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Journal articles on the topic 'Frederick II of Hohenstaufen'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 24 April 2022

Last updated: 10 March 2023

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1

Niemelä, Pekka, Timo Vuorisalo, and Simo Örmä. "Frederick II of Hohenstaufen and modern ecology." Natural History Sciences 8, no. 2 (October 28, 2021): 65–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.4081/nhs.2021.539.

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Emperor Frederick II’s early thirteenth-century book on falconry, De arte venandi cum avibus, is probably the most famous single source for scholars who survey the state-of-the-art in natural sciences in medieval times. Most of the research on his book has focused on the marginal illustrations featuring about 80 bird species. However, the book contains a large amount of ethological, ecological, morphological and faunistic knowledge about bird fauna. Frederick was also one of the first to conduct experiments with birds. Here, we describe the ornithological experiments and observations of Frederick and evaluate them from the perspective of modern ecology. In many contexts, Frederick expressed criticism of Aristotle and his work Liber Animalium. Frederick’s observation upon the geographical variation of species was partially in contrast to the Aristotelian typological or essentialist species concept. This is an important finding from the point of view of the western history of biology. De arte venandi cum avibus demonstrates Frederick’s deep knowledge of the ecology, morphology and behaviour of birds. This knowledge he gained via his long practice with falconry. The love of falconry made Frederick an early proponent of empiricism, and De arte venandi cum avibus was actually the most important achievement of empirical zoology in the thirteenth century.

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2

Schramm, Matthias. "Frederick II of Hohenstaufen and Arabic Science." Science in Context 14, no. 1-2 (June 2001): 289–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889701000102.

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The article argues that Frederick II of Hohenstaufen and his court played a unique role in the transfer and diffusion of Arabic science (with its Greek, Hebrew and Christian elements). Scientists at the court translated and elaborated upon it. Moreover, there existed a two-way traffic of scientific knowledge between Frederick and his court scholars, on the one hand, and several oriental courts and their scientists on the other hand. Thus the reader gains a view of Frederick's scientific activities from the Arab perspective, too.Frederick's contribution to the existing biological sciences of his time was his “Book of Falconry”, which was exceptional in the then contemporary approach and methods employed in those fields. Even in this treatise on falconry, Frederick drew upon the fund of knowledge of Arab practitioners. This chain of arguments concerning Arabic science is situated within the setup of Frederick's oriental political practice and sumptuous court life.

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3

Vagnoni, Mirko. "Frederick II of Hohenstaufen (1208–1250)." Encyclopedia 1, no. 3 (August 3, 2021): 710–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/encyclopedia1030055.

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Frederick II of Hohenstaufen, King of Sicily (1208–1250). Frederick II of Hohenstaufen was the second king of the Swabian dynasty to sit on the throne of Sicily. He was crowned in 1198, but, in consideration of his young age, he only ruled independently from 1208 to 1250 (the year of his death). He not only held the title of King of Sicily but also was the King of Germany (or of the Romans), the King of Jerusalem, and, above all, Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire. His most relevant and innovative iconographic representations were in Southern Italy. For this reason, we focus on the images in this geographical context. In particular, we have nine official (that is, those commissioned directly by him or his entourage) representations of him: the bull (in three main versions), the seal (in three main versions), five coins (four denari and one augustale), the statue of the Capua Gate, and the lost image of the imperial palace in Naples.

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4

Fišerová, Lenka. "The ornithology and Frederick II of Hohenstaufen." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 50, no. 2-3 (June 2010): 289–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aant.50.2020.2-3.9.

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5

Delle Donne, Fulvio. "The University of Naples and the Organisation of Official Culture = La Universidad de Nápoles y la organización de la cultura oficial." CIAN-Revista de Historia de las Universidades 21, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/cian.2018.4191.

