Journal articles on the topic 'Freedmen in Rome'

Summary In Rome, Ostia, and other cities of Italy in the imperial period the over-whelming majority of the grave monuments were set up by freed people. Since this predominance does not reflect demographic realities, we may infer that freedmen and freedwomen had strong incentives to set up funerary monuments. This article looks at their tombs from the perspective of freedwomen. How were they portrayed in the reliefs and inscriptions on their tombs? It will be argued that while most presented themselves according to the ideals of the Roman matrona, the respectably married citizen woman, some emphasized their profession as part of their social identity or were portrayed in the guise of female deities following the example of the empresses. Thus, the portraits and epitaphs of freedwomen show a greater diversity than those of freeborn women.

Abstract The thousands of funerary inscriptions from the city of Rome published in CIL VI are a rich source of demographic data but are also the subject of serious debate regarding the epigraphic habit of the Romans. Do the inscriptions represent a cross-section of Roman society or are they largely the creation of the lower classes? Fixing the milieu from which the inscriptions come is difficult, because the exact status of more than 50 % of the commemorating population is unstated. The first section of the paper lays out the criteria according to which individuals, both those of certain status and those of uncertain status, may be classified as freeborn, freed or servile. The second section tabulates the results and argues that the practice of commemoration by modest titulus was overwhelmingly a phenomenon of the milieu of the freed. Since this is not a self-perpetuating population (the children of freedmen being freeborn), the prevalence of freedmen in the tituli shows it was among those families in transition from slavery to liberty that titular commemoration was most common. The freed drew attention to their own freedom, and even more proudly advertised the freeborn status of their children.

The story of the Israelites’ slavery in Egypt and subsequent redemption is the central narrative element of the Pentateuch. Josephus’ claim that he was providing an accurate account of the Jews’ ancient history in Jewish Antiquities thus meant that he had to address the Jews’ servile origins; however, first-century Roman attitudes toward slaves and freedmen would have made this problematic for ideological and political reasons. Although Josephus added references to Jews’ slavery to the account of Jewish history in Jewish Antiquities, he appears deliberately to downplay the Jews’ servile origins at key parts of the narrative, including God’s promise to Abraham in Gen 15 and the account of the Jews’ enslavement in Exod 1. Josephus also demonstrates a concern with the servile status of Jacob’s secondary wives Zilpah and Bilhah. The account of Joseph’s life in Jewish Antiquities emphasizes his non-servile qualities and his chance enslavement. Roman hostility to slaves and freedmen, Josephus’ own personal experience of captivity, and the likely presence in Rome of Jewish freedmen might explain Josephus’ sensitivity to the Jews’ servile origins.

