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1

Ståhlberg, Gunilla. "Den kluvna identitetens språk : En tematisk och stilistisk komparation med postkolonialt och psykoanalytiskt perspektiv av Johannes Anyurus En storm kom från paradiset och Sami Saids Väldigt sällan fin." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Avdelningen för svenska och litteratur, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-125359.

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Uppsatsen undersöker och jämför den tematiska och språkliga gestaltningen av den instabila identiteten i Johannes Anyurus roman En storm kom från paradiset och Sami Saids roman Väldigt sällan fin. De frågeställningar som behandlas är: Hur gestaltas den postkoloniala identitetens problematik i de båda romanerna? Hur tematiseras den instabila identiteten? Hur kan språket synliggöra en instabil identitet? För att undersöka den tematiska gestaltningen av det instabila subjektet utgår analysen från postkoloniala teorier vars grund finns i den poststrukturalistiska synen på verkligheten som en konstruktion styrd av makt och språk. Flera postkoloniala teoretiker utgår också från psykoanalytikern Jacques Lacans spegelteori i analysen av hur identiteten skapas i ett postkolonialt sammanhang. I diskussionen av det instabila subjektets språkliga gestaltning utgår uppsatsen från psykoanalytikern och litteraturvetaren Julia Kristevas teori om utanförskap som det poetiska språkets grund samt dess uttryck i vår tids skönlitteratur.
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Eidlin, Barry. "Crossed Wires, Noisy Signals: Language, Identity, and Resistance in Caribbean Literature." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 1996. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1323646674.

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3

Mbom, Clément. "Frantz Fanon aujourd'hui et demain : réflexions sur le tiers monde /." Paris : Nathan, 1985. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb349570695.

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Faustino, Deivison Mendes. "“Por que Fanon? Por que agora?” : Frantz Fanon e os fanonismos no Brasil." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2015. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/7123.

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This paper discusses the different ways, uses and appropriations of the thought of Frantz Fanon in Brazil between the 1950s and the present day. The study approaches Wynter (1999) and Gordon (2015) to identify the perspective of sociogenesis the structural axis of fanoniano theoretical status, and Hall (1996) and Sekyi-Otu (1996) to recognize the author's thought the open joint and not completed theoretical and various political elements. From this evidence, it argues that the legacy of Fanon is claimed differently by different theoretical aspects, and sometimes conflicting. In Brazil, the reception of Fanon occurred under the influence of the third Worldism revolutionary and its focus on Les Damnés de la terre. Providing both the players connected to the left as readers more attuned to the black movement, a guided appropriation the polarization between colonizer and colonized and affirmation of identity (national or black) as opposed to colonization. But the contemporary period, marked by a growing interest in the reflections of Fanon, is structured by a greater diversity of approaches and theoretical focus, setting six sub-fields: 1.Estudos Postcolonial and the Diaspora; 2. Negritude; 3. Decolonial; 4. Whiteness; 5. Psychology; 6. National Ethos.
Este trabalho discute os diferentes caminhos, usos e apropriações do pensamento de Frantz Fanon no Brasil a partir da década de 1950. O estudo se aproxima das proposições de Wynter (1999) e Gordon (2015) ao identificar na perspectiva da sociogênese o eixo estruturante do estatuto teórico fanoniano, e de Hall (1996) e Sekyi-Otu (1996) ao reconhecer no pensamento do autor a articulação aberta e não concluída de elementos teóricos e políticos diversos. A partir dessa constatação, argumenta que o legado de Fanon será reivindicado de maneira diversa por vertentes teóricas distintas e, por vezes, conflitantes. No Brasil, a recepção de Fanon ocorreu sob a influência do terceiro-mundismo revolucionário, com o foco em Les Damnés de la terre., propiciando, tanto aos leitores ligados à esquerda quanto aos leitores mais afinados com o movimento negro, uma apropriação pautada pela polarização entre colonizador e colonizado e pela afirmação de uma identidade (nacional ou negra) em contraponto à colonização. Já o período contemporâneo, marcado por um crescente interesse nas reflexões de Fanon, estrutura-se por uma maior diversidade de abordagens e focos teóricos, configurando seis sub-campos: 1. Estudos Pós-coloniais e da Diáspora; 2 Negritude; 3. Decoloniais; 4. Branquitude; 5. Psicologia; 6. Ethos Nacional.
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5

Settler, Federico. "Religion in the work of Frantz Fanon." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/8270.

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This thesis explores Frantz Fanon's engagement with religion, and its impact on his theories of race and racism. As a cultural theorist and political activist with strong Marxian-humanist sympathies, Fanon asserted that, as an irrational force, religion anaesthetised the oppressed and inhibited the recovery of the black self. In this study I draw on critical and analytical work in the fields of religion, African studies, and postcolonial theory to interrogate the significance of the black body in the production of his aesthetic of transformation. To understand Fanon's engagements with religion I examine the social and political contexts of his native Martinique and his adopted Algeria, both countries which are defined by strict social and religious hierarchies. Through this focus on his engagement with Christianity, Islam and indigenous traditions in both Martinique and Algeria I argue that, while Fanon was ambivalent about the usefulness of religion in the anti-colonial struggle and the recovery of the black self, he nonetheless came to recognise the role of religion in producing narratives of the sacred that would cohere and motivate the colonized in their struggle against racist oppression. Finally, I argue that Fanon circumvents his ambivalence towards religion by elevating the significance of the enslaved and colonized body, as a sacred instrument of revolt and recovery. This thesis concludes that it is only through the production of such narratives of the sacred that Fanon is able to expel religion from the recovery of the black self and the inauguration of the new nation, while retaining traces of the sacred in his aesthetic of transformation.
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Ndlovu, Siphiwe. "Frantz Fanon and the Dialetic of Decolonisation." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3571.

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It has been more than five decades since the wave of decolonization swept across Africa. For people on the continent, the rise to power by the former liberation movements brought hope for a better future in the post-colonial state. However later developments showed that independence would, in fact, not change the material and social conditions of the ordinary people. Although the national liberation movement took over the government of the former colony, colonial institutions and structures of power, which were founded on the economic exploitation of the colony, remained unchanged. Thus in this thesis I set out to examine Frantz Fanon’s thought in order to provide a critique of post-independence failures in Africa. I will argue that whilst Fanon shared the same ideals as the anti-colonial movements in their objective to remove colonial regimes from power, that Fanon, in fact, had a critical attitude towards the anti-colonial movement. Whereas the latter conceived of freedom as independence, Fanon conceived of freedom as disalienation, premised on the complete recovery of the black self from the negative effects of colonialism. Thus the study sets out to examine the extent to which Fanon offered an alternative idea of freedom and liberation to the one which was being advanced by the national liberation movements.
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Mmadi, Djaffar. "Frantz Fanon : le sens des indépendances des pays africains." Toulouse 2, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993TOU20056.

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L'independance, selon Fanon, a certes apporté aux hommes colonisés la réparation morale et consacré leur dignité. Mais ils n'ont pas encore eu le temps d'élaborer une société, de construire et d'affirmer des valeurs. L'auteur des "Damnés de la terre" appelle donc à une poursuite de l'action. Elle passe essentiellement par la restauration de la culture nationale et la mise sur pied d'un "homme neuf". Durant la colonisation, la culture nationale est très rapidement vouée à la clandestinité. D'ailleurs, "il n'y a pas, il ne saurait y avoir, de culture nationale, d'inventions culturelles ou de transformations culturelles nationales dans le cadre d'une domination coloniale". Grâce à cela, quelle peut être l'attitude des colonisés ou de leurs porte-paroles ? L'auteur des "Damnés de la terre" explique qu'elle passe par plusieurs stades. Premièrement, l'intellectuel colonisé prouve qu'il a assimilé la culture de l'occupant. Puis, le colonisé est ébranlé et décide de se souvenir. Enfin, dans une phase dite de combat, le colonisé se transforme en réveilleur du peuple. Dans cette dernière phase, la lutte joue un rôle déterminant. Dans les "Damnés de la terre", Fanon revient plusieurs fois sur cette idée, considérant que la culture négro-africaine se "densifie" autour de la lutte des peuples "et non autour de chants, poèmes et folklore"
Independance has given back dignity to colonized countries. Still, they have to carry out the real restoration of their national cultures as well as to set up a "new man". That is how Frantz Fanon, author of "The wretched of the earth" describes the situation of colonized men. Therefore he thinks that the action should be carried on with. Far from only being based on traditional values this action should open itself to the future and create a genuine "new man" in the context of a more brotherly world. More than an action, it is a matter of struggle, in the revolutionary meaning of the term. F. Fanon also thinks that beyond the alternative between capitalism and socialism, under-developed countries should try to turn themselves towards a third path since their future depends on themselves above all. Combining theory with revolutionary praxis, Fanon is, body and soul, involved in the battlefield while achieving his works ("The fifth year of the algerian revolution" and "The wretched of the earth"). In addition, Fanon, in "black skin white masks", emphasizes the problem of the existence of the negro. The colonized negro, seriously wounded by his situation lives in a distressing inferiority complex: "I am starting to suffer from not being white. . . ". The word "alienation" best summarizes this state of mind. This is what dr. Fanon, as a psychiatrist, also deals with
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Omwomo, Beatrice O. "Revisiting Frantz Fanon in the era of globalization." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1311683491.