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Abstract: The emperor Frederick II of Hohenstaufen created the University of Naples in 1224, but we do not have the foundation charter; we have only a circular letter in which he invites students to come to Naples. We do not know, in fact, if there was a formal institutional act or if certain statutes or decrees were issued. In any case, the circular letter of invitation is particularly important for two reasons. The first is that Frederick declares in an absolutely new way that culture generates riches and nobility. The second is that the circular letter is transmitted from the collection of epistles attributed to Petrus de Vinea, the protonotary, head of the imperial chancery. The epistles attributed to Petrus de Vinea were a formidable instrument of propaganda not only because of their vigorously effective ideological content, but also because of their extraordinary style. This style was an impressive “symbol of power” demonstrating to the world Frederick’s renewed imperial authority. At the same time, the University of Naples was able to provide monarchs with a wide choice of people of excellent education, essential for the administration of the state, which was being organized more and more centrally.Keywords: University of Naples, Frederick II of de Hohenstaufen, Petrus de Vinea, medieval epistolography, ars dictaminis.Resumen: El emperador Frederick II de Hohenstaufen creó la Universidad de Nápoles en 1224, pero no tenemos el documento fundacional; sólo conservamos una misiva en la que se invita a los estudiantes a ir a Nápoles. No sabemos, de hecho, si hubo un acto institucional o si determinados estatutos o decretos fueron establecidos. En cualquier caso, la carta de invitación es particularmente importante por dos razones. La primera es que Frederick declaró, de forma novedosa, que la cultura generaba riqueza y nobleza. La segunda es que la circular se transmitió desde la colección de epístolas atribuidas a Petrus de Vinea, el protonotario, cabeza de la cancillería imperial. Estas epístolas fueron formidables instrumentos de propaganda no sólo por su vigoroso contenido ideológico, sino también por su extraordinario estilo. Este estilo fue un impresionante “símbolo de poder” que mostró al mundo la renovada autoridad imperial de Frederick. Al mismo tiempo, la Universidad de Nápoles pudo proveer a la monarquía con un amplio abanico de personas de excelente educación, esencial para la administración del estado, que fue administrándose cada vez de manera más centralizada.Palabras clave: Universidad de Montpellier, medicina, profesiones médicas, herejía, traducciones árabes, Edad Media.

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6

Gerstein, Anna. "The Retinue Plays The King: Peculiarities of Impostors’ Communication With Society." Odysseus. Man in History 28, no. 1 (October 28, 2022): 50–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/1607-6184-2022-28-1-50-73.

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The article examines the importance of the retinue in representing a medieval self-appointed ruler’s power. The paper shows this group of people to be the main link in the symbolic, epistolary and ceremonial communication between the impostor and his subjects. Using the examples of impostors who pretended to be Frederick II Hohenstaufen in Sicily and in Germany during the second half of the 13th century, the author finds out what public everyday royal practices were reenacted by the impostors’ assistants to make various social groups believe they were the real monarchs. These practices included sending fake letters on behalf of Frederick II, imitating activities of the imperial curia, and the ceremony of entering the city. In the course of the study, the author arrives at a conclusion that the (re)constructed representations of power were closely associated with memories of emperor Frederick II that the 1260-1280s generation still kept. The impostor's retinue made a point of imitating the modus imperandi of the last Hohenstaufen emperor, actualizing the most vivid and typical images of his power performance.

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7

Nicholas, David. "Staufen and Plantagenets. Ed. Alheydis Plassmann and Dominik Büschken. Bonn: V & R Unipress, Bonn University Press, 2018, 13 figures, 303 pp." Mediaevistik 32, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 436–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2019.01.104.

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This collection deals generally with the twelfth-century Hohenstaufen domains, which were called an “empire” by contemporaries, and the Plantagenet territories, which were not. The focus, although it is not adhered to rigidly, is the period of Henry II (1154–1189) in the Plantagenet areas of England and Western France and of Frederick I Barbarossa (1152–1190) in the Holy Roman Empire. It contains an introduction and nine substantive articles, two in German and the rest in English. Each paper appends its own list of sources and bibliography and an abstract in English. There is a substantial literature on most topics discussed, to which the authors add their own interpretations.

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8

Egerton, Frank N. "A History of the Ecological Sciences, Part 8. Frederick II of Hohenstaufen: Amateur Avian Ecologist and Behaviorist." Bulletin of the Ecological Society of America 84, no. 1 (January 2003): 40–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1890/0012-9623(2003)84[40:ahotes]2.0.co;2.