Claudius, fourth Caesar of the Roman Empire, proved himself an able administrator, but physically and emotionally handicapped from birth. His parents, members of the imperial family, considered him mentally deficient and he was isolated from the general public and put in the care of an uneducated tutor who firmly disciplined the youngster. The historians report that he had a weak constitution caused by frequent illness, and when he appeared in public he was muffled in a protective cloak. To avoid possible embarrassment the ceremony of the toga virilis, at approximately 14 years of age, was a secretive affair held at midnight and devoid of the traditional procession. His grandfather, Augustus Caesar, had some sympathy for the young lad, but did not consider him capable of managing any position of public office appropriate for his age and position. This would also be the approach of the succeeding emperor, Tiberius. Claudius spent the fi rst four decades of his life in relative idleness, isolated from his family and upper class Romans, consorting with the lower classes, playing dice and revelling in excessive eating and drinking. He did, however, also involve himself seriously in a study of the sciences, literature, Greek and history – his role model in the latter being Livy. During his life time he published quite extensively, including dramas, an autobiography, a work in defence of Cicero, histories of Rome, Carthage and Etruria, and a book on dice. His first public office (besides an augurship under Augustus) was at the age of 47 years when the new emperor, Gaius (Caligula) made him a consul for two months. The Knights and a section of Senate now warmed towards Claudius, but Gaius and the majority of aristocratic Romans still despised him as dull-witted. After the assassination of Gaius, the Praetorian Guard in an extraordinary step, proclaimed a protesting Claudius (50 years old) as emperor, and convinced an astounded Senate to endorse this action. In spite of having had no significant preparation for the task, Claudius proved a most sensible and effective manager, improving the effectivity of Senate, putting the legal system on a sound footing, enlarging the borders of the Empire (including the conquest of England), extending citizenship to some of the provincials, foreigners and freedmen. Sensible building programs were initiated as well as the upgrading of roads and communication systems and the ensuring of an efficient food supply to Rome. Grand and regular gladiatorial games and other forms of public entertainment endeared him to the people. But he was also periodically responsible for mismanagement, corruption and brutality; much of this was subsequently blamed on the inordinate influence of people near him, and his trusted freedmen and wives in particular. The last two of his six wives (Messalina and Agrippina) were particularly guilty, and his death of poisoning at the age of 64 years (54 A.D.) was engineered by Agrippina. Through his life Claudius showed evidence of significant physical and psychological/emotional impediments. By many he was considered mentally deficient, but his impressive record as student of literature and history, and his administrative skill as emperor are ample evidence of his intellectual abilities. Physical abnormalities included an ungainly gait due to weakness of his right leg and probably arm. He had a tremor of the limbs and involuntary shaking of the head. He spoke indistinctly in a coarse, stuttering way, his mouth often drooled, his nose tended to run, and he had an uncouth laugh. He was emotionally labile, and when upset the above symptoms worsened and he became prone to irresponsible actions. We suggest that this symptom complex fits in with the diagnosis of cerebral palsy, and probably its extrapyramidal variant, although one-sided weakness suggests an additional component of hemiplegic paresis.

Metaphors move—and displace—people. This paper starts from this premise, focusing on how elites have deployed metaphors of water and waste to form a rhetorical consensus around the displacement of non-elite citizens in ancient Roman contexts, with reference to similar discourses in the contemporary Global North and Brazil. The notion of ‘domestic displacement’—the forced movement of citizens within their own sovereign territory—elucidates how these metaphors were used by elite citizens, such as Cicero, to mark out non-elite citizens for removal from the city of Rome through colonisation programmes. In the elite discourse of the late Republican and early Augustan periods, physical proximity to and figurative equation with the refuse of the city repeatedly signals the low social and legal status of potential colonists, while a corresponding metaphor of ‘draining’ expresses the elite desire to displace these groups to colonial sites. The material outcome of these metaphors emerges in the non-elite demographic texture of Julius Caesar’s colonists, many of whom were drawn from the plebs urbana and freedmen. An elite rationale, detectable in the writings of Cicero, Livy, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, and others, underpins the notion of Roman colonisation as a mechanism of displacement. On this view, the colony served to alleviate the founding city—Rome—of its surplus population, politically volatile elements, and socially marginalised citizens, and in so doing, populate the margins of its empire too. Romulus’ asylum, read anew as an Alban colony, serves as one prototype for this model of colonisation and offers a contrast to recent readings that have deployed the asylum as an ethical example for contemporary immigration and asylum seeker policy. The invocation of Romulus’ asylum in 19th century debates about the Australian penal colonies further illustrates the dangers of appropriating the asylum towards an ethics of virtue. At its core, this paper drills down into the question of Roman colonists’ volition, considering the evidence for their voluntary and involuntary movement to a colonial site and challenging the current understanding of this movement as a straightforward, series of voluntary ‘mass migrations’. In recognising the agency wielded by non-elite citizens as prospective colonists, this paper contends that Roman colonisation, when understood as a form of domestic displacement, opens up another avenue for coming to grips with the dynamics of ‘popular’ politics in the Republican period.

The article investigates the social profile of Roman funerary epigraphy, focusing on Ostia and Pompeii, and reconsiders the predominant role of freedmen in this material. Comparing the epigraphic behaviour of decurions and freedmen, it concludes that the ‘epigraphic habit’ was not uniformly adopted throughout Roman society; different classes used inscriptions in different ways and for different purposes. The epitaphs do not therefore reflect the overall composition of the Roman population as much as the particular concerns and aspirations of individual social groups and categories within it.

Where Snowflakes Fall by Claire Freedman is a picture book that explores the beauty of the polar regions and is perfect for inspiring children to create role-play scenarios that will lay the foundation for early writing.