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Ajari, Norman. "Race et violence : Frantz Fanon à l'épreuve du postcolonial." Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014TOU20033/document.

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Ce travail propose une interprétation de la pensée anticoloniale du psychiatre et philosophe politique martiniquais Frantz Fanon. Il se proposera de la comprendre comme une philosophie sociale de l’existence. Il s’agira, pour l’analyser, de replacer Fanon dans son époque, en contextualisant son œuvre par rapport à l’histoire du colonialisme moderne, notamment en Afrique, mais aussi de relire Fanon à la lumière de la pensée contemporaine aux fins de déceler ce qui, dans son œuvre, demeure actuel. Cette recherche se déploiera en deux temps. La première partie aura pour objectif de dévoiler les fondements racistes du colonialisme en en explorant les conséquences dans plusieurs domaines : droit et politique, notamment, mais aussi économie et psychiatrie. Le concept de « prise de vies », qui sera opposé à celui de « prises de terres » élaboré par Carl Schmitt, servira de fil conducteur à cette recherche. Il s’agira de soutenir que la disqualification de certains groupes humains seule rendit possible l’accaparement des territoires ultramarins. Ce sont les modalités de cette disqualification qu’explicitera ce premier moment. La seconde partie portera sur les modèles de résistance à cette domination dont Fanon propose une formulation inédite. On verra comment c’est par la répétition transformatrice de ce qui est que peut surgir la nouveauté dans l’histoire. Répétition dans la différence, fut-elle violente, qui constitue le cœur même de la pensée fanonienne. Ainsi la répétition africaine des nations européennes ; ainsi le panafricanisme qui seront finalement abordés. Il s’agira donc de dessiner les contours de l’« ontologie » existentielle et politique de Frantz Fanon
This thesis offers an interpretation of Martiniquais political Philosopher and Psychiatrist Frantz Fanon. It proposes to understand his thinking as a social philosophy of existence. Analyzing it requires to put Fanon back in his time, by setting his work in its context, through modern colonialism history, especially in Africa, and by reading Fanon in light of contemporary thinking, in order to find what in his work remains up to date. This research will unfold in two parts. The first part will explore the very specificities of the colonial model of domination, which have been rather disregarded until these days. The second part will focus on the models of resistance to this domination, like revolutionary actions, to which Fanon gives an original expression. The racist bases of colonialism will be revealed through its numerous implications in Law and Politics, and also in Economy and Psychiatry. The concept of “life-appropriation”, while opposed to Carl Schmitt’s concept of “land-appropriation”, will be the vital lead of this research. The issue will be to maintain that disqualification of specific human groups alone made it possible to monopolize oversea territories. Modalities of this disqualification will be made explicit. The second part aims at showing how Fanon develops what could be named speculative politics, in response to colonial dehumanization. A thinking which objects are less concepts or ideas than actual historically localized power struggles
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Azar, Michael. "Frihet, jämlikhet, brodermord : revolution och kolonialism hos Albert Camus och Frantz Fanon /." Stockholm ; Stehag : Brutus Östlings bokförl, 2001. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb393011715.

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Al-Abbood, Muhammed Noor. "The cultural politics of resistance : Frantz Fanon and postcolonial literary theory." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.310373.

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Davies, David Cornelson. "Frantz Fanon, colonialism and Algeria : the historical formation of a radical discourse." Thesis, University of Brighton, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.401480.

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Frantz Fanon (1925-1961) was a Martiniquan/Algerian psychiatrist and revolutionary, whose theoretical work provided a multi-dimensional analysis of colonialism, racism, violence and culture in the Third World. This work derived from the colonial situations that he experienced in Martinique, France, Algeria, and Africa. Postcolonialists, and others, have neglected the colonial formation of this radical discourse as they moved away-from the specific characteristics, histories, and cultures of colonial locations. This study argues that Fanon's thought could only be properly understood in the context of a knowledge of such locations. The study investigates selected concepts of mystification in Fanon's final work, Les damm!Js de la terre (The Damned). The concepts of the magical superstructure, the pathology of atmosphere, and the seeds of decomposition were a culmination of Fanon's thought on alienation in the colonised world. To understand the context of the concepts involves a dual focus on the formative experiences in Fanon's life, and the developments in his linguistic output. The thesis demonstrates that his colonised experiences on Martinique established a pattern of anti-colonial thought and practice. However, it was Algeria that was decisive for his radicalisation, and his political engagement. These locations are analysed in this study mainly through Third World sources, a further specification of the individuality of their circumstances. The contextualisation of Fanon's theories is continued with a study of his language, and its plural conjuncture of medical, psychoanalytical, political, sociological and literary registers.His developing conceptualisation of colonised mystification is also traced through a genealogy of the language of his texts. This groundwork in history, and language prepares the way for a detailed analysis of Les damnes de la terre, and thus the placing of the selected concepts within the overall argument of the book. The concepts of Fanon's final work reconfigured the colonial spaces of the Third World, going beyond their rooting in Algerian realities. This thesis argues that they provided a prescient analysis of the dangers facing the colonised as they entered the world of decolonisation, and neo-colonialism. The relevance of the concepts to the contemporary situation in Algeria, Afghanistan, and Iraq is set in the context of Islamist and other Third World appropriations of Fanon's work. The suggestions for future research, on Fanon and colonialism, stress the need for engagement with Third World historical locations on their own terms.
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Zulfiqar, Adnan Ahmad. "Jihad of the wretched examining Islamic militancy through the thought of Frantz Fanon /." Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2009. http://worldcat.org/oclc/501170780/viewonline.

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Cordero, Pedrosa Carlos Javier. "Fanon Matters: Relevance of Frantz Fanon's Intellectual and Political Work for Peace Studies." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Jaume I, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.6035/14106.2021.93563.

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This dissertation explores the work of Frantz Fanon as a philosopher, psychiatrist, playwright, social and political theorist and anticolonial revolutionary. It is submitted to an academic program focused on peace studies to make a case for the relevance of Fanon’s intellectual and political work in this field of study and its related practices.
La presente tesis propone una exploración de la obra de Frantz Fanon como filósofo, psiquiatra, dramaturgo, teórico político y social, y revolucionario anticolonial. Esta tesis se presenta a un programa académico en estudios de paz con la intención de argumentar la relevancia del trabajo intelectual y político de Fanon en dicha disciplina y las prácticas asociadas a ellas.
Programa de Doctorat en Estudis Internacionals de Pau, Conflictes i Desenvolupament
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Boyacioglu, Mirey. "Från paradox till dilemma : Frantz Fanon om det språkliga våldet och den rasistiska retoriken." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Avdelningen för retorik, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-150452.

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This paper aims to explore those yet relatively unexplored dimensions of Frantz Fanons (1925-1961) authorship. Fanon, known to the world as a theorist of violence and revolution, was one of the first to ever map the language of the colonizer. The language of the colonizer was, as Fanon would have it, imbued with different notions of time, constructions of historicity and ideological principles of individuality that would dehumanize the colonial subjects. In line with that the colonizer would also speak of the colonized people in what Fanon called zoological terms. From within those different notions emerged a racist rhetoric consistent of, to quote Richard Delgado, words that wounded. These words, to also quote Fanon, inflicted and imposed self-hatred and inferiority-complex within the colonial subjects. The different rhetorical maneuvers that Fanon identified created a paradox that both opened up to anti-colonial resistance and, in line with the paradox itself, provided resistance to the same opposition it fed. Fanons two great works, Peau noire, masques blancs (1952) and Les Damnés de la Terre (1961) will be read in the light of that complexity. The guiding questions of this paper therefore focus on Fanons notions of language in general and the language of the colonizer in particular. A theoretical point of departure is that Fanon will expose what basic rhetorical operations are at work within the context of racist rhetoric.
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Renault, Matthieu. "Frantz Fanon et les langages décoloniaux : contribution à une généalogie de la critique postcoloniale." Paris 7, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA070045.