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9

Vermeersch, Paula Ferreira. "Os Mistérios da Encarnação nos Amboni de Nicola e Giovanni Pisano." SIGNUM - Revista da ABREM 17, no. 2 (December 28, 2016): 104. http://dx.doi.org/10.21572/2177-7306.2016.v17.n2.06.

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O presente artigo trata dos Púlpitos esculpidos pela oficina fundada por Nicola, escultor proveniente da Apúlia, na cidade toscana de Pisa, por volta de 1250. Nestas obras, Nicola e seu filho Giovanni apresentam uma visão sobre a História Sagrada, marcada pelas pregações franciscanas e discussões políticas do século. Provavelmente formado no círculo de Frederico II Hohenstaufen no sul da Itália, Nicola se tornará o primeiro escultor a se utilizar diretamente de formas greco-romanas para tratar dos Mistérios da Encarnação, e seus significados para os fiéis. Nesse sentido, o artigo tenta alinhavar algumas hipóteses sobre a natureza do trabalho de Nicola, e interpretações possíveis sobre suas escolhas estéticas.

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10

Gotówko, Piotr. "Die Beziehungen des Deutschen Ordens zu den Grafen von Kyburg und zur Stadt Bern in der ersten Hälfte des 13. Jahrhunderts." Ordines Militares Colloquia Torunensia Historica 27 (January 17, 2023): 213–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/om.2022.008.

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The Relations between Teutonic Orden, the House of Kyburg and the city of Bern in the first part of the 13. century As the Teutonic Order begann acquitting lands in the south-western part of the Reich and the neighbouring Burgundy between 1200-1212, he depended on the goodwill of the mighty House of Kyburg. Beacause the Teutonic Brethren were the favorites of their rivals, the Hohenstaufen, it was diffucult for them, to gain also their grace. The same applied for the city of Bern, standing under the patronage of the House of Zähringen, other local rivals of the Hohenstaufen. After their line vanished in 1218, the Emperor Frederick II. launched a long struggle with the Kyburgs for the legacy, which took a sharp form especially in Beromünster. This might have influenced the way the member of the Kyburg-Family were looking at the Teutonic Order. When the inheritance of the Zähringen was definitively divided in 1226, the Emperor expriopriated in the same year in Köniz the Augustine monchs and gave their possessions to the Teutonic Order. Because the church in Bern also belonged to them, the priests of the Order had become the highest clerics in the city. The Emperor wanted thus to keep the Berner patricians in leaning strikes. The simple habitants of Bern had refused to participate at messes celebrated by Teutonic priest for long. The Kyburgs started prefering the Knights of St. John. It was in their church, where the head of the family, Werner I. von Kyburg, was burried after dying from a disease in the Holy Land. The Teutonic Order should never obtain any possessions in territories controlled by the House of the Kyburg. Po Polsku: Gdy Zakon Krzyżacki zaczął między 1200-1212 nabywanie posiadłości w południowo-zachodnich zakątkach Rzeszy i graniczącej z nią Burgundii, uzależniony był m.in. od przychylności Kyburgów, jednego z najpotężniejszych rodów w tym regione. Ponieważ Krzyżacy byli pupilem rywalizujących z Kyburgami Sztaufów, trudno im było równocześnie zdobyć względy grafów z Kyburgu. To samo dotyczyło miasta Berna, stojącego pod egidą skonfliktowanych ze Sztaufami Zeringerów. Po wygaśnięciu tej linii w 1218 r. Fryderyk II. rozpoczął walkę z Kyburgami o jak największą część po ich spuściźnie, która szczególnie w Beromünster przybrała ostrą formę. Wpłynęło to negatywnie na postrzeganie Zakonu przez kyburskich grafów. Gdy spadek został do 1226 r. definitywnie rozdzielony, cesarz wywłaszczył w tym samym roku w Köniz Augustynów na korzyść Krzyżaków. Ponieważ kościół w pobliskim Bernie również należał do nich, księża Zakonni stali się najważniejszymi duchownymi w mieście. Cesarz chciał tym sposobem utrzymać patrycjat berneński w ryzach. Prości mieszczanie długo odmawiali uczestnictwa w mszach celebrowanych przez braci krzyżackich. Kyburgowie natomiast ostatecznie zrazili się do Zakonu i woleli wspierać joannitów. To w ich kościele pochowany został zmarły w Ziemi Świętej Werner I. von Kyburg, ówczesna głowa rodu. Zakon Krzyżacki miał już nigdy nie uzyskać posiadłości na terenach kontrolowanych przez Kyburgów.