AbstractThe role of Lucius Vitellius in the events leading to the death of Valeria Messallina, the third wife of the emperor Claudius, in autumn 48 ad is re-examined. It is argued that the freedman Narcissus delayed his action against Messallina for her dangerous affair with Gaius Silius until he could be sure of the tacit support of Vitellius, where Vitellius had been hoping for a practical opportunity to strike against Messallina ever since she had forced him to play a key part in the trial of his friend Valerius Asiaticus in late 47 ad.

This essay reviews Lawrence Freedman's book Strategy: A History. The main themes—definitions, strategies in war, business, politics, and revolutions—are overviewed. The value of game-theoretic thinking for practical strategy is assessed. A critical discussion of some concepts and dichotomies emphasized by Freedman, e.g., strategy is governed by the starting point, not the end point, and of the role of stories and scripts in strategy, follows. (JEL A11, A12, C70, D74)

Phaedrus, far from being a Greek freedman striving to inscribe himself among the élite of Latin letters, was a Roman aristocrat masquerading as a man of the people to say in fable what could not safely be otherwise said. Modern biographical constructions are mostly fantasy. In coded terms the poet playfully reveals his gentle birth in Rome itself; he parades a mastery of the two most Roman contributions to literature, (Horatian) satire and jurisprudence; and he proclaims his belief in life's unfairness and in resignation to it, his contempt for both monarchs and mobs, and his admiration for the wise individual.

This paper brings together literary, epigraphic and iconographic evidence for thevictimarii— the attendants responsible for slaughtering sacrificial animals in ancient Rome. It aims to explore the problematic status ofvictimariiin Roman society, and argues that the often hostile views of the aristocracy have led to the continued marginalisation of this prominent group within scholarly discussions of religion and society. It argues that when the various strands are considered together a far more positive view ofvictimariiwithin Roman society emerges, suggesting that this was in some respects one of the most respectable of professions among the slave and freedman communities.

Hakim, Tawfic S., Lara Ferrario, Jeffrey C. Freedman, Robert E. Carlin, and Enrico M. Camporesi. Segmental pulmonary vascular responses to ATP in rat lungs: role of nitric oxide. J. Appl. Physiol. 82(3): 852–858, 1997.—ATP exhibits vascular pressor and depressor responses in a dose- and tone-dependent manner. The vascular site of ATP-induced contraction or dilation has not previously been characterized. Using the vascular occlusion technique, we investigated the effects of ATP in isolated rat lungs perfused with autologous blood (hematocrit = 20%) and described its action during resting and elevated tone in terms of changes in resistances of the small and large arteries and veins. During resting tone, ATP (10−5M)

The direct motive for this study was the find of exostoses of the external auditory canal on three skulls from ancient period (2nd-3rd century) which were excavated on site No. 80 in 1996 in Sremska Mitrovica (Sirmium). Among 37 buried individuals, only nine of them had temporal bones preserved. According to archaeological documentation they were probably part of the urban poor, slaves or freedmen manual laborers. In any case they belonged to the lowest social status of ancient Sirmium, which was confirmed by anthropological analysis. Auditory exostoses are bone masses located in the external auditory canal. Most researches agree that the environment (especially water temperature, but also water salinity, atmospheric temperature and wind action) plays a significant role in the development of this trait.

In this essay, I argue that Hegel’s model of ethical life ( Sittlichkeit) is normatively gripping for Du Bois’s critique of Radical Reconstruction. My argument proceeds in three steps. First, I use Du Bois’s insights to explain the nature of progressive political change in historical time, an account Hegel lacks. I reconstruct the normative basis of Du Bois's political critique by articulating the three essential features of public reasoning qua citizenship. Second, I defend the promise of black civic enfranchisement with respect to the institutional conditions of love and labour in the wake of the Civil War. Third, I establish the central role black freedmen played in realizing the ideals of democratic self-governance affirmed in principle but seldom realized in practice in the United States.

This article is on the administration of the censor’s mark on Roman citizens who contracted inappropriate marriages in republican Rome. An examination of the source texts has led me to conclude that marriages contracted by members of the nobility with freedwomen or women with a bad reputation were considered unacceptable and were liable to a censor’s mark. That is why authors writing on Augustus’ reform of the marriage laws say that the Emperor permitted all the citizens except senators to marry a freedwoman.

