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1
Галкина, Ю. М. "Remember the Alliance: the Image of the Franco-Russian Alliance in the Third Republic in the Interwar Period." Диалог со временем, no. 82(82) (April 21, 2023): 210–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2023.82.82.013.
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Заключение франко-русского альянса было шокирующим для современников: союз республиканской Франции и монархической России воспринимался с удивлением. Тем не менее, этот альянс был закреплен французскими элитами в различных памятниках литературы, искусства, предметах элитного потребления. Предлагаемое исследование ставит вопрос: пользовался ли «спросом» образ франко-русского альянса в судьбоносные для Франции 1930-е гг.? Был ли Пакт 1935 года окружен воспоминаниями о союзе с Россией? На материалах прессы, источников личного происхождения (в том числе, впервые вводимых в научный оборот) автор приходит к выводу, что франко-русский альянс не был востребован в обстановке 1920-х гг., а в 1930-е гг. вызывал полярные оценки политиков и интеллектуалов, зависел от внутриполитических, идеологических (проблема распространения левой идеи во Франции) и экономических факторов. The conclusion of the Franco-Russian alliance was shocking for contemporaries: the union of republican France and monarchist Russia was perceived with surprise. Nevertheless, this alliance was consolidated by the French elites in various monuments of literature, art, and elite consumer goods. The proposed study raises the question: was the image of the Franco-Russian alliance relevant for France in the 1930s? Was the 1935 Pact surrounded by memories of an alliance with Russia? Based on press materials, sources of personal origin (including those first introduced into scientific circulation), the author concludes that the Franco-Russian alliance was not in demand in the 1920s. In the 1930s, the Franco-Russian alliance caused polar assessments of politicians and intellectuals, depended on domestic political, ideological (the problem of the spread of the left idea in France) and economic factors
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Rey, Marie-Pierre. "France and Russia from 1892 to the Present Day: Looking Back on a “Sinusoidal” Relationship." ISTORIYA 12, no. 11 (109) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840017597-5.
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The contribution endeavors to demonstrate that Franco-Russian relations in the long run have never been linear and that despite a cultural proximity linked to the Francophonie and Francophilia of the Russian elites, political relations have been much more fraught and even conflictual. However, from the last third of the 19th century, a rapprochement took place which led to a military alliance that was brutally ended by the October Revolution. Decades of distrustful and tense relations followed, before General de Gaulle, from 1965—1966, embarked on a policy of détente, understanding and cooperation beyond the differences of political regimes. It is this Gaullian “paradigm” that remains the key word in Franco-Russian relations to this day.
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Silverman, Willa Z. "Of Traiteurs and Tsars." Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 44, no. 3 (December 1, 2018): 95–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/hrrh.2018.440307.
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Between 1893 and 1901, the Parisian traiteur Potel et Chabot catered a series of gala meals celebrating the recent Franco-Russian alliance, which was heralded in France as ending its diplomatic isolation following the Franco-Prussian War. The firm was well adapted to the particularities of the unlikely alliance between Tsarist Russia and republican France. On the one hand, it represented a tradition of French luxury production, including haute cuisine, that the Third Republic was eager to promote. On the other, echoing the Republic’s championing of scientific and technological progress, it relied on innovative transportation and food conservation technologies, which it deployed spectacularly during a 1900 banquet for over twenty-two thousand French mayors, a modern “mega-event.” Culinary discourse therefore signaled, and palliated concerns about, the improbable nature of the alliance at the same time as it revealed important changes taking place in the catering profession.
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Галкина, Ю. М. "The Franco-Russian Alliance in Historiography: On the Mechanisms of Rapprochement." Historia provinciae - the journal of regional history, no. 2 (June 15, 2023): 611–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2023-7-2-6.