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11

Jenkins, Ernest E. "The Emperor and the Saint: Frederick II of Hohenstaufen, Francis of Assisi, and Journeys to Medieval Places. By Richard F. Cassady. (DeKalb, IL: Northern Illinois University Press, 2011. Pp. xvii, 454. $35.00.)." Historian 74, no. 4 (December 1, 2012): 871–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6563.2012.00334_45.x.

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12

Dalton, Heather, Jukka Salo, Pekka Niemelä, and Simo Örmä. "Frederick II of Hohenstaufen's Australasian Cockatoo: Symbol of Detente between East and West and Evidence of the Ayyubids' Global Reach." Parergon 35, no. 1 (2018): 35–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.2018.0002.

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13

Leyser, Karl J. "Frederick Barbarossa and the Hohenstaufen Polity." Viator 19 (January 1988): 153–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.viator.2.301368.

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14

Robson, Michael. "The emperor and the saint. Frederick II of Hohenstaufen, Francis of Assisi, and journeys to medieval places. By Richard F. Cassady (foreword John Julius Norwich). Pp. xvii+454 incl. frontispiece and 59 ills. DeKalb, Il: Northern Illinois University Press, 2011. $35. 978 0 87580 439 2." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 63, no. 3 (June 20, 2012): 598–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046912000103.

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15

Stürner, Wolfgang. "Rotter, Ekkehart, Friedrich II. von Hohenstaufen." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Germanistische Abteilung 119, no. 1 (August 1, 2002): 485–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgga.2002.119.1.485.

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16

McGrade, Michael. "O rex mundi triumphator: Hohenstaufen politics in a sequence for Saint Charlemagne." Early Music History 17 (October 1998): 183–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127900001649.

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In March 1152, the German princes gathered in the city of Frankfurt and elected Frederick ‘Barbarossa’ of Hohenstaufen (r. 1152–90) their new king. The dynamic young Swabian duke took the throne with a sense of entitlement unknown since the days of the Emperor Henry III (r. 1039–56). Shortly after his election, he confidently notified Pope Eugenius III of his new station. Seeking neither warrant nor approval, Frederick informed the pope of a new relationship between the imperium and the Roman Church. Barbarossa portrayed his election, as well as his subsequent anointment by Pope Hadrian IV in 1155, as the fulfilment of preordained circumstances. The new king was determined to make the imperial title more than a hollow honour, and from the first years of his reign he sought to strengthen his position by adding to his dominion the wealth and resources of Italy, riches he deemed the rightful assets of his office.

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Classen, Albrecht. "Frederick II: The Last Emperor." Die Unterrichtspraxis / Teaching German 36, no. 1 (2003): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3531714.

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Powell, James M., and David Abulafia. "Frederick II: A Medieval Emperor." American Historical Review 95, no. 5 (December 1990): 1517. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2162735.

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Matthew, D. J. A. "Frederick II: A Medieval Emperor." English Historical Review 118, no. 476 (April 1, 2003): 426–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/118.476.426.

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20

Arnold, B. "Frederick II: A Medieval Emperor." German History 7, no. 3 (July 1, 1989): 378–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/7.3.378.

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21

Katainen, V. Louise, and David Abulafia. "Frederick II: A Medieval Emperor." Italica 72, no. 1 (1995): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/479973.

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22

Nagodkina, S. A. "Urban Policy Of Frederick II." Izvestiya of Saratov University. History. International Relations 12, no. 4 (2012): 20–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2012-12-4-20-24.

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The article examines urban policy of Prussian king Frederick II and determines the direction of his actions. The author makes a conclusion that the main components of Frederick’s II policy were attraction of immigrants-professionals to the city and fire-safety security.