We study the role played by bilinguals in the competition between two languages and in the formation of a bilingual community. To this aim we introduce a simple three-state model that combines the Minett–Wang model, in which the bilinguals do not affect directly the probability of transition of an individual from monolingualism to bilingualism, and the Baggs–Freedman model, in which such a transition probability only depends on bilinguals. The model predicts the possibility for the existence of a stable bilingual community though no particular conditions are assumed for the two competing languages: the asymptotic stability of the bilinguals community is only due to the type of dynamics regulating the transitions between different linguistic groups. The proposed model and the obtained results give some suggestions for the conditions necessary for the formation of a stable bilingual community. First of all, it is important that the bilinguals are valid representatives of the two languages, in the sense that they are regarded by monolinguals also as speakers of the other language. Besides that, the transition from bilinguals to monolinguals must be smaller than the opposite transition. Unless both these conditions are fulfilled, the stable equilibrium solution of the language competition is a monolingual society.

Ursula K. Le Guin’s The dispossessed (1974) has been read from a multiplicity of angles that mostly vary from focusing on the characters to highlighting the anarchist ideology that the story preaches. In this article, we promote a distinct analysis, which, despite also approaching the ideological themes in the novel, centres on the use the author makes of glossopoesis (creation of artificial languages) through Pravic, Iotic and Niotic. Bourdieu (1991), Freedman (2000), Conley and Cain (2006), Edward James (2003) and Ken Macleod (2003) critically motivate our discussion. As a result, we demonstrate how glossopoesis plays a significant representational role in the plot as a secondary narrative framework intended to communicate the author’s beliefs both on language and politics.

Antisymmetric tensor gauge fields ϕab(η) are formulated on the surface of a sphere S4(η2 = a2) embedded in five dimensions. Such compact manifolds occur in the dimensional reduction of higher dimensional spaces that naturally occur in string theories. The free field model is equivalent to a scalar model on this sphere. Interactions with gauge fields are discussed. It is feasable to formulate models for interactions with U(1) gauge fields Aa(η) that are akin to those of Freedman and Townsend in flat space. In addition, it proves possible to have a novel interaction of ϕab with Aa and a spinor field Ψ(η) on S4 with both Abelian and non-Abelian gauge invariance. In these models, Aa plays the role of a Stueckelberg field.PACS No.: 11.30.Ly

Over the past decade, the New Institutional Economics have become a popular model for analyzing ancient economic history. However, the notion of cultural beliefs, which plays a central role in Douglass North’s recent work and Avner Greif’s analysis of institutional change, has been largely ignored. This article argues that a neo-institutional approach taking this notion into account offers a better means of understanding how ideology and moral values influenced the ancient economy than the Finleyan model. Rather than acting as a deterministic constraint on human behavior, cultural beliefs help to orient decision making and allow one to anticipate the (re)actions of others. This article explores two key sets of norms and values in Roman culture that profoundly marked the economy’s institutional framework. The first focused on reciprocity, which supported social networks beyond the confines of the familia-freedmen group and underlay the development of contract and agency law. The second was based on citizenship, which shaped political culture by creating individual rights and obligations that the political elite was given the authority to enforce in order to secure and stimulate both private and common interests. This resulted in Roman law and the distribution of justice. Ideologically, the Roman Empire presented itself as a meta-city that incorporated local communities, which were in turn gradually transformed to fit the civitas model. Both sets of beliefs lowered transaction costs without threatening the preeminent position of local and imperial aristocracies. Toward the end of the second century CE, local communities weakened as the imperial administration grew stronger, causing local and regional aristocracies to turn to the imperial court and army for status, influence, and power. The ideology of citizenship as the guiding principle of political culture gave way to that of the sacred emperor, who guaranteed divine justice and order.