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Статья посвящена анализу историографического наследия России и Франции в свете выявления интересантов франко-русского сближения, а также механизмов принятия решения во французском и российском руководстве. Несмотря на то, что отношения России и Франции в XIX в. были напряженными, две страны сумели выстроить стратегический диалог и объединиться перед лицом германской угрозы, преодолев политические и культурные противоречия. Автор представляет следующие группы интересантов в Российской империи и Третьей Республике: дипломаты и военные, представители финансовой элиты, хозяйки литературных и политических салонов, политически активные представители элиты. На сегодняшний день в историографической традиции продолжает оставаться основополагающей идея о стратегическом значении франко-русского альянса, прямым следствием которой является положение о его очевидности и безальтернативности для политической и военной элиты обеих стран. Между тем, подобная точка зрения могла бы обогатиться при рассмотрении широкого круга сторонников и противников франко-русского сближения. В качестве перспективных направлений для будущих исследований возможно определить проблему участия в сближении Франции и России французского банковского капитала, выявить его связи с представителями Министерства иностранных дел Франции, а также более внимательно изучить механизмы формирования политического мнения в рамках т.н. «салонной дипломатии»: оказывали ли встречи политиков, деятелей культуры, лидеров общественного мнения влияние на принятие внешнеполитических решений и каким образом это происходило. The article is devoted to the analysis of the historiographical heritage of Russia and France. The author focuses on the problem of identifying those interested in the Franco-Russian rapprochement and on the decision-making mechanisms in the French and Russian/Soviet leadership. Even though the relations between Russia and France in the 19th century were tense, the two countries managed to build a strategic dialogue and unite in the face of the German threat, overcoming political and cultural contradictions. The author represents the following interest groups in the Russian Empire and the French Third Republic: diplomats and the military, the financial elite, holders of salons and periodicals, and politically active members of the elite. Today, in the historiographical tradition, the idea of the strategic significance of the Franco-Russian Alliance continues to be fundamental, which means (as a direct consequence) its obviousness and lack of alternative for the political and military elite of the two countries. Meanwhile, such a point of view could be enriched by considering a wide range of supporters and opponents of the Russo-French Rapprochement. As promising areas for further research, it is possible to consider the problem of the participation of French banking capital in the rapprochement between France and Russia, to identify its connections with representatives of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and to take a closer look at the mechanisms for forming political opinion within “salon diplomacy”: whether the meetings of politicians, cultural figures, and opinion leaders influenced decision making in foreign policy and how exactly that happened.
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Bespalova, Ksenia. "“The Friendship of Our Two Peoples Never Ended”: Franco-Russian Cultural Contacts in the Late 19th Century — Middle 1930s." ISTORIYA 14, no. 12-2 (134) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840019394-2.
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The article considers the Franco-Russian/French-Soviet cultural dialogue in the period between the conclusion of the Franco-Russian alliance in 1891 and the conclusion of the mutual assistance pact in 1935. Based on the sources involved in the study from the collections of the Russian State Archive of Literature and Art and domestic and foreign historiography, the authors traced the development of cultural contacts between France and Russia in this period. Using the example of contacts in the field of literature, fine arts, theater and science, the authors conclude that the cultural dialogue between France and Russia, despite political differences, not only persisted, but also actively developed, which emphasizes the importance of dialogue for cultural figures and intellectuals. between these countries.
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Mahiet, Damien. "The First Nutcracker, the Enchantment of International Relations, and the Franco-Russian Alliance." Dance Research 34, no. 2 (November 2016): 119–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/drs.2016.0156.
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Despite the lively scholarly debate on the place of The Sleeping Beauty (1890) in the political and cultural history of the Franco-Russian alliance in the 1890s, the representation of international relations in the first production of The Nutcracker (1892) has so far received little attention. This representation includes the well-known series of character dances in the second act of the ballet, but also the use of French fashion from the revolutionary era to costume the party guests, the mechanical dolls, the toy soldiers, and even Prince Nutcracker. The fairy-tale world offered a frame that not only promoted the absolutist aspirations of Alexander III's regime, but also solved the symbolic challenge of a problematic alliance between republican France and tsarist Russia. The same visual repertoire informed diplomatic life: four years after The Nutcracker, in 1896, the décor for the state visit of Nicholas II and Alexandra Feodorovna in France duplicated that of the fairy-tale world on stage.