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23

Karamuk, Gümeç. "II. Friedrich von Hohenstaufen'in İslam Dünyası ile İlişkileri ve Arapça Kroniklere Yansıması." Belleten 57, no. 219 (August 1, 1993): 447–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.1993.447.

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Kutsal Roma-Alman İmparatoru VI. Heinrich Norman krallığını fethederek Sicilya kralı da olunca, Hohenstaufen hanedanının elinde bulunan İmparatorluk, önde gelen bir Akdeniz gücü darak evrensel bir konuma erişmişti. İmparatorluğun ağırlık noktasını güneye kaydıran ve böylece Sicilya'nın İmparatorluğa katılması ihtimalini gündeme getiren İmparatorluk-Sicilya "personel birliği", tek bir güç tarafından çembere alınan Roma Kilisesini tehdit ediyordu. Heinrich'in, Sicilya kralının veraset hakkını İmparatorluk için de elde etme ve böylece Stauferlerin babadan oğula geçen, Akdeniz kıyılarına kadar uzanacak bir dünya egemenliği tasarıları, Tevcih Kavgasından beri birbirlerinin rakibi olan İmparatorluk ile Papalığın arasını daha da açmıştı. Ancak, VI. Heinrich'in ölümüyle (28.9.1197) Stauferlerin bu evrensel konumları çöktü, ve Kilise bu çatışmadan galip güç olarak sıyrıldı. Veresat hakkından dolayı Sicilya o zaman henüz üç yaşını doldurmamış olan Friedrich'e düştü. Onun yerine önce annesi, VI. Heinrich'in dul eşi ve Sicilyateyn'in ünlü Norman kralı II. Roger'nin kızı Constance, yönetimi ele aldı.

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24

Westbrook, Max. "Winter Count II by Frederick Manfred." Western American Literature 23, no. 3 (1988): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wal.1988.0138.

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Gomi, Tohru, M. Sigrist, D. I. Owen, and G. D. Young. "The John Frederick Lewis Collection, Part II." Journal of the American Oriental Society 107, no. 1 (January 1987): 146. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/602978.

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26

Dubbini, Rachele. "Museo Federico II Stupor Mundi. Palazzo Ghislieri." Ex Novo: Journal of Archaeology 2 (December 31, 2017): 113–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/exnovo.v2i0.392.

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In July 2017 opened in Jesi (Ancona, Italy) an “experience museum” dedicated to the figure of the imperator Frederick II. According to tradition, indeed, Frederick II was born in the city center of Jesi: here his mother decided to give birth to the royal son, in a tent placed in the middle of the public square. This expedient was necessary to prove the royal lineage of the new born. Based on this famous tale, the city of Jesi has seen in Frederick II an icon of the local cultural identity since the Middle Age. Yet the collective memory seemed not strong enough to remember to the inhabitants so as to the tourists, who crowd into the region during summer, the importance of such historical figure. For this reason, a local entrepreneur decided to invest in the creation of a museum on Frederick II, which could properly present life and deeds of the imperator, even if in Jesi there was no material traces of his passage, but only the memory of the royal tent. The museum has an innovative approach, especially as concerns the communication of the historical value of the imperator, having been designed as an “immersive and multisensorial trip” across the life of Frederick II. Moreover, it is also a pioneering undertaking - in comparison to most Italian museums - since it has been conceived as a “cultural enterprise”, having as one of its main aim the social and economic development of the local territory. The massive presence of private investors has probably influenced such a choice and the result is an interesting experiment that does live up to the visitors’ expectations.

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Weiler, Björn. "Gregory IX, Frederick II, and the Liberation of the Holy Land, 1230-9." Studies in Church History 36 (2000): 192–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400014418.

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Gregory IX is rarely associated with the affairs of the Holy Land. In fact, he is most widely known for initiating the conflict between imperial and papal authority which was to occupy European society for most of the thirteenth century. After all, the conflict with Emperor Frederick II had been among the defining features of Gregory’s pontificate. In September 1227, barely six months into office, he excommunicated Frederick, and in 1241 he died after a failed attempt to try Frederick before a general council. Consequently, the period of concord between 1230, when peace was made with Frederick in the Treaty of San Germano, and March 1239, when the Emperor was excommunicated for a second time, has been described as an interlude, a breathing space, allowing both Frederick and Gregory to muster the means and arguments for their final show-down.