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L'enjeu de cette thèse est de dresser un portrait théorique en situation du psychiatre martiniquais et théoricien des décolonisations Frantz Fanon, ceci en tâchant de se porter au-delà du conflit des interprétations qui oppose, d'une part, le « Fanon anticolonial », célébré - à travers de multiples biographies - en tant que révolutionnaire, homme d'action, mais ce souvent au détriment de l'homme de pensée et, d'autre part, le « Fanon postcolonial », érigé en théoricien de premier ordre, mais ce régulièrement au prix de décontextualisations et déshistoricisations qui tendent à gommer la singularité de son intervention théorique et politique. Dépasser ce conflit engage de déceler chez Fanon les commencements du ou plutôt d'un postcolonialisme au sein même de l'anticolonialisme, tâche qui s'inscrit dans le projet d'une généalogie de la critique postcoloniale ou encore d'une histoire des discours de décolonisation - contre tout clivage de l’ « avant » et de l’ « après » des indépendances. Il s'agit alors d'interpréter les langages décoloniaux déployés par Fanon en tant que produits d'une pratique de déplacement épistémique, qui est à la fois de rupture et de reprise, de décentrement et de re-situation -au-delà de toute négation - des théories nées en « Occident ». Le dévoilement des méthodes fanoniennes de déplacement, qui s'inscrivent dans un postcolonialisme de guerre unique en son genre, autorise alors une reformulation du problème de la décolonisation des savoirs
This dissertation aims to draw a theoretical portrait in context of the West Indian psychiatrist and theoretician of decolonization Frantz Fanon. It intends to go beyond the conflict of interpretations that pervades Fanon studies. On the one hand, the "anticolonial Fanon" is celebrated - through numerous biographies - as a major revolutionary, as a great "man of action", but most often to the detriment of the "man of thought". On the other hand, the "postcolonial Fanon" is established as a leading theoretician, but generally at the price of a decontextualization and a dehistoricization that tend to blur the singularity of his theoretical and political intervention. Overcoming such a conflict implies detecting, in Fanon' s writings, the beginnings of postcolonialism - or rather a certain postcolonialism - within anticolonialism itself. This issue is a part of the more general project of a genealogy of the postcolonial critique or, in other words, of a history of decolonization discourses - against any splitting of the "before" and the "after" of independences. The aim is, therefore, to interpret Fanon' s decolonial languages as the product of a practice of epistemic displacement that entails both rupture and renewal, decentering and relocalization - rather than negation - of theories born in the "West". How are Western theories affected and altered when they are appropriated "from without" Europe and against the colonial powers? Fanon' s methods of displacement take part in a unique war postcolonialism. They allow us to reconsider the question of the decolonization of knowledge
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Ficek, Douglas. ""Man Is a Yes": Fanon, Liberation, and the Playful Politics of Philosophical Archaeology." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2013. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/216541.

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Philosophy
Ph.D.
What is the meaning of Fanonian liberation? That is the question that animates this work, which is (negatively) inspired by the reality of misanthropy, practical and theoretical, and neocolonialism, external and internal. To answer this question, I first situate Frantz Fanon within the larger discourse of liberation, emphasizing the relationship between his liberatory work and the work of Gustavo Gutiérrez, Paulo Freire, and Enrique Dussel. From there, I argue that there is today an unfortunate privileging of ethics, and that this privileging is used to discredit the political as an intersubjective domain. To establish (what I call) the primacy of politics, I carefully analyze Fanon's first book, Black Skin, White Masks, and his sociogenetic conclusions. I then turn to The Wretched of the Earth and to the phenomenon of petrification, which is, I contend, one of the most important features of colonialism and neocolonialism. To fully explain this phenomenon, I consider both its mythopoetic significance and its relationship to Jean-Paul Sartre's conception of seriousness. Finally, I argue that the solution to the problem of petrification can be found in Fanon's second book, A Dying Colonialism, in which there are rich descriptions of political playfulness and (what I call) philosophical archaeology, which can be defined as the descriptive and evaluative analysis of meanings as contingent human artifacts.
Temple University--Theses
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Taylor, Jack A. "Consciousness in Black a historical look at the phenomenology of W.E.B. Du Bois and Frantz Fanon /." Bowling Green, Ohio : Bowling Green State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1193848303.

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Yaksic, Ahumada María José. ""Todo lo humano es nuestro". El pensamiento anticolonial de José Carlos Mariátegui y Frantz Fanon." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2014. http://repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/131487.

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Taylor, Jack A. III. "Consciousness in Black: A Historical Look at the Phenomenology of W.E.B. Du Bois and Frantz Fanon." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1193848303.

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Ross, Tamlyn Sue. "The apartheid censors' responses to the works of Frantz Fanon, Amilcar Cabral and Steve "Bantu" Biko." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/80165.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores the ways in which the censors during the apartheid era responded to the works of three black liberation theorists; namely Frantz Fanon, Amilcar Cabral and Steve Biko. Although other studies of apartheid‐era censorship have been published, this is the first to examine the censors’ reactions to the work of key African liberation writers. Apartheid in South Africa brought with it a stringent system of governance, which included a board of censors who would decide, according their interpretation of the laws of the time, whether a publication was considered to be “desirable” or “not undesirable.” One of the major themes examined in the thesis is the interface and tension between the specific and the transnational. As we shall see, all three liberation theorists put forward Pan‐African ideas of liberation, but often explicated upon the specificities of their particular liberation struggles. In a strange act of mirroring, while upholding the idea of South Africa as “a special case” (exempt from the norms of international human rights law), the apartheid‐era censors were concerned about the spread of Pan‐African theories of liberation. Beginning with Fanon, I speculate on the reason why Black Skin White Masks was not banned in South Africa, though Fanon’s later works to enter the country were banned. I also examine Gillo Pontecorvo’s film The Battle of Algiers, which was influenced by Fanon’s theories, and censorship, arguing that the “likely readers” or “likely viewers” of revolutionary material included not only possible revolutionaries, but also paranoid networks of counterinsurgency. I then move on to examine the apartheid censors’ responses to the works of Amilcar Cabral, outlining the interface and tension between local and continental as described above. The final chapter, which deals with the censors’ responses to Steve “Bantu” Biko’s I Write What I Like as well as Donald Wood’s Biko, the film Cry Freedom and other Biko related texts and memorabilia, has some surprises about the supposedly “liberal” censors’ responses to what they deemed to be “undesirable” and “not undesirable” literature.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis verken die manier waarop die sensuurraad tydens die apartheidera gereageer het op die werk van drie swart bevrydingsteoretici, by name Frantz Fanon, Amilcar Cabral en Steve Biko. Hoewel daar wel ander studies oor apartheidera‐sensuur die gepubliseer is, is hierdie die eerste studie wat die sensuurraad se reaksie op die werk van sleutel‐Afrikabevrydingskrywers verken. Apartheid het ‘n streng beheerstelsel in Suid‐Afrika tot gevolg gehad wat ‘n sensuurraad ingesluit het wat volgens sy interpretasie van die toenmalige wette kon besluit of ‘n publikasie “wenslik” of “nie‐wenslik” was. Een van die hooftemas wat in hierdie tesis ondersoek word is die interaksie en spanning tussen die spesifieke en die transnasionale. Soos sal blyk, het al drie bevrydingsteoretici Pan‐Afrikanistiese idees van bevryding ondersteun, maar dikwels die besondere van hul spesifieke bevrydingstryd uiteengesit. Die apartheidera‐sensors se kommer oor die verspreiding van die Pan‐ Afrikanistiese bevrydingsteorië, terwyl hulle die idee van Suid‐Afrika as “’n spesiale geval” (vrygestel van die norme van internasionale menseregtewetgewing) voorgehou het, was ‘n ironiese spieëlbeeld hiervan. Ek begin by Fanon en bespiegel oor die redes waarom Black Skin White Masks nooit in Suid‐Afrika verbied was nie hoewel Fanon se latere werk wat die land binnegekom het, wel verbied was. Ek ondersoek ook Gillo Pontecorvo se film The Battle of Algiers wat deur Fanon se teorië beïnvloed is, en argumenteer dat die “waarskynlike lesers” en “waarskynlike kykers” van revolusionêre materiaal nie slegs moontlike revolusionêre ingesluit het nie, maar ook paranoïede netwerke van teeninsurgensie. Ek gaan voort deur die reaksie van die apartheidera‐sensors op die werke van Amilcar Cabral te ondersoek en die interaksie en spanning tussen die plaaslike en die kontinentale, soos hierbo beskryf, uit te lig. Die slothoofstuk, wat handel oor die sensuurraad se reaksie op Steve “Bantu” Biko se I Write What I Like, asook Donald Woods se Biko, die film Cry Freedom en ander Biko‐verwante tekste en memorabilia, bevat verrassings omtrent die sogenaamde “liberale” sensors se reaksies op wat hulle as “wenslike” en “nie‐wenslike” literatuur beskou het.
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Costantini, Dino. "Per l'anamnesi di una malattia europea : il "nuovo discorso coloniale" francese e suoi critici." Paris 8, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006PA082819.