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Vershinin, A. A. "USSR and the Red Army through the Eyes of the French Military Attaché E. Mendras (1933–1934)." Modern History of Russia 11, no. 3 (2021): 686–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2021.308.
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The article, largely based on new documents from Russian and French archives, examines an important aspect of Franco-Soviet relations on the eve of the Second World War: the interaction between the militaries of the two countries. The question of cooperation between the two armies was raised immediately after the signing of the Franco-Soviet non-aggression pact in 1932. The following year, the first French military attaché, E. Mendras, arrived in Moscow. A proponent of the revival of the Franco-Russian alliance, he explored Soviet reality to determine the real potential of the USSR as a possible ally. Despite a number of shortcomings of the Soviet socio-political system, Mendras came to the conclusion that the political regime in the country was quite stable, and its armed forces had the necessary resources to conduct a European war. At the same time, he questioned Moscow’s foreign policy goals and was critical of Soviet ideology as a factor in political decision-making. At first, the military attaché recommended that the French leadership enhance the alliance with the USSR. However, his attitude gradually changed against the background of a lack of complete mutual understanding with the Soviets and contradictions on the issue of rapprochement with Moscow, which cleaved the military-political leadership in Paris. In 1934, Mendras was skeptical about the prospects for cooperation with the USSR. This turn, in many ways, reflects a general change in the vector in Soviet-French relations in the mid-1930s, which led to their deterioration on the eve of the Second World War.
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Limanova, Svetlana. "The return visit of the President of the French Republic Emile Loubet and the Formation of the Image of a “Great Friend” of Russia." ISTORIYA 12, no. 6 (104) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016087-4.
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The article analyzes the visit of Emile Loubet, President of the French Republic, to the Russian Empire in 1902, as well as the specifics of its organization and representation. The visit was conceived as a demonstration of the inviolability of the Franco-Russian alliance. A whole complex of informational, ceremonial and commemorative methods was supposed to form the image of France not just as a “friend”, but as a “great friend” of Russia. Periodicals solved various tasks at once: attracting and maintaining attention, forming a certain image, creating and reflecting public opinion. The effect of the ceremonial part was enhanced by the active involvement of the urban population in the celebrations, symbolic decoration of the ceremonial space, and the production of souvenirs. As a result, it was possible to consolidate the “friendly” image of the French nation in Russia, enhance the positive effect of the meeting of the allies, and create favorable conditions for further cooperation. At this stage, the Franco-Russian alliance allowed maintaining the balance of power in Europe and paying attention to geopolitical interests in other regions. However, even greater rapprochement between the two powers entailed increased obligations and the necessity to coordinate further actions more carefully, while narrowing the opportunities for interaction with other states. In spite of the brilliant celebrations, the allies' desire to recover the maximum benefit from the «cordial» relationship has become increasingly evident.
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Menning, Ralph R. "Dress Rehearsal for 1914? Germany, the Franco-Russian Alliance, and the Bosnian Crisis of 1909." Journal of The Historical Society 12, no. 1 (March 2012): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5923.2011.00353.x.
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Bespalova, Ksenia A. "From the Franco-Russian Alliance (1894) to the Franco-Soviet Treaty on Mutual Assistance (1935): Two Rounds of Acquaintance with the Fine Art of the Ally." Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 26, no. 1 (2024): 184–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2024.26.1.012.