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28

Dragonetti, Roger. "Dante and Frederick II: the poetry of history." Exemplaria 1, no. 1 (January 1989): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/exm.1989.1.1.1.

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29

Powell, James M. "Church and Crusade: Frederick II and Louis IX." Catholic Historical Review 93, no. 2 (2007): 250–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2007.0201.

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30

Hordiyenko, V. V., and H. M. Hordiyenko. "THE ROLE OF EDUCATION AND CULTURE IN THE MISSIONS OF FRIEDRICH II von HOHENSTAUFEN AND LOUIS IX, SAINT." Scientific notes of Taurida National V.I. Vernadsky University, series Historical Sciences, no. 1 (2021): 99–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.32838/2663-5984/2021/1.17.

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31

Houzel, Didier. "La question de la langue originelle de l'humanité de Frédéric II de Hohenstaufen à Winnicott et au-delà." Neuropsychiatrie de l'Enfance et de l'Adolescence 53, no. 7 (November 2005): 330–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.neurenf.2005.09.020.

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32

Ramón Guerrero, Rafael. "Federico II Hohenstaufen y la difusión de los saberes árabes y judíos en la Europa del siglo XIII." De Medio Aevo Avance en línea (January 19, 2023): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/dmae.84999.

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Este artículo pretende hacer una presentación general del emperador Federico II y su política de conocimiento y difusión de los estudios árabes y hebreos en Europa en el siglo XIII. Para la realización de esta tarea fundó la Universidad de Nápoles y se rodeó de intelectuales que conocían muy bien la filosofía y la ciencia árabe y hebrea.

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33

Dziembowski, Edmond. "Frederick P. Lock, Edmund Burke. Volume II : 1784-1797." Annales historiques de la Révolution française, no. 352 (June 1, 2008): 305–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/ahrf.11056.

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34

Ross, Linda. "Frederick II: Tyrant or Benefactor of the Latin East?" Al-Masaq 15, no. 2 (September 2003): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/779971239.

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35

Powell, James M. "Patriarch Gerold and Frederick II: the Matthew Paris letter." Journal of Medieval History 25, no. 1 (March 1999): 19–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0304-4181(98)00015-3.

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36

ROSS, LINDA. "Frederick II: Tyrant or Benefactor of the Latin East?" Al-Masāq 15, no. 2 (September 2003): 149–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0950311032000117458.

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Nagodkina, S. A. "Frederiсk II by Eyes of Foreigners Contemporaries." Izvestiya of Saratov University. History. International Relations 12, no. 3 (2012): 41–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2012-12-3-41-46.

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The article describes the image of Prussian king Frederick II in perception Saxon, English and French ambassadors examined their estimations of internal and military policy of monarch, defined the role of stereotype presentations in forming of image of king.

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RACCAGNI, GIANLUCA. "The Crusade Against Frederick II: A Neglected Piece of Evidence." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 67, no. 4 (September 28, 2016): 721–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204691600066x.

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This study argues that contemporary historical works are an unparalleled source for charting the neglected subject of the implementation and impact in northern Italy of the crusade that was launched against Frederick II in 1240; and that a mostly uncritical acceptance of that crusade became a topos in works by laymen as well as clerics across the region. Above all, those works reveal that, while pro-papal factions are a fixture of scholarship on the Italian cities during the central and late Middle Ages, adherence to the Church actually became an explicit and distinguishing feature of Lombard factions only when the crusade was launched against Frederick II.

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Zaragozá Catalán, Arturo, and Javier Ibáñez Fernández. "Materiales, técnicas y significados en torno a la arquitectura de la Corona de Aragón en tiempos del Compromiso de Caspe (1410-1412)." Artigrama, no. 26 (December 9, 2022): 21–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_artigrama/artigrama.2011267857.