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La particularité de la tradition politique française voudrait se résumer dans sa vocation à l'universel. L'analyse du discours colonial des années '30 met en lumière le rôle décisif joué par la référence à cette vocation - et au concept de civilisation (occidentale) - dans la légitimation du colonialisme français. Cette légitimation s'appuie sur les idées complémentaires de mission civilisatrice et de mise en valeur, idées qui renvoient à la primauté française et occidentale dans la complexe taxonomie de cultures qui composerait le globe. La réponse postcoloniale - A. Césaire, A. Memmi et F. Fanon - montre par son rejet des valeurs occidentales comment, face aux colonisés, l'universalisme a pu devenir l'instrument de l'extension d'un racisme culturaliste dont la critique est préalable à la réactivation des conditions de possibilité d'un universalisme à la mesure du monde voire à une pleine décolonisation de la théorie politique française et occidentale.
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Correm, Tal. "From Force to Political Power: Frantz Fanon, M. K. Gandhi, and Hannah Arendt on Violence, Political Action, and Ethics." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2014. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/285388.

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Philosophy
Ph.D.
This dissertation analyzes the problem of political violence in popular struggles for freedom and regime change. It seeks not only to explicate the different arguments for and against the use of violence in political struggle, but also the extent to which these various ways set the conditions for the political landscape after the struggle. To do that, I engage the arguments of Frantz Fanon, M. K. Gandhi, and Hannah Arendt. While these authors diverge with regard to the role of violence in popular struggles, all three conceptualize ways to achieve nonviolent politics or at least to reduce the role of violence in normal everyday politics. While Fanon and Gandhi offer viable diagnoses of the problem of violence and liberation, by stressing the structural and affective dimensions of political violence, Arendt challenges the traditional equation between political power and violence and offers an institutional alternative in her theory of a federated council system. My analysis reconstructs the link between the critique of violence (state, colonial, or mass violence) and the constructive theory of foundation and preservation of stability and effective relations of trust. These relations of trust are necessary to prevent recurring violence and escalation in the period following the struggle. By analyzing the intersections of violence, political action, and ethics in the work of Fanon, Gandhi, and Arendt, I provide a theoretical framework for understanding the role of violence in popular struggles and everyday politics, while avoiding the limitations of each theory. The aim of this study is threefold: first, to provide an alternative to the prominent positions of realism and moralism in political philosophy through an evaluation of ethical argumentation in politics regarding the problem of violence; second, to contribute to debates about political freedom, and sovereignty in democratic theory through examination of different solutions for the conservation of power and freedom in the transition from struggle to ordinary politics; and third, to develop a critical lens with which to examine situations of conflict and popular struggles, the place of violence, and the transition to ordinary politics. By way of conclusion, I demonstrate the relevance of this study through examination of a concrete case from the Middle East: the Egyptian revolution of 2011. The theoretical framework set by the multifocal debate provides a resource to analyze the promise and the ensuing crisis of the Egyptian project.
Temple University--Theses
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Larsson, Fanny. ""Varför är alla estniska kvinnor horor?" : En postkolonial och feministisk läsning av Sofi Oksanens Stalins kossor." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Litteraturvetenskapliga institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-254200.

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Uppsatsen är en postkolonial-feministisk läsning av Sofi Oksanens debutroman Stalins kossor. Med utgångspunkt i Frantz Fanons teori, och med en specifikation av den baltiska postkolonialismen såsom Violeta Kelertas beskriver den, undersöks hur Oksanen gestaltar det koloniala och patriarkala förtryckets konsekvenser för karaktären Anna. Dessutom visar uppsatsen hur dessa förtryck är intersektionellt integrerade.
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Faye, Babacar. "POLITICAL SPONTANEITY AND SENEGALESE NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENTS, Y'EN A MARRE AND M23: A RE-READING OF FRANTZ FANON 'THE WRETCHED OF THE EARTH"." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1371657164.

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26

Jung, Marjorie. "La figure de l’homme nouveau dans l’oeuvre de Frantz Fanon : La décolonisation de l’être au prisme de la social-thérapie textuelle." Thesis, Paris 4, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA040172.

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L’oeuvre de Frantz Fanon convoque un champ disciplinaire pluriel qui, dans une praxis du réel, ne cesse de redéfinir simultanément divers domaines du savoir. Au sein du triptyque poétique, psychiatrie, politique, la figure de l’homme nouveau assoit la possibilité d’un véritable chronotope de l’engagement à partir d’une expérience fondatrice de la guerre d’Algérie. Le projet insurrectionnel permet de redéfinir un nouveau chronotope ; il dessine les contours d’une géopoétique algérienne et pose les linéaments de l’entreprise de désaliénation. De la contribution clinique à l’élaboration du texte, la pensée de Fanon découvre les ressorts d’une véritable praxis de l’engagement. À l’aune d’un corpus francophone, de Kateb Yacine à Patrick Chamoiseau, la figure de l’homme nouveau effectue le passage d’une pratique clinique à une pratique poétique. Elle dévoile, au prisme d’une intertextualité inhérente à l’oeuvre, l’itinéraire de l’auteur
The work of Frantz Fanon convenes the plurality of a disciplinary field which, enrolled in a reality praxis, does not cease to simultaneously redefine various knowledge domains (areas). Within the triptych poetic, psychiatry, politics, the new man figure establishes the possibility of a real commitment chronotope built out of the Algerian War a founding experience. The insurrectionary project allows to redefine a new chronotope; it draws the outlines of an Algerian geopoetic and sets the lineaments of the disalienation undertaking. From the clinical contribution to the elaboration of the text, the thought of Fanon uncovers the dynamic of a real commitment praxis. In the light of a francophone corpus, from Kateb Yacine to Patrick Chamoiseau, the new man figure institutes the transition of practices from clinical to poetic. It thereby reveals, through the prism of the work’s inherent intertextuality, the author’s itinerary
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Brence, Steven Barry. "Multiculturalism : the refusal and reconstruction of recognition /." Thesis, view abstract or download file of text, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p3018359.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2001.
Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 151-161). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
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Madonko, Thokozile. "The puzzle of domination in society : seeking solutions in the African context." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007260.

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The presence of human destitution, impoverishment and degradation in the midst of plenty has puzzled social thinkers for millennia. One of the oldest and grandest of theories: the theory of ideology attempts to provide an answer to the puzzle of domination in society. Michael Rosen, in his book On Voluntary Servitude (1996), argues that the solution provided by the theory of ideology is problematic. Furthermore, on the basis of his critique, Rosen argues that we should abandon the theory of ideology and consider alternatives to it. Even though many contemporary academics have turned away from the theory of ideology, because they view it as an imprisoning meta-theory, this study explores the possibility of there being a meta-theory that could help us to make sense of the world. Through an examination of Rosen's critique this thesis shows that Rosen is too quick in his dismissal of the theory of ideology because he fails to consider that a revised functionalist theory of ideology can be expanded to account for the mechanism(s) that ensure that, over time, the society in question acquires ideological consciousness to further its welfare. This thesis shows that Rosen is correct in his criticism of the theory of ideology's explanation of domination because the content, history and social effects of ideological consciousness cannot be fully explained in terms of their role in promoting or stabilising relations of domination. In light of Rosen's criticism the thesis shows that if one provides both an explanation of the psychological motivations of individuals and of the nature of the oppressive society in which they find themselves then what I call an integrated theory of ideology can be developed. In order to illustrate the importance of an integrated theory of ideology the study moves away from high-level theoretical abstraction to concrete social analyses, focusing on the work of Frantz Fanon and Steve Biko and their explanations of domination. The reason this study focuses on their work is because in their role as social scientists, Fanon and Biko provided a powerful critique of colonial, post-colonial and neo-colonial society. It will be argued that Fanon and Biko were able to provide a lasting critique of colonial reality because they offered their critique within the framework of such an integrated theory. Consequently, this study argues that, as Fanon and Biko's work illustrate, an integrated theory of ideology qua critical theory ought not to be abandoned because it is crucial for understanding and resisting forms of oppression that exist in the world today.
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Samuel, Johansson. "Att begripliggöra det obegripliga : En postkolonial analys av argument för Ugandas anti-gaylag mellan årtalen 2009 och 2014." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-412236.