Understanding the role of nonequilibrium driving in self-organization is crucial for developing a predictive description of biological systems, yet it is impeded by their complexity. The actin cytoskeleton serves as a paradigm for how equilibrium and nonequilibrium forces combine to give rise to self-organization. Motivated by recent experiments that show that actin filament growth rates can tune the morphology of a growing actin bundle cross-linked by two competing types of actin-binding proteins [S. L. Freedman et al., Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U.S.A. 116, 16192–16197 (2019)], we construct a minimal model for such a system and show that the dynamics of a growing actin bundle are subject to a set of thermodynamic constraints that relate its nonequilibrium driving, morphology, and molecular fluxes. The thermodynamic constraints reveal the importance of correlations between these molecular fluxes and offer a route to estimating microscopic driving forces from microscopy experiments.

This article examines the arguments used in an 1835 court case filed before the Court of Appeals of Rio de Janeiro. This analysis highlights t hat: a) the considerable number of African slaves and the existence of a shared culture in the South Atlantic had a strong impact on freedmen’s and freedwomen’s experiences of freedom; b) masters resisted freedpersons demands for rights and tried to sust ai n dependency relations; and c) in a context of precariousness of freedom, it was paramount to be recognized by the community as a free person and access to land played a central role in this recognition

The formula cognomen + nomen, as portrayed in Latronis enim Porcii (Sen. Controv. 1 praef. 13), the first double-name reference without praenomen in Seneca the Elder's work (henceforth referred to simply as Seneca), emerged as a result of the radical changes which the Roman onomastic system began to experience at the end of the Republic. On account of a wide variety of factors, both social and linguistic, the cognomen seized the role of diacritic name and individual signifier, having ousted praenomen from its ancient throne; the relatively limited number of praenomina in common use contributed substantially to their waning. The formulae of two constituents visibly reflected the progressive decline of praenomina; during the Early Principate double names still represented the usual formal means of reference (tria nomina being highly formal, mostly occurring in official contexts), but it mostly consisted of nomen + cognomen rather than praenomen + nomen or praenomen + cognomen. The formula nomen + cognomen, which developed once personal cognomina began to spread among the lesser classes, was primarily crafted for addressing men of ambiguous status, peregrini and freedmen. Thus, Cicero tends to avoid its use in naming members of the nobility, whom he refers to with a clear preference for the older, lustrous conjunction praenomen + cognomen.

This article provides information on the actual naming of two Roman writers and statesmen: Gaius Plinius Secundus, and Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus. Modern researchers make some mistakes in the names of both Plinies. The history of these names sheds light on legal relations in Ancient Rome (family law, especially the order of adoption, the right of Roman citizens on three names – ius trium nominum) and on the evidence of the folk laughter culture (sniper data cognomina of citizens). Medieval and modern traditions of a generic or family naming have their roots in the Roman law. The Roman name was closely related to social status, indicating the antiquity of the genus or personal privileges, for example, the senatorial class, which included the ancient patrician clans or plebeian nobility, as well as a freeborn citizen or a freedman, a slave or a foreigner–peregrine, etc. Geographic area, family relations, and personal excellence were also taken into account. I. Kajanto, as one would expect from a classifier as a pioneer, goes on formal grounds, referring cognomina, Felix and Faustus, to the category of “wish” or “praise”, and Secundus to the order of birth. Our method of studying in a sociocultural context reveals cognomen Secundus as “happy”.

<span lang="EN-US">The purpose of the present study is to evaluate the role of beach tourism in sustainable living of rural families of the Mahmoud Abad Township that this study from the manner of goal is applicable-developmental and is based on the descriptive-survey method. The required data in this research regarding the type of method, is collected as a questionnaire that the people under study in this section are the total families inhabiting the beach villages in the area that the volume of the people under study has been selected using the Cochrane formula as 369 individuals and the field data were collected by the standard questionnaire. The results gathered were analyzed using the statistical examinations of Freedman, one-sided Chi-square, Wilcoxon, spearman, Kendal and Kramer. In the economic analysis section regarding all aspects we have come to this point that beach tourism has influenced the economic aspect of the lives of inhabitants and has improved their economic condition up to a point. Regarding the social and cultural state and with evaluation of related issues to this section, the state of being effected from non-native cultures and the culture of inhabitants being influenced has been evaluated and in relation with environmental circumstances regarding the observations and the state of the area and utilizing the statistical examinations of Wilcoxon results, it should be stated that environmental changes has occurred in a negative way in beaches after tourists’ arrival.</span>