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A pesar de la difícil situación económica por la que estaban atravesando, los territorios de la Corona de Aragón experimentaron un inesperado auge constructivo entre finales del siglo XIV y los primeros años de la centuria siguiente. Además, en este periodo se difundió la técnica de las bóvedas tabicadas, se aplicaron importantes innovaciones en lo que respecta a la geometría de los sistemas de abovedamiento, se rescató la técnica del yeso estructural, y se construyeron tipos sumamente característicos, como las torres campanario de planta octogonal o los cimborrios; unas técnicas y unas tipologías que se pusieron al servicio de intenciones muy diversas, desde el espíritu imperial heredado de Federico II Hohenstaufen, hasta el deseo por recuperar la Antigüedad bíblica o mosaica, que llevaría a realizar auténticas paráfrasis del Templo de Salomón, como la capilla de San Miguel de la Seo de Zaragoza, o a seguir levantando estructuras con mayor valor simbólico que funcional —como los propios cimborrios— a modo de sinécdoque del edificio jerosolimitano.

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Molnar, Aleksandar. "Enlightenment and militarism in the social thought of Frederick II." Socioloski pregled 33, no. 3-4 (1999): 217–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/socpreg9903217m.

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Gaenschalz, Erich. "Frederick II of Prussia. His Changing Image Over Two Centuries." Philosophy and History 21, no. 2 (1988): 198–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philhist1988212111.

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Noelli, Francisco Silva. "Charles Frederick Hartt, um naturalista no império de Pedro II." Revista do Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia, no. 13 (December 23, 2003): 303. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2448-1750.revmae.2003.109497.

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Lusher, Andrew. "Greek Statues, Roman Cults and European Aristocracy: Examining the Progression of Ancient Sculpture Interpretation." Journal of Arts and Humanities 6, no. 12 (December 31, 2017): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18533/journal.v6i12.1313.

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<p>In 1747 Frederick II of Prussia acquired a rare and highly valuable statue from antiquity and gave it the description of Antinous (the ill-fated lover of the Roman Emperor Hadrian). Although the bronze statue had always been accepted as an original from ancient Greece, the statue eventually assumed the identity of the Roman Antinous. How could Frederick II, an accomplished collector, ignore the blatant style and chronological discrepancies to interpret a Greek statue as a later Roman deity? This article will use the portraiture of Antinous to facilitate an examination of the progression of classical art interpretation and diagnose the freedom between the art historian and the dilettante. It will expose the necessary partition between the obligations of the art historian to provide technical interpretations of a work within the purview of the discipline with that of the unique interpretation made by individual viewers. This article confirms that although Frederick II lived before the transformative scholarship of Winckelmann, the freedom of interpreting a work is an abiding and intrinsic right of every individual viewer. </p>

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Smith, Thomas W. "Honorius III and the Crusade: Responsive Papal Government Versus the Memory of his Predecessors." Studies in Church History 49 (2013): 99–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400002059.

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The medieval papacy was an institution steeped in its own history and traditions, but how far did the popes’ recollection of their predecessors’ ‘blessed memory’ influence their own political decision-making? Through access to earlier letter registers, combined with their memories of experiences at the curia before election to the papal throne, popes could potentially delve into their own institutional history when making contemporary political decisions. In 1977 James Powell suggested that, in negotiations with Emperor Frederick II (1220–50) over his Holy Land crusade vow, Pope Honorius III (1216–27) had reached decisions based on his memory of the negotiations between Pope Clement III (1187–91) and Frederick II’s grandfather, Emperor Frederick I (1155–90).

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George, Carol V. R., John W. Blassingame, Richard G. Carlson, and Clarence L. Mohr. "The Frederick Douglass Papers. Series One: Speeches, Debates, and Interviews. Vol. II." Journal of American History 74, no. 1 (June 1987): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1908553.

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HONG, Yong-Jin. "Realpolitik for Restoration of Holy Land: The Sixth Crusade of Frederick II." Korean Society for European Integration 11, no. 3 (November 30, 2020): 29–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2020.22.29.

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BIRD, JESSALYNN LEA. "PROPHECY, ESCHATOLOGY, GLOBAL NETWORKS, AND THE CRUSADES, FROM HATTIN TO FREDERICK II." Traditio 77 (2022): 31–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tdo.2022.3.

