franco-Russian alliance. A whole complex of informational, ceremonial and commemorative methods was supposed to form the image of France not just as a “friend”, but as a “great friend” of Russia. Periodicals solved various tasks at once: attracting and maintaining attention, forming a certain image, creating and reflecting public opinion. The effect of the ceremonial part was enhanced by the active involvement of the urban population in the celebrations, symbolic decoration of the ceremonial space, and the production of souvenirs. As a result, it was possible to consolidate the “friendly” image of the French nation in Russia, enhance the positive effect of the meeting of the allies, and create favorable conditions for further cooperation. At this stage, the Franco-Russian alliance allowed maintaining the balance of power in Europe and paying attention to geopolitical interests in other regions. However, even greater rapprochement between the two powers entailed increased obligations and the necessity to coordinate further actions more carefully, while narrowing the opportunities for interaction with other states. In spite of the brilliant celebrations, the allies' desire to recover the maximum benefit from the «cordial» relationship has become increasingly evident.
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9

Menning, Ralph R. "Dress Rehearsal for 1914? Germany, the Franco-Russian Alliance, and the Bosnian Crisis of 1909." Journal of The Historical Society 12, no. 1 (March 2012): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5923.2011.00353.x.

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Bespalova, Ksenia A. "From the Franco-Russian Alliance (1894) to the Franco-Soviet Treaty on Mutual Assistance (1935): Two Rounds of Acquaintance with the Fine Art of the Ally." Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 26, no. 1 (2024): 184–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2024.26.1.012.

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This article considers the emergence of mutual interest in the art of France and the Russian Empire in the period from the conclusion of the Franco-Russian Alliance in 1894 to the Franco-Soviet Treaty of Mutual Assistance in 1935. The author of the article singles out two stages in the appeal to the fine arts of a friendly state: the turn of the twentieth century and the period following 1924 after the recognition of the USSR by France. Describing the first period of interest in the fine arts, the author refers to events that took place in the Russian Empire and in France, organised with the cooperation of French and Russian cultural and art figures. It is concluded that the organisation of numerous art exhibitions in both countries testified to the mutual desire of the parties to get acquainted with the novelties of the art genre of the other, as well as comprehend the episodes of common history (in particular, the war of 1812). Describing the new round of acquaintance with the culture of France and the USSR after 1924 and drawing on sources from the funds of the Russian State Archive of Literature and Art, the author proves that both in France and in the USSR, interest in the fine arts of each other remained and was fueled by the desire of the People’s Commissariat of Education of the RSFSR to cooperate with France. The work focuses on the fact that it was the smaller exhibitions through which the complementarity and commonality of cultures of both countries were recognised and which were the main place of cultural interaction. The author concludes that despite the different political systems in France and the Russian Empire / USSR, cultural ties between the two countries played a significant role, both at the turn of the century and in the 1920s–1930s, when cultural ties between them became a new impulse due to their respective revolutionary past.
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Books on the topic "Franco-Russian Alliance"

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S, Robinson Henry. Great Britain and the Franco-Russian alliance, 1894-1904. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1987.

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Rybachenok, I. S. Rossii͡a︡ i Frant͡s︡ii͡a︡: Soi͡u︡z interesov i soi͡u︡z serdet͡s︡, 1891-1897 : russko-frant͡s︡uzskiĭ soi͡u︡z v diplomaticheskikh dokumentakh, fotografii͡a︡kh, risunkakh, karikaturakh, stikhakh, tostakh i meni͡u︡. Moskva: ROSSPĖN, 2004.

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Noulens, Raymond. Les tsars et la République: Centenaire d'une alliance. Bruxelles: Editions Complexe, 1993.

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The Franco-Russian Alliance, 1890-1894. Harvard University Press, 2014.

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Background of the War. History and Texts. A. the Triple Alliance. Russia's Reinsurance Treaty with Germany. B. the Triple Entente and Its Friends. I. Franco-Russian Alliance. II. the Anglo-French Entente. III. the Anglo-Russian Entente. IV. the Angl. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2018.

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Europa 1898-1914 in der Postkarten-Karikatur: Vorkrieg? Hildesheim: Franzbecker, 2013.

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Book chapters on the topic "Franco-Russian Alliance"

1

Jorgensen, Christer. "The Beginning of the End: Tilsit, the Battle of Copenhagen, the Franco-Russian ‘Continental’ Coalition against Britain and Invasion Plans against Sweden, March 1807–March 1808." In The Anglo-Swedish Alliance Against Napoleonic France, 90–125. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230287747_6.