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This article considers the emergence of mutual interest in the art of France and the Russian Empire in the period from the conclusion of the Franco-Russian Alliance in 1894 to the Franco-Soviet Treaty of Mutual Assistance in 1935. The author of the article singles out two stages in the appeal to the fine arts of a friendly state: the turn of the twentieth century and the period following 1924 after the recognition of the USSR by France. Describing the first period of interest in the fine arts, the author refers to events that took place in the Russian Empire and in France, organised with the cooperation of French and Russian cultural and art figures. It is concluded that the organisation of numerous art exhibitions in both countries testified to the mutual desire of the parties to get acquainted with the novelties of the art genre of the other, as well as comprehend the episodes of common history (in particular, the war of 1812). Describing the new round of acquaintance with the culture of France and the USSR after 1924 and drawing on sources from the funds of the Russian State Archive of Literature and Art, the author proves that both in France and in the USSR, interest in the fine arts of each other remained and was fueled by the desire of the People’s Commissariat of Education of the RSFSR to cooperate with France. The work focuses on the fact that it was the smaller exhibitions through which the complementarity and commonality of cultures of both countries were recognised and which were the main place of cultural interaction. The author concludes that despite the different political systems in France and the Russian Empire / USSR, cultural ties between the two countries played a significant role, both at the turn of the century and in the 1920s–1930s, when cultural ties between them became a new impulse due to their respective revolutionary past.
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Kozlov, Denis Yur'evich. ""Platonic union": mutual perception and interaction of the russian and french navies in the late 19th - early 20th century." Российская история, no. 3 (June 15, 2023): 129–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s2949124x23030112.
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The paper dwells on analyzing the peculiarities of the mutual perception of Russian and French military sailors, as well as the directions, forms and results of interaction between the navies of the allied powers since the emergence of the Franco-Russian alliance at the end of the 19th century until the outbreak of the First World War. The main factors that determined Russian-French relations in the naval sphere are the creation of naval general staffs in France and Russia, the active military-diplomatic activities of naval agents (attaches) in Paris and St. Petersburg, as well as the conclusion in 1912 of the Naval Convention and subsequent regular contacts between the chiefs of naval staffs. The conclusion is made about the predominance of critical mutual perception of the naval corporations of the allied countries, as well as the low efficiency of their interaction on the eve of the world war.
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Софьин, Д. М., and М. В. Софьина. "Russian Grand Duke in Paris under the Alliance: Diary of Grand Duke Sergey Alexandrovich, May 26 — June 3, 1897." Вестник Рязанского государственного университета имени С.А. Есенина, no. 1(78) (June 27, 2023): 20–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.37724/rsu.2023.78.1.002.
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Впервые публикуются записи из дневника великого князя Сергея Александровича, сделанные во время его визита в Париж в конце мая — начале июня 1897 года. Посещение французской столицы представителями Российского императорского дома, великим князем и его женой, великой княгиней Елизаветой Федоровной, проходило в обстановке укреплявшегося русско-французского военного союза. Помимо досуга дневниковые записи описывают участие великого князя и его жены в протокольных мероприятиях, включая личные встречи и беседы с высшими представителями Французской республики. This is the first publication of entries from the diary of Grand Duke Sergey Alexandrovich of Russia, made during his visit to Paris in 1897. The visit of the Grand Duke and his wife, Grand Duchess Elizabeth Feodorovna as representatives of the Russian Imperial House, to the French capital took place in the atmosphere of the strengthening Franco-Russian military alliance. Besides stories of leisure activities, the diary entries describe the participation of the Grand Duke and his wife in protocol events, including private meetings and conversations with the highest representatives of the French Republic.
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Khorosheva, Aleksandra. "Russian Embassy in Brussels on the Policy of Leopold I During the Franco-Austrian War, 1859." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 6 (2023): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640026630-1.
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After the Crimean War of 1853–1856, the isolated Russian Empire was looking for ways to recover its lost geopolitical standing. Given these circumstances, St Petersburg saw Brussels as a convenient place to gather information about the state of affairs in Europe. In addition, the role of King Leopold I of the Belgians on the eve of the Crimean War was quite noticeable. In addition, considering the active foreign policy of the King of the Belgians, Russia had a certain interest in Leopold I and counted on his mediation in fostering relations with Great Britain and establishing ties with Napoleon III, who was seen as a potential ally by Alexander II. However, Leopold I, despite Belgium's improved relations with France during the Crimean War, feared the foreign policy ambitions and annexationist plans of the French emperor. The King of the Belgians was suspicious of the Franco-Russian rapprochement and, actively advocating the alliance with Great Britain, Austria and Prussia, supported Austria in the war of 1859, which was bound to lead to the deterioration of his relations with Russia. The analysis of the dispatches of the Russian envoys in Brussels, introduced into academic circuit, allows one to study the activities of Leopold I in the international arena and considerably enrich the political portrait of the king, as well as to open new pages in the history of both Belgian-Russian relations and diplomatic negotiations of European states during the Italian crisis of 1859.