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Although interest in the influence of prophecy and eschatology on the crusade movement and on cross-cultural conceptions of righteous conflict has recently revived, to date there has been little consideration of the reception, transmission, and reinterpretation of multifarious prophecies by networks of individuals involved in the promotion of various crusades from roughly 1187 to 1240. This study tracks the circulation, adaptation, and impact of influential prophecies publicized by papal legates, by crusade recruiters trained in Paris, and by their colleagues in the Victorine, Praemonstratensian, and Cistercian orders, culminating in the crusades of Frederick II (1213–1229). Royal, imperial, noble, episcopal, and papal courts, as well as visionaries, regular religious, secular clergy, preachers, and prelates, played key roles in validating and publicizing predictions. The preservation and reinterpretation of prophecies by scholars, clerics, scribes, and historians working across Latin Christendom (and in the wider Mediterranean region and Central Asia) testifies to the cross-cultural transmission and reception of specific prognostications adapted to speak to local needs and concerns and changing circumstances. This article identifies manuscripts of prophecies which circulated both independently and in association with the crusading histories of Jacques de Vitry and Oliver of Paderborn, written during and used for the promotion of Frederick II's crusades. It concludes that prophecies and their promoters played essential roles in facilitating cross-cultural diplomatic negotiations, religious debates and conversion attempts, and in the fostering, contextualization, and commemoration of the act of pious warfare. Functioning as a common language, prophetic and eschatological expectations enabled Muslims, Eastern Christians, Jewish communities, and Latin Christians to justify their theoretical or actual roles on the orbis terrarum and to define and negotiate with other cultures. Moreover, they could be endlessly adapted both to fit and to shape existing past, present, or future circumstances. Prophecy and eschatology were not fringe phenomena or praxes, but presented holistic methods of making sense of and adapting to events and negotiating between one's own and other cultures, methods that both competed with and complemented historical and theological interpretations of the world (and texts) and rational, scientific, and philosophical modes of thought.

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Loud, G. A. "The Case of the Missing Martyrs: Frederick II’S War with the Church 1239–1250." Studies in Church History 30 (1993): 141–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400011670.

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The Emperor Frederick II was excommunicated by Pope Gregory IX on Palm Sunday (20 March) 1239. Over the next six years a number of peace negotiations and offers took place, all of which ultimately failed, despite a belief at the imperial court in the spring of 1244 that success had been achieved. Finally, at the Council of Lyons, on 17 July 1245, Frederick was declared deposed and ‘deprived of all honour and dignity’ by Pope Innocent IV, and his subjects’ oaths of fealty made null and void.

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Winkel, Carmen. "The King and His Army: A New Perspective on the Military in 18th Century Brandenburg-Prussia." International Journal of Military History and Historiography 39, no. 1 (April 30, 2019): 34–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24683302-03901003.

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Brandenburg-Prussia has always occupied a special place in the German-speaking historiography. However, this has not resulted in a particularly differentiated state of research. Rather, the Prussian military of the 18th century is still characterized by attributes such as ‘monarchic’ and ‘absolutist, which unreflectively continues the narratives of 19th-century historiography. This article is explicitly challenging this image by assuming a differentiated concept of rulership as well as of the military in the 18th century. Using the aristocratic elites, it will examine how Frederick William I (1713–1740) and Frederick II (1740–1786) ruled the army, and ruled using the army.

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SCHUI, FLORIAN. "TAXPAYER OPPOSITION AND FISCAL REFORM IN PRUSSIA, c. 1766–1787." Historical Journal 54, no. 2 (May 11, 2011): 371–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x11000069.

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ABSTRACTIn 1787, Frederick William II of Prussia made substantial changes to the urban excise. These changes were largely the result of public pressure. Urban tax-payers had resisted the tax in different ways since Frederick II had reformed it in 1766 in order to extract more revenue from Prussia's towns. The article explores the motives that led to tax-payer criticism and resistance and the ways in which urban tax-payers opposed the state's growing fiscal appetite. The success of urban tax-payers in this political conflict with the Prussian state suggests that Prussia's burghers were important actors within the Hohenzollern polity and that they wielded considerable political power. The events described here resembled not only other contemporary conflicts over fiscal matters in the Atlantic world, but were also interconnected with debates and events outside Prussia through exchanges of individuals, arguments, and publications.

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