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A new law regulating homosexual relations was in the year of 2009 introduced in the parliament of Uganda, resulting in wide condemnation from the west. The bill proposed harsh penalties for homosexual behavior and gay advocacy, including, but not limited to, the death penalty and life imprisonment. Despite the damning critique from certain western countries the law garnered strong support among Ugandan nationals. To understand this discrepansy my thesis sets out to comprehend the reasoning behind the bill’s national popularity. Is it possible to make sense of a law that from a liberal western perspective could be considered nonsensical? To develop an understanding of the motivations behind the bill, this paper aims to identify and analyze frequently used arguments in support of the ”anti-gay law”. This analysis is primarily achieved through the implementation of a postcolonial perspective containing terminology inspired by Frantz Fanon, and Kristen Cheneys discussions regarding ”postcolonial amnesia”. More general aspects associated with postcolonial theory are also included and a ”liberal western perspective” is additionally implemented to empahasize the contribution of the postcolonial perspective. The study identified four different types of arguments that were commonly used in support of the bill. The first stated that homosexuality is a western phenomenon contrary to African values, the second claimed that homosexuality is a threat to the family, the third that it’s a sin in conflict with religious values, and it was lastly argued that homosexuality doesn’t qualify as one of the human rights. All of the aforementioned arguments were shown to be more comprehensible through the implementation of a postcolonial perspective. The branding of homosexuality as western and ”un-African” was for example demonstrated as explainable when viewed as a reaction to western hegemony and historical colonial exploitation, as well as a drive to create and uphold an independent national identity. A similar pattern is also identified in connection with the other arguments, and is primarily established through the reasonings of Frantz Fanon. Kristen Cheneys use of ”postcolonial amnesia” is also implemented to make sense of glaring paradoxes in the arguments supporting the law.
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Fisher, James J. "An Intellectual History of Thomas Sankara." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1538989985964085.

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Mercadal-Barroso, Adriana Kimberly. "A critical Fanonian understanding of black student identities at Rhodes University, South Africa." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1016375.

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South African history is rooted in racial identities, inequalities and injustices, which the post-apartheid government has sought to address for twenty years since 1994. The transition to a post-apartheid society though has been a difficult one with the social structure and everyday life still marked by the racial past. Though racial classifications on an official basis no longer exist, racial identities continue to pervade the country. Of particular significance to this thesis are black identities including the possibility of black inferiority, which I examine in relation to black post-graduate university students in contemporary South Africa, specifically at Rhodes University. In examining this topic, I draw extensively on the work of Frantz Fanon, who wrote about both colonial society and the emerging post-colonial experience. Fanon was a young black intellectual whose work was in part based on his own experiences of being a once-colonised black person in a world which he perceived as being dominated by whiteness. In his work he expresses his own perceptions of whiteness and how the black identity has come to be shaped by and around this dominant white foundation. Fanon extensively discussed the lives of black intellectuals and elites, and demonstrated how the black identity becomes shaped by and around the world of whiteness. In doing so, he raised a range of themes, such as black inferiority, mimicry and double consciousness. I draw upon the work of Fanon in a critically sympathetic manner to delve into the experiences of black postgraduate students as they negotiate their way through a university setting dominated by a white institutional culture. I bring to the fore the argument that the racial identities of these students is not fixed and sutured but, rather, is marked by considerable fluidity and ambiguity such that black identity must be understood not just as a state of being but also as a process of becoming.
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32

Hansen, Thim. "The UN in Mali, a consolidating or fragmenting actor?" Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-167625.

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This thesis focus on the UN-led peacekeeping mission in Mali (MINUSMA) and how the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) has undertaken this in its resolutions. The importance to study this subject and statebuilding efforts, such as MINUSMA, is due to that a failed statebuilding may result in potential international consequences. This is the case in Mali where terror- and criminal organizations now roam free in large parts of the country where these organizations may plan their operations, including international terror attacks. Therefore, this study will research how the UNSC has positioned itself regarding the potential explanations to the outcomes of statebuilding, the statebuilder´s dilemma, and dividing structures. To conduct the analysis of the resolutions, a qualitative document analysis has been conducted. For understanding the context in Mali and the aftermath of the resolutions, secondary data analysis has been used. The conclusions for this thesis are that the UNSC has taken a middle way in the context of the statebuilder´s dilemma and dividing structures, but that the UNSC also shows a great loyalty towards the Malian state and not vice versa as the dilemma debates. The objective is to shine a light on the UN peacekeeping missions in an attempt to influence how they are carried out since improvement is needed.
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33

Oxblod, Simon. "Kulturell identitet i En halv gul sol och Atlantens mage : En postkolonial läsning av två icke-västerländska romaner." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Lärarutbildningen, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-23377.

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This study analyses two non-western novels used in the subject of Swedish in upper secondary school: Fatou Diomes The Belly of the Atlantic and Chimamanda Ngozi Adichies Half a Yellow Sun. Looking at how the books female main character relate to Stuart Halls theory of cultural identity, I come to the conclusion that they somewhat differently relate to an essential ”authentic” self. Salie talks explicit about a generic African soul that she possesses. Olanna never talks about anything ”authentic”, but her narrative and contrary subject positions can be read as a way of demasking her European ”white” self in favour of a truer Igbo self. I also come to the conclusion that both novels use themes of alienation related to gender structures and positioned westernness and that this kind of reading could contribute to interesting classroom discussions about a dynamic interpretation on culture and identity.
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Nyoni, Triyono Johan. ""It's the Englishness" : Bildung and Personality Forming as Postcolonial Criticism in Tsitsi Dangarembga’s Nervous Conditions." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för språk (SPR), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-95354.

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Through a close reading of Tsitsi Dangarembga’s Nervous Conditions, this essay shows the key links between the novel and Frantz Fanon’s major works. In addition to providing a deeper understanding of Dangarembga’s narrative as a whole, it takes into particular consideration the em­bedded criticism of colonialism in the text. The psychological conditions implied by the title play a central role: the essay shows how these conditions relate to the colonial situation and how refusing to consent to subjugation can be understood as radical criticism of colonial, Christian, as well as patriarchal superstructures as well as forming clear opposition to the colonial institution. The analysis is primarily based on Fanon and his comprehension of other theorists. It also draws on the ideas of Homi K. Bhabha, which will provide an additional level of understanding regarding questions about colonial identities in general, and Dangarembga’s characters Tambu, Nyasha, and Babamukuru in particular.
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Brownlee, Jonathan J. "Being and Otherness: Conceptualizing Embodiment in Africana Existentialist Discourse (The Bluest Eye, The Fire Next Time, and Black Skin, White Masks)." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1594134915974717.

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36

Tosold, Léa. "Autodeterminação em três movimentos: a politização de diferenças sob a perspectiva da (des)naturalização da violência." Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-05022019-135424/.

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Neste corpascrever, meu argumento é o de que levar a sério o problema da naturalização da violência estrutural confere uma (re)nova(da) perspectiva sobre processos de politização de diferenças. Ao inquirir acerca das precondições para a geração de enquadramentos não hegemônicos em contextos marcados por violências estruturais, proponho a reconceitualização dos projetos de politização de diferenças enquanto defesa de processos de autodeterminação cole(a)tiva. Essa tese é defendida em três movimentos interdependentes: (3) por meio de reflexões filosófico-epistemológico-poéticas sobre a relevância da espacialização cole(a)tiva para a experiência da temporalidade; (2) por meio de considerações teóricopolíticas sobre a relação entre o problema do essencialismo e a possibilidade de agência cole(a)tiva subversiva; bem como (1) por meio do vislumbre da con-figur-ação do processo de (r)existência dos povos munduruku e ribeirinho à construção de barragens no Médio Tapajós. Conforme sugiro, a politização de diferenças, sob o proposto viés, apresenta-se como condição sine qua non para viabilizar a apreensão do modus operandi de violências estruturais, uma vez que apenas movimentos (pro)positivos cole(a)tivos permitem a emergência de imagens capazes de colocar a norma hegemônica fundamentalmente em xeque, de modo a transcender os limites inerentes a posturas exclusivamente reativas, co-movendo no sentido da reestruturação do mundo.
In this writingbody, I exam in depth the problem of naturalization of structural violence in order to argue for a (re)new(ed) perspective on the politicization of differences. I suggest a reconceptualization of the politicization of differences as a defense of colle(a)ctive selfdetermination processes through an investigation about the preconditions for the generation of non-hegemonic frames in contexts ruled by structural violence. This thesis is undertaken in three interdependent movements: (3) a philosophical-epistemological-poetical reflexion on the relevance of colle(a)ctive spatialization processes for the experience of temporality; (2) a political-theorical consideration on the relationship between the problem of essentialism and the possibility of subversive colle(a)ctive agency; and (1) a perspective on the con-figura( c)tion of the Munduruku and the riverside peoples (r)existence process to the construction of dams in Middle Tapajós region. I argue that the politicization of differences is conditio sine qua non in order to enable the denaturalization of structural violence, as only (pro)positional colle(a)ctive movements transcend the limits of merely reactive positions, enabling the emergency of images that can call the hegemonic rule into question and, therefore, initiate processes of structural trans-formation.
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Aponte, Elena M. "Either 'Shining White or Blackest Black': Grey Morality of the Colonized Subject in Postwar Japanese Cinema and Contemporary Manga." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1491495352122861.