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Chun, Hongchan. "A Study on the Franco-Russian Alliance : With focus on reasons for France’s nonsupport for Russia in the Russo-Japanese War." JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 25, no. 1 (March 31, 2022): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15235/jir.2022.03.25.1.1.
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Ermakova, O. K. "RUSSIAN-FRENCH ECONOMIC COOPERATION AT THE END OF THE XIX CENTURY: AGENTS AND NETWORKS OF TRUST OF BUSINESS ELITES." History: facts and symbols, no. 1 (March 10, 2023): 94–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.24888/2410-4205-2023-34-1-94-101.
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The article considers Russian-French economic cooperation in the late 19th century through the prism of studying trust networks of business elites. The aim is to find out to what extent representatives of the largest banking structures and businesses influenced the dynamics of the financial and economic side of the Franco-Russian political alliance. The author reveals a circle of agents and contacters who interacted not only among financiers and entrepreneurs, but who had connections in power structures. Based on the study of the correspondence between representatives of the Russian and French business elites, the paper allows to make conclusions about the positions, which these people occupied in the implementation of joint financial operations, and to which extent the foreign policy environment was important in making commercial and investment decisions. It seems that for professional bankers the first priority was the issue of profit. Acting in general cooperation with the ruling elites, financiers did not always share the opinions of politicians on the methods of achieving diplomatic goals through the use of banking institutions, since such paths sometimes led to a decrease in the income of credit organizations. Bankers, on the other hand, sought, above all, to obtain benefits. At the same time, among the representatives of the business world there were people involved in the diplomatic service, for whom both the political and economic aspects of cooperation, as well as the scientific study of the ally country, were important.
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Timofeev, P., and M. Khorolskaya. "COVID-19 Pandemic as a Challenge to Franco-German Leadership in the EU." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 8 (2021): 72–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-8-72-80.
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The study is focused on the COVID 19 pandemic as a challenge for Franco-German leadership in the European Union. The authors investigate whether joint actions by Berlin and Paris can strengthen the EU’s resilience to crises. As it is shown, the first isolationist reaction of the EU states to pandemic was followed by their attempts to find a common decision. The negotiations on an anti-crisis plan were complicated by the division of the European Union states into opposing camps. Two projects proposed by them – the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) and the “coronabonds” – reflected the narrow interests of rich, frugal “Northern” and economically modest “Southern” groups, and failed. In contrast, the Franco-German cooperation became a breakthrough. In March-April 2020, Germany and France opposed each other, supporting ESM and coronabonds, respectfully. In May-June 2020, A. Merkel and E. Macron agreed to a compromise and came up with a unified position. While Germany left “frugal” group by agreeing to allocate money to support the “South” without insisting on mandatory reforms, and endorsed the idea of joint debt obligations, France refused to support the “Southern” coronabond project and agreed to the mediation of the EU Commission. That gave new breath to negotiations where a new regrouping of countries took place: the “South” states failing to defend coronabonds supported the Franco-German plan based on subsidies, while the “frugals” put forward an alternative based on loans. The EU Commission’s project which included both proposals was discussed in July 2020: at that moment, the Franco-German tandem backed by the “South” states had to persuade both the “frugal” and the East- European states. Finally, the EU Commission’s plan promoted by Merkel and Macron was adopted, though with serious adjustments. The authors conclude that the Franco-German alliance has confirmed its capability to strengthen the European Union resilience, but its leadership is no longer unconditional, and in the future, they should take into account the interests of the EU regional groups. Acknowledgments. The article was prepared within the project “Post-Crisis World Order: Challenges and Technologies, Competition and Cooperation” supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (Agreement № 075-15-2020-783).