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"The Franco-Russian Alliance." In Origins of the First World War, 126. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315834092-20.

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"Testing the Franco-Russian Alliance." In Napoleon and the Dardanelles, 225–50. University of California Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/jj.8085402.14.

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"Britain and the Franco-Russian Alliance 1888-92." In Reluctant Imperialists Pt2 V2, 89–109. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315015033-12.

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MacDonald, Paul K., and Joseph M. Parent. "“Les Jeux Sont Faits”." In Twilight of the Titans. Cornell University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501717093.003.0009.

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This chapter showcases how French decision-makers adapted to a fall in rank by decreasing foreign policy costs to overhaul domestic institutions and that leaders that strayed into adventurism abroad suffered negative feedback. The culmination of this process was the cementing of the Franco-Russian alliance.
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Siegel, Jennifer. "The Rise of the Franco-Russian Financial Alliance, 1894–1903." In For Peace and Money, 12–49. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199387816.003.0002.

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Edelstein, David M. "The Arrival of Imperial Germany." In Over the Horizon. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501707568.003.0003.

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Germany was unified in 1871, creating a new great power in the center of Europe. Surprisingly, the first concerted effort to balance against Germany did not come until the Franco-Russian Alliance in 1893. This chapters explains this sustained cooperation by focusing on Germany Chancellor Otto von Bismarck’s efforts to keep the other great powers of Europe focused on short-term opportunities for cooperation rather than the potential long-term threat posed by Germany. Uncertainty about long-term German intentions created the conditions under which mutually beneficial short-term cooperation was possible.
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Belgacem, Karim. "France's Role Within NATO." In NATO and the Future of European and Asian Security, 44–53. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-7118-7.ch004.

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NATO is “brain dead.” With these statements, President Macron shocked most of the member states of the Atlantic alliance. But wouldn't this observation be tinged with realism with the announced withdrawal of the United States from this alliance? The recent attempt at rapprochement between the French President and Vladimir Putin confirms the change of the French paradigm and the will of its president to “move the lines.” Russia's annexation of Crimea and NATO's potential extension to Ukraine have only strained NATO-Russia relations further. This chapter will analyze France's role within NATO since its creation, Franco-Russian relations since the tenure of General de Gaulle in 1958, and the arrival of Emmanuel Macron in 2017. It will put reintegration into perspective of France in the integrated command of NATO, and its two-headed attitude, namely the transatlantic rapprochement but also a realistic observation on the usefulness and the current role of NATO. Will France have an important role to play in the future of NATO?
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Bartoletti, Andrea. "Germany and World War I." In Escaping the Deadly Embrace, 99–133. Cornell University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501765919.003.0005.

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This chapter shows that the encirclement of Germany by France and Russia led to the outbreak of World War I (1914–1918). After analyzing Otto von Bismarck's and Wilhelm II's attempts to break the “deadly embrace” by splitting the Franco-Russian alliance, the chapter identifies the Russian construction of strategic railroads in Poland as the increase of the invasion ability that led to the escalation of the July crisis. It also explores the logic of intervention of the other great powers after Germany declared war on Russia. The chapter underlines the shortcomings of existing explanations of the outbreak of World War I. It predicts that China will face encirclement by two great powers, Russia and India, and that its attempts to prevent them from acquiring the operational capabilities to launch a simultaneous attack will trigger a double security dilemma and create the conditions for escalation to a major war.
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Wright, Jonathan. "“For the greater, freer Germany of the future”." In Gustav Stresemann, 66–110. Oxford University PressOxford, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198219491.003.0004.

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Abstract The two central themes of Stresemann’s political career before 1914, nationalism and liberalism, were both given new impetus by the war. The combination was expressed in the title he gave to a volume of his speeches in 1917, “Power and Freedom”. Like most Germans, Stresemann was convinced that Germany was not responsible for the war. He blamed it on the enmity of Britain for any power which was capable of challenging British mastery of the seas and her unique empire. Britain, he claimed, had forged the coalition of Continental powers which had fallen on Germany “like the thief in the night”, just as a hundred years before it had organized a Continental coalition against Napoleon. It followed for Stresemann that German war aims must include guarantees against the renewal of such a coalition in the future. That meant inevitably a “greater Germany” which could dominate the Continent, preventing a renewal of the Franco-Russian alliance, and also occupying the Channel ports as a deterrent against British attack.
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