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Martin, Jocelyn S. "Re/membering: articulating cultural identity in Philippine fiction in English." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210163.

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This dissertation examines how Philippine (or Filipino) authors emphasise the need for articulating or “re/membering” cultural identity. The researcher mainly draws from the theory of Caribbean critic, Stuart Hall, who views cultural identity as an articulation which allows “the fragmented, decentred human agent” to be considered as one who is both “subject-ed” by power but/and one who is capable of acting against those powers (Grossberg 1996 [1986]: 157, emphasis mine). Applied to the Philippine context, this writer argues that, instead of viewing an apparent fragmented Filipino identity as a hindrance to “defining” cultural identity, she views the “damaged” (Fallows 1987) Filipino history as a the material itself which allows articulation of identity. Instead of reducing the cultural identity of a people to what-they-could-have-been-had-history-not-intervened, she puts forward a vision of identity which attempts to transfigure these “damages” through the efforts of coming-to-terms with history. While this point of view has already been shared by other critics (such as Feria 1991 or Dalisay 1998:145), the author’s contribution lies in presenting re/membering to describe a specific type of articulation which neither permits one to deny wounds of the past nor stagnate in them. Moreover, re/membering allows one to understand continuous re-articulations of “new” identities (due to current migration), while putting an “arbitrary closure” (Hall) to simplistic re-articulations which may only further the “lines of tendential forces” (such as black or brown skin bias) or hegemonic practices.

Written as such (with a slash),“re/membering” encapsulates the following three-fold meaning: (1) a “re-membering”, to indicate “a putting together of the dismembered past to make sense of the trauma of the present” (Bhabha 1994:63); as (2) a “re-membering” or a re-integration into a group and; as (3) “remembering” which implies possessing “memory or … set [ting] off in search of a memory” (Ricoeur 2004:4). As a morphological unit, “re/membering” designates, the ways in which Filipino authors try to articulate cultural identity through the routes of colonisation, migration and dictatorship.

The authors studied in this thesis include: Carlos Bulosan, Bienvenido Santos, N.V.M. Gonzalez, Nick Joaquin, Frank Sionil José, Ninotchka Rosca, Jessica Hagedorn, and Merlinda Bobis. Sixty-years separate Bulosan’s America is in the Heart (1943) from Hagedorn’s Dream Jungle (2003). Analysis of these works reveals how articulation is both difficult and hopeful. On the one hand, authors criticize the lack of efforts and seriousness towards articulation of cultural identity as re/membering (coming to terms with the past, fostering belonging and cultivating memory). Not only is re/membering challenged by double-consciousness (Du Bois 1994), dismemberment and forgetting, moreover, its necessity is likewise hard to recognize because of pain, trauma, phenomena of splitting, escapist attitudes and preferences for a “comfortable captivity”.

On the other hand, re/membering can also be described as hopeful by the way authors themselves make use of literature to articulate identity through research, dialogue, time, reconciliation and re-creation. Although painstaking and difficult, re/membering is important and necessary because what is at stake is an articulated Philippine cultural identity. However, who would be prepared to make the effort?

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Cette thèse démontre que, pour les auteurs philippins, l’articulation ou « re/membering » l'identité culturelle, est nécessaire. Le chercheur s'appuie principalement sur la théorie de Stuart Hall, qui perçoit l'identité culturelle comme une articulation qui permet de considérer l’homme assujetti capable aussi d'agir contre des pouvoirs (cf. Grossberg 1996 [1986]: 157). Appliquée au contexte philippin, cet auteur soutient que, au lieu de la visualisation d'une identité fragmentée apparente comme un obstacle à une « définition » de l'identité culturelle, elle regarde l’histoire philippine «abîmée» (Fallows 1987) comme le matériel même qui permet l'articulation d’identité. Au lieu de réduire l'identité culturelle d'un peuple à ce qu’ ils auraint pû être avant les interventions de l’histoire, elle met en avant une vision de l'identité qui cherche à transfigurer ces "dommages" par un travail d’acceptation avec l'histoire.

Bien que ce point de vue a déjà été partagé par d'autres critiques (tels que Feria 1991 ou Dalisay 1998:145), la contribution de l'auteur réside dans la présentation de « re/membering » pour décrire un type d'articulation sans refouler les plaies du passé, mais sans stagner en elles non plus. De plus, « re/membering » permet de comprendre de futures articulations de « nouvelles » identités culturelles (en raison de la migration en cours), tout en mettant une «fermeture arbitraire» (Hall) aux ré-articulations simplistes qui ne font que promouvoir des “lines of tendential forces” (Hall) (tels que des préjugés sur la couleur brune ou noire de peau) ou des pratiques hégémoniques.

Rédigé en tant que telle (avec /), « re/membering » comporte une triple signification: (1) une «re-membering », pour indiquer une mise ensemble d’un passé fragmenté pour donner un sens au traumatisme du présent (cf. Bhabha, 1994:63); (2) une «re-membering» ou une ré-intégration dans un groupe et finalement, comme (3)"remembering", qui suppose la possession de mémoire ou une recherche d'une mémoire »(Ricoeur 2004:4). Comme unité morphologique, « re/membering » désigne la manière dont les auteurs philippins tentent d'articuler l'identité culturelle à travers les routes de la colonisation, les migrations et la dictature.

Les auteurs inclus dans cette thèse sont: Carlos Bulosan, Bienvenido Santos, NVM Gonzalez, Nick Joaquin, Frank Sionil José, Ninotchka Rosca, Jessica Hagedorn, et Merlinda Bobis. Soixante ans séparent America is in the Heart (1943) du Bulosan et le Dream Jungle (2003) du Hagedorn. L'analyse de ces œuvres révèle la façon dont l'articulation est à la fois difficile et pleine d'espoir. D'une part, les auteurs critiquent le manque d'efforts envers l'articulation en tant que « re/membering » (confrontation avec le passé, reconnaissance de l'appartenance et cultivation de la mémoire). Non seulement est « re/membering » heurté par le double conscience (Du Bois 1994), le démembrement et l'oubli, en outre, sa nécessité est également difficile à reconnaître en raison de la douleur, les traumatismes, les phénomènes de scission, les attitudes et les préférences d'évasion pour une captivité "confortable" .

En même temps, « re/membering » peut également être décrit comme plein d'espoir par la façon dont les auteurs eux-mêmes utilisent la littérature pour articuler l'identité à travers la recherche, le dialogue, la durée, la réconciliation et la re-création. Bien que laborieux et difficile, « re/membering » est important et nécessaire car ce qui est en jeu, c'est une identité culturelle articulée des Philippines. Mais qui serait prêt à l'effort?


Doctorat en Langues et lettres
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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39

Moagi, Anna Lefatshe. "A Fanonian perspective on the May 2008 xenophobic violence in South Africa : a case study of the Tshwane Municipality." Diss., 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/14151.

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The research on xenophobia in South Africa is underpinned by the relationship described by Frantz Fanon between violence and oppression present within the structures of domination. This research addresses the colonial structures that manifested themselves within the oppressive modes in societies. It employs a Fanon analysis of the xenophobic violence of May 2008 and serves to provide an understanding of the experiences of a particular condition and of how a broader invisible context plays an important role in what society sees and assimilates. The question can be asked: Is it safe to say that the xenophobic attacks were racist, or was it mere bigotry? An analysis based on the writings of Franz Fanon coupled with a psychological account of the participants, affirms that the xenophobic attacks revealed that the previously colonised or oppressed black people in South Africa reacted with regard to the assimilation of the master and its slave narrative and dialect. Theories of oppression and slavery posit that patterns of colonialism reoccur and manifest themselves both internally and externally within society. A serious debate is necessary to question whether the incidents came at a time that South Africa should have reflected on society’s interaction with foreign immigrants.
Political Sciences
M.A. (Politics)
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40

Vasavithasan, Rathika. "Feminism(s), nationalism(s), and Frantz Fanon." 2004. http://link.library.utoronto.ca/eir/EIRdetail.cfm?Resources__ID=95282&T=F.