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Baudin, Rodolphe. "Translation as Politics: Translating Nikolai Karamzin’s Letters of a Russian Traveler in Nineteenth-Century France." ВИВЛIОθИКА: E-Journal of Eighteenth-Century Russian Studies 11 (December 22, 2023): 163–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.21900/j.vivliofika.v11.1427.
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This article examines the three translations of Nikolai Karamzin’s Letters of a Russian Traveler published in nineteenth-century France. Relying on Descriptive Translation Studies so as to challenge the traditional narrative about the political innocuousness of Karamzin’s travelogue, it reconstructs the historical contexts of the three publications in order to highlight the political agendas of their translators and/or translating patrons. Far from being the innocent product of the translators’ sheer curiosity, the three translations prove to be political objects, used at three key moments in the history of Franco-Russian relations in the nineteenth century, in order to call for political change, to try and restore Russia’s damaged reputation, or to attempt to forge new diplomatic alliances.
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Horel, Catherine. "France and the Austrian Empire 1815-1918." Balcanica, no. 38 (2007): 65–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0738065h.
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Relations between France and the Habsburg Empire during the long nineteenth century went through several phases bounded by the events crucial not just to the two countries' mutual relations but to all of Europe. The Congress of Vienna defined their mutual relations for the next thirty years. The Habsburgs and their omnipresent minister Metternich were fearful of revolutionary and liberal movements traditionally having their origins in France. And it was the revolutionary events of 1848 that brought about a change in the balance of power and their mutual relations. Metternich's retirement and, more importantly, the arrival of the Russian armies in Central Europe and the subsequent strengthening of Prussia, conferred a new importance to the role of the Habsburg Monarchy as a bulwark against the advancement of Russia and a vital counterweight to Prussia. With the defeat of Napoleon III and the creation of Germany with Alsace and Lorraine Franco-Austrian relations entered a new phase. The destiny of the two provinces alienated the Habsburgs from the French Republic, especially after the reorganization of Europe into two confronting blocs. The logic of alliances led to their being adversaries in the world conflict, although Napoleon III's geo-strategic analyses remained present almost to its very end, when Clemenceau's government gave support to the nationality principle thereby crucially contributing to the collapse of the Habsburg Monarchy.
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Becker, Julius Lucas. "Testing the Bonds: Franco‐Russian Alliance and the First Sino‐Japanese War." Australian Journal of Politics & History, July 8, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.13014.
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The conclusion of the Franco‐Russian Alliance was one of the major turning points in the history of international relations before the outbreak of the First World War in 1914. However, the alliance was put under its first severe test only months after its ratification in 1894. The Sino‐Japanese War and the far‐reaching Japanese conquests in Northeast Asia during this war forced the French and Russian governments to align their foreign and imperial policy towards the region. This ultimately resulted in Paris and St. Petersburg in April 1895 intervening against Japan together with France's rival Germany. This initiative, known as the Triple Intervention, caused intense tensions within Franco‐Russian relations, just as the politicians in Berlin had intended. Ultimately, however, the political decision‐makers in Wilhelmstraße achieved exactly the opposite. Although politicians in Paris were initially displeased with the state of their country's relationship with St. Petersburg, they were eventually able to capitalise on the situation. By systematically excluding the government in Berlin from potential advantages derived from the successful intervention, the mutual trust in the alliance was restored and subsequently, St. Petersburg and Paris were able to strengthen their position vis‐à‐vis their imperial rivals in East Asia.
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Crețu, Victor Daniel, and Radu Racovițan. "The Austrian-Hungarian Press Regarding the Tsar’s Visit to Constanţa in June 1914." Transilvania, December 1, 2021, 105–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.51391/trva.2021.11-12.16.