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41

Pithouse, Richard. "Frantz Fanon and the dialectic of solidarity." Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/2693.

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42

Tucker, Jeanique. "Moralizing violence: the righteous breaking of the condemned." Thesis, 2017. https://dspace.library.uvic.ca//handle/1828/8410.

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The body exposes violence by mirroring it, stripping it of its metaphysics, ideology, and teleology. Using the colonizer/colonized, master/slave and lord/bondsman dialectics to frame our discussion, we tell the story of the annihilated body, and what is left or not left in the wake of destruction. To do so, we posit that the annihilated body is the productive effect of structural violence and structural power acting in concert. They are able to occupy the same space, in contradiction to Marx and Hegel’s theory of the power of negation, and be thoroughly damaging because of the moralizing which often accompanies the violations. The annihilated body we focus on here is restricted to Frantz Fanon’s black body, as discussed in Black Skin White Masks, The Wretched of the Earth and A Dying Colonialism and Hamid Dabashi’s brown body, as discussed in Brown Skin White Masks, Corpus Anarchum and Islamic Liberation Theology. We use these two authors and their particular entry points into examining issues of dispossession, post-humanism and redemption. To do so, we rely on a Nietzschean framework with which to interpret their discussion, while allowing Michel Foucault’s interpretation of Friedrich Nietzsche’s prose to influence our analytical lens.
Graduate
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43

Adjei, Paul Banahene. "Decolonising knowledge production, validation, and dissemination: the relevance of the (selected) works of Memmi, Fanon, and Gandhi to schooling and education in Ghana /." 2005. http://link.library.utoronto.ca/eir/EIRdetail.cfm?Resources__ID=370488&T=F.

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44

Ndhlovu, Maanda Luxious. "Frantz Fanon and critique of the post-apartheid South Africa in relation to socio-economic development." Diss., 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/26871.

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This study introduces the Fanonian thought on race and racism, rhetoric of modernity, and new humanism as three constitutive thematic areas in order to enable a new understanding of the South African situation. These thematic areas are examined with specific reference to socio-economic development within the limited context of post-apartheid South Africa. This is done by reading Fanon’s text in the context of South Africa to provide the background against which the unfolding of the post-apartheid era and its political discourses may be analysed. In essence, this study is based on Fanon’s predictions that he made in the text written more than 50 years ago about the future of post-colonial states. Therefore, this study argues that Fanon’s thought has proven to be more prophetic with regard to post-apartheid South Africa and its political reforms which left the fundamental question of structures such as land, economy, and labour unaddressed. What happened on 27 April 1994 is not genuine liberation, but a mere transition from apartheid to democratic dispensation that left the status quo in spatial arrangements uninterrupted. Indeed, it was an elite pact between the African National Congress and white monopoly capital, which betrayed the national liberation movement and the black majority. The contention is that South Africa celebrated the cosmetic reforms that attributed the term liberation incomplete in the absence of fundamental and structural changes. What is therefore recommended is that for there to be success, there must be genuine liberation that is consistent with the needs of society. This means bringing to an end the racially marked structures and reimagining the black condition, through jobs, education, social and economic programmes aimed at empowering the black majority to depend on themselves as opposed to relying on the State.
Development Studies
M.A. (Development Studies)
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45

Reyes, Alvaro Andres. "Can't Go Home Again: Sovereign Entanglements and the Black Radical Tradition in the Twentieth Century." Diss., 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10161/1346.

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This dissertation investigates the relation between the formation of "Blackness" and the Western tradition of sovereignty through the works of late twentieth century Black Radical theorists. I most specifically examine the work of Stokely Carmichael, Amiri Baraka, Frantz Fanon, and Huey P. Newton in order to delineate a shift within Black Radicalism which, due to an intense de-linking of Black nationalism from the concept of territorial sovereignty throughout the 1960s and early 1970s led to the formation of a new subjectivity ("Blackness") oriented against and beyond the Western tradition of political sovereignty as a whole.

This dissertation begins by outlining the parameters of the concept of sovereignty as well as its relation to conquest, coloniality, and racialization more generally. I then examine the formation of Black Power as an expression of anti-colonial sentiments present within the United States and uncover there the influence of W.E.B. DuBois' concept of double-consciousness. I then further examine the concept of Black Power through the work of Amiri Baraka and his notion of "Blackness" as the proximity to "home." Each of these expositions of Black Power are undertaken in order to better understand the era of Black Power and its relation to both Black nationalism and the Western tradition of sovereignty.

Next, I turn to the work of Frantz Fanon, whom I claim prepares the way for the idea of "Blackness" as an ontological resistance beyond, not only the territorial imperative, but also the logic of sovereignty more generally. This notion of "Blackness" as an antidote to sovereign logic present within the work of Fanon allows me to turn to the work of Huey P. Newton in order to demonstrate his conceptualization of "Blackness" as an antagonistic subjectivity within a fully globalized society whose onset he had theorized and which he termed "empire." I conclude by drawing on each of the above theorists as well as the work of Angela Davis in order to build a retrospective summary of this alternative lineage of the Black Radical Tradition and its importance for the conceptualization of resistances to and life beyond our contemporary society.


Dissertation
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Almada, Flávio Jorge Tavares Zenun. "Os discursos sobre a Cova da Moura: Uma análise crítica e exploratória a partir de alguns conceitos de Frantz Fanon." Master's thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/21783.

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A presente dissertação parte do conceito de “compartimentação colonial”, proposto por Frantz Fanon, enquanto orientação concetual para dissecar a representação do bairro da Cova da Moura nos discursos académico e poder público. O conceito de compartimentação colonial é, assim, apresentado como uma perspetiva de análise das questões de continuidade coloniais no Portugal contemporâneo. Pretende-se, assim, retratar a essencialização do bairro da Cova da Moura e das suas identidades, através da verificação de edificação de antagonismos que perpetuam a clássica racionalidade (neo) colonial, inerentemente maniqueísta, que compartimenta a humanidade em nós versus eles; nacionais versus estrangeiros; racionais versus irracionais; civilidade versus incivilidade. Esta análise assenta-se nas seguintes dimensões: i) representação do espaço; ii) corpos e pertença ao território; iii) valores e comportamentos.
This work is based on Frantz Fanon’s concept of “colonial compartmentalization”, here used to analyze academic and public authorities’ discourses on Cova da Moura neighborhood. Colonial compartmentalization is used, therefore, as an analytical tool to approach Portugal’s contemporary colonial legacies. The dissertation aims to depict the objectification of Cova da Moura and its identities. This objectification is done through the creation of antagonism, perpetuating Manichean compartmentalization between us and them; citizens and non-citizens; rationality and irrationality; civility and incivility. The analysis is anchored in three dimensions: spatial representations; bodies and territorial belonging; values and behaviors.
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Nguého, André Ferdinand Takounjou. "Aimé Césaire: De la révolte à la révolution: Pour une lecture croisée postcoloniale des oeuvres d´Aimé Césaire et de Frantz Fanon." Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1822/58343.

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Thèse de Doctorat Sciences de la Littérature (Spécialité en Théorie Littéraire)
The main objective of this work is to reflect on the historical and cultural path of the African continent after the recent celebration of the 50th anniversary of the African independences. What is the feedback of the course for the new African nations? To answer this question, I revised all the African history in the light of two francophone authors from Martinique Island. I intersected the reflections of Aimé Césaire and Frantz Fanon in a post-colonial way for a journey in the African roots extended in the diaspora. This journey led me in an imagologic study in the colonial context: the colonial structure was constructed upon an iconoclast1 representation of the new world discovered by the 14, 15 and 16th century’s explorers. That information is the starting point of two interconnected events: Slavery and Colonization. Reacting against that hetero-image, the Negros built up an auto-image named “Négritude” whose principal initiator was Aimé Césaire. This author wanted to revalorize the Negro’s culture and, pragmatically, prepare the decolonization of the territories under the colonial domination. Unfortunately, beside its revolutionary esthetic value, the pragmatism of the Negritude movement as described by Césaire was a political failure. In fact, the independences acquired according to the Negritude program failed. The socioeconomic discrepancies resulting from the colonialism were not treated adequately. One of the causes of this failure was, according to Fanon, the construction of State-race instead of State-nation after the proclamation of the independences. Consequently, we can consider the “Printemps Arabe” as an upcoming of the social antagonism which was poorly treated from the word go after Independence. This was a result of the inadequacy of the cultural racism veiled in the negritude manner of solving problems as for instance the fundamental question of the land. On the other hand, the question of the French colonialism specificity cannot be neglected. In fact, the assimilation politic of the French colonial Empire didn’t offer a good emancipation board to the indigenous people. The French Union project built after the Second World War represented for itself a kind of continuation of colonization regardless of the international context of that moment characterized by the United Nations declarations. This was substantially complicating the task of the new emerging leaders. The last part of this work is a pedagogic sequence for teaching French as a Foreign Language in the curricular revision context initiated by the ESCOLA + program in São Tomé and Principe.
Este trabalho pretende reflectir sobre o percurso histórico-cultural do continente africano numa altura em que se acabou de celebrar o quinquenário das independências. Qual é o balanço do percurso para as novas nações africanas? Responder a esta pergunta levou-me a revisitar toda a história do continente à luz da obra de dois autores da Martinique. Cruzei o olhar de Aimé Césaire e de Frantz Fanon numa perspectiva pós-colonial para uma viagem nas raízes africanas que se encontram espalhadas na diáspora. Esta viagem me tem levado a um estudo da imagiologia no contexto colonial: a estrutura colonial baseava-se numa representação iconoclasta2 do novo mundo descoberto pelos exploradores dos séculos 14, 15 e 16. Esta informação deu início a dois eventos interligados a saber a escravatura e a colonização. Os Negros, em reacção contra esta hétero-imagem, construíram uma auto-imagem denominada “negritude” cujo progenitor principal foi Aimé Césaire. Pretendeu este autor revalorizar a cultura negra e, pragmaticamente, preparar a descolonização dos territórios sob domínio colonial. No entanto, o pragmatismo do movimento da negritude como o entendia Césaire foi um fracasso num ponto de vista político não obstante o valor estético revolucionário do mesmo. Com efeito, as independências adquiridas segundo o programa-negritude não resultaram: não se conseguiu ultrapassar as desigualdades socioeconómicas resultantes do colonialismo. Uma das causas deste fracasso foi, segundo Fanon, a construção de Estadoraça em vez de Estado-nação após as independências. Consequentemente, podemos ler o “Printemps arabe” como um ressurgimento dos antagonismos sociais que foram mal geridos logo após as independências; consequência da inadequação do racismo cultural que se escondia no esquema da “negritude” na resolução por exemplo da questão fundamental das terras. De outra parte, a questão da especificidade do colonialismo francês não pode ser esquecida. Com efeito, a política assimilacionista do império colonial francês não oferecia um bom quadro de emancipação dos colonizados. O projecto da União Francesa montado após a segunda guerra mundial representava por si só uma espécie de prolongação da colonização não obstante o contexto internacional da hora caracterizado pelas declarações das Nações Unidas. Uma tal situação complicava substancialmente a tarefa da classe dirigente emergente. A última parte deste trabalho é uma sequência pedagógica de ensino do francês língua estrangeira no contexto da revisão curricular estipulada pelo programa Escola + em São Tomé e príncipe.
Ce travail prétend réfléchir sur le parcours historico-culturel du continente africain dans un contexte bien particulier: on vient de célébrer le cinquantenaire des indépendances. Quel est le bilan du parcours des jeunes Etats africains ? Afin de répondre au mieux à cette question, j’ai revisité toute l’histoire du continente à la lumière des oeuvres de deux auteurs martiniquais. J’ai pour ainsi dire, croisé le regard d’Aimé Césaire et de Frantz Fanon dans une perspective postcoloniale pour un voyage dans les racines africaines qui s’étendent jusque dans la diaspora. Ce voyage m’a conduit dans une étude de l’imagologie dans le contexte colonial: la structure coloniale reposait sur une représentation iconoclaste3 du nouveau monde découvert par les explorateurs des 14e, 15e et 16e siècles. Cette information donna naissance à deux événements interconnectés à savoir l’esclavage et la colonisation. Les Noirs, en réaction contre cette hétéro-image, ont construit une auto-image dénommé “Négritude” dont le promoteur principal est, à n’en pas douter, Aimé Césaire. Ce dernier prétendait revaloriser la culture nègre et, pragmatiquement, préparer a décolonisation des territoires sous domination coloniale. Cependant, le pragmatisme de la Négritude comme l’entendait Césaire se solda par un échec du point de vue politique malgré les valeurs ô combien esthétique et révolutionnaire de ce mouvement. En effet, les indépendances proclamées selon le programme “négritude” ne portèrent pas les fruits escomptés: les inégalités socioéconomiques héritées de la colonisation n’ont pu être jugulées. L’une des causes de cet échec fut, selon le critérium analytique de Fanon, la construction des Etats-race au lieu des Etats-nation après les indépendances. Par ricochet, nous pouvons lire le “Printemps arabe” comme une résurgence des antagonismes sociaux qui furent mal gérés dans la période postindépendance; conséquence de l’inadéquation du racisme culturel qui se cachait un tant soit peu sous le manteau Négritude » dans la résolution des problèmes cruciaux de l’heure comme par exemple la question agraire. D’autre part, la question de la spécificité du colonialisme français ne peut passer inaperçue. En effet, la politique assimilationniste de l’empire colonial français ne proposait point un bon cadre propice à l’émancipation des colonisés. Le projet de l’Union Française monté après la seconde guerre mondiale représentait à lui seul une espèce de prolongation de la colonisation malgré le contexte international de l’heure caractérisé par les déclarations des Nations Unies. Une telle situation compliquait substantiellement la tâche de la jeune classe dirigeante émergente. La dernière partie de ce travail est une séquence pédagogique destinée à l’enseignement du français langue étrangère (FLE) dans le contexte de la révision curriculaire initiée par le programme « Escola + » à São Tomé et Principe.
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48

Sithole, Tendayi. "Fanon and the positionality of Seepe, Mangcu and Mngxitama as black public intellectuals in the post-1994 South Africa." Diss., 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/8822.

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This study uses Frantz Fanon‟s thoughts on race and blackness, the black elite and black public intellectuals as the theoretical framework and examines the positionality of Sipho Seepe, Xolela Mangcu and Andile Mngxitama as black public intellectuals in order to understand how they view the post-1994 political discourse. Seepe, Mangcu and Mngxitama‟s views are studied by analysing themes emerging from newspaper columns they have written. This study reveals that the three black public intellectuals examined have been radical and forthright, though they display different understandings of race and blackness, the black elite and black public intellectuals. However, the study reveals that only Mngxitama‟s postionality has been consistently radical, whereas Seepe and Mangcu‟s views have been fluid and are now considered moderate. This study concludes by highlighting the relevance of Fanon‟s thoughts in enabling a new reading of post-1994 South Africa. Of central importance is the creation of the „new being‟, who is informed by the process of liberation, which is the antithesis of the black condition.
Political Sciences
M. A. (Politics)
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49

Go, Nicole Belinda. "A Visual Theory of Natsume Sōseki: the Emperor and the Modern Meiji Man." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/25597.

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This thesis explores the affect of the emperor-centred visual culture on Sōseki’s use of visual methodologies in his travel writing in London and Manchuria, as well as his novel Sanshirō. In Part I of this thesis, I argue that Sōseki’s anxiety and ambivalence was in part due to the visual culture created around an imperial image infused with symbolic power. Part II of this thesis is almost a reversal of the first, as it discusses Sōseki’s use of deliberately visual methodologies to express his anxiety and ambivalence towards modernity. In light of my discussion of these complex visual techniques, I conclude by briefly addressing the allegations of Sōseki’s complicity in Japanese imperialism and the (non-)politicization of his work. While Sōseki’s anxiety and ambivalence may have been caused by the extremely visual culture centred on the emperor, it also provided him with a means and methodology for expressing his pessimism.
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50

Dixon, Kurt. "A Fanonian study of the perceptions and experiences of transformation of administrative staff at the University of Cape Town’s Health Sciences." Thesis, 2007. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_7676_1299038810.

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This qualitative study aims to use some of Frantz Fanon&rsquo
s critical insights to explore how individuals within the Health Sciences Faculty at the UCT experienced change and perceived the transformation process instituted by University management and the change taking place in the wider society. Frantz Fanon, a critical theorist born in a Martinique, university-educated in France and later employed in Algeria, wrote extensively on how the colonial condition affects the psychology of individuals, thus inter-linking psychology and politics. This study selected six individuals who had experienced the institutional context before and during the process of transformation. Data was collected by way of unstructured interview schedules. A Fanonian psychoanalytic-inspired discourse analysis was employed to analyse the data. The data showed that broader discourses influences the way people talk about phenomena. Our past still plays a role in the way we construct current realities.

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