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The historical events in the first part of 1914 catalyzed an intense political discussion either for maintaining in or retreating Romania from the Triple Alliance. The appointment of I.I.C. Brătianu, known for his political orientation in favor of the Entente, as Prime Minister in the early 1914 created a favorable ground for Franco-Russian diplomatic actions. However, the event which produced the most hectic agitation in the German and Austro-Hungarian diplomatic circles regarding the progress the Entente powers were achieving in Romania was the visit of the Russian tsar to Constanța on June 14, 1914, continued by the talks between Brătianu and Sazonov in the coming days. Although the official circles justifiably maintained a reserved attitude, the press of the Great Powers in the Triple Alliance commented extensively and openly on the special significance of the visit made in Romania by Tsar Nicholas II and the Russian Foreign Minister Sazonov.
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Alexander, Tamsin. "Cosmopolitan Connections: Yevgeny Onegin as realist drame lyrique in Nice." Nineteenth-Century Music Review, May 18, 2022, 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479409822000118.
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In the build-up to the French premiere of Tchaikovsky's Yevgeny Onegin in Nice in 1895, critics, speakers and writers on music were declaring the opera a masterpiece of psychological realism. Such a reading seems to resonate more with recent assessments of the opera; but in 1890s France, a combination of interest in the Russian realist novel and new trends in realist opera had led critics to make the literary link already. With the Franco-Russian Alliance recently finalized and hostility towards the Triplice mounting, many even suggested that the opera might form the lyric equivalent of the Russian realist novel and, in so doing, offer a morally and politically superior alternative to the so-called verismo operas of the new Italian school. The optimism surrounding Onegin, I'd like to show, was part of a broader move in late nineteenth-century France to celebrate cosmopolitanism, if not in the sense one might expect. Tchaikovsky and Onegin were very much deemed representatively Russian. What was cosmopolitan, and in turn modern, was the act of cultural transfer – exploiting international personal networks – and the opera's realism: its evocations of ordinary life and of the contemporary psychological condition. As such, a Russian opera like this could be applauded not for its revelations of an exotic or disconnected country, but for the potential it posed to integrate with and revitalize French culture.
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Karintseva, Oleksandra, Oleksandr Matsenko, Vadym Lebid, and Serhii Starchenko. "FACTORS AFFECTING THE ACTIVITY OF SMALL AND MEDIUM ENTERPRISES." Herald UNU. International Economic Relations And World Economy, no. 51 (2024). http://dx.doi.org/10.32782/2413-9971/2024-51-15.
Full textAbstract:
Since the beginning of the full-scale invasion of the russian federation in Ukraine, the number of small and medium-sized enterprises that stopped their activities has increased by more than 11%, some of them have not yet resumed work. In order to develop effective programs for their recovery, it is necessary to understand the factors affecting the activities of small and medium-sized enterprises in the market. The purpose of the work is to consider the development of issues related to factors affecting the activity of small and medium-sized enterprises. 444 publications (articles, reviews, and conference papers) published during 2000–2023 in English and indexed in the Scopus scientometric database using the keywords «small and medium enterprises & factors» in the article titles were selected. The obtained results testify to the growing trend of the dissemination of scientific research on the factors affecting the activity of small and medium enterprises. The analysis of the branch structure showed the multidisciplinary nature of the studied concept. The largest number of works were published by scientists from Malaysia, China, India, Indonesia, and South Africa. The most influential researchers are Franco M. and Haase H. The most cited studies are devoted to critical success factors for implementation knowledge management (622 citations), success factors of strategic alliances (315 citations), social factors influencing export initiation (218 citations), factors affecting food safety compliance (216 citations), factors affecting business success of small & medium enterprises, etc. (161 citations). Seven clusters reflecting the main research directions on the study subject were also distinguished by keywords. Current areas of modern research are working with big data, employees, taking into account the characteristics of small and micro-businesses, efficiency, decision-making, management, technological models, compatibility, TOE structure. The conducted research improves the understanding of the factors affecting the activity of small & medium enterprises, helps to single out understudied aspects that require further detailed study.