The foundation for Rome's imperial bureaucracy was laid during the first century B.C., when functional and administrative writing played an increasingly dominant role in the Late Republic. During the First and Second Triumvirates, Roman society, once primarily oral, relied more and more on documentation to get its official business done. By the reign of Augustus, the orator had ceded power to the secretary, usually a slave trained as a scribe or librarian. This cultural and political transformation can be traced in the career of Marcus Tullius Tiro (94 B.C. to 4 A.D.), Cicero's confidant and amanuensis. A freedman credited with the invention of Latin shorthand (the notae Tironianae), Tiro transcribed and edited Cicero's speeches, composed, collected, and eventually published his voluminous correspondence, and organized and managed his archives and library. As his former master's fortune sank with the dying Republic, Tiro's began to rise. After Cicero's assassination, he became the orator's literary executor and biographer. His talents were always in demand under the new bureaucratic regime, and he prospered by producing popular grammars and secretarial manuals. He died a wealthy centenarian and a full Roman citizen.

AbstractAfter the Civil War, northern Methodists undertook a successful mission to recruit a biracial membership in the South. Their Freedmen's Aid Society played a key role in outreach to African Americans, but when the denomination decided to use Society funds in aid of schools for Southern whites, a national controversy erupted over the refusal of Chattanooga University to admit African Americans. Caught between a principled commitment to racial brotherhood and the pressures of expediency to accommodate a growing white supremacist commitment to segregation, Methodists engaged in an agonized and heated debate over whether schools intended for whites should be allowed to exclude blacks. Divisions within the leadership of the Methodist Episcopal Church caught the attention of the national press and revealed the limits of even the most well-intentioned efforts to advance racial equality in the years after Reconstruction.

Brook Thomas, “The Galaxy, National Literature, and Reconstruction” (pp. 50–81) The North’s victory in the Civil War preserved the Union and led to the abolition of slavery. Reconstruction was a contentious debate about what sort of nation that union of states should become. Published during Reconstruction before being taken over by the Atlantic Monthly, the Galaxy tried, in Rebecca Harding Davis’s words, to be “a national magazine in which the current of thought of every section could find expression.” The Galaxy published literature and criticism as well as political, sociological, and economic essays. Its editors were moderates who aesthetically promoted a national literature and politically promoted reconciliation between Northern and Southern whites along with fair treatment for freedmen. What fair treatment entailed was debated in its pages. Essayists included Horace Greeley, the abolitionist journalist; Edward A. Pollard, author of The Lost Cause (1866); and David Croly, who pejoratively coined the phrase “miscegenation.” Literary contributors included Davis, Walt Whitman, Henry James, Mark Twain, Constance Fenimore Woolson, John William De Forest, Julian Hawthorne, Emma Lazarus, Paul Hayne, Sidney Lanier, and Joaquin Miller. Juxtaposing some of the Galaxy’s literary works with its debates over how the Union should be reimagined points to the neglected role that Reconstruction politics played in the institutionalization of American literary studies. Whitman is especially important. Reading the great poet of American democracy in the context of the Galaxy reveals how his postbellum celebration of a united nation—North, South, East, and West—aligns him with moderate views on Reconstruction that today seem racially reactionary.

In the first months of 44 ce, the Roman emperor Claudius, after spending as few as sixteen days in Britain, returned to Rome to celebrate his triumph. On his journey back to Rome, he stopped near the mouth of the Po river to take a cruise, as Pliny the Elder describes: The Po is carried to Ravenna by the Canal of Augustus; this part of the river is called the Padusa, formerly called the Messanicus. Nearby it forms the large harbour Vatrenus; from here Claudius Caesar, when celebrating his triumph over Britain, sailed out into the Adriatic, in what was more a domus than a ship. Pliny describes a vessel that was less a boat than a floating domus, a somewhat ambiguous word which denotes a structure ranging in size from a modest house to a palace. The cruise, like his time in Britain, was short, and yet this cruise was a part of meticulously planned campaign, a campaign not just for conquest but also for Claudius’ reputation. Aulus Plautius, the experienced commander and suffect consul of 29 ce, had been sent ahead with the army, and Claudius’ freedman Narcissus was also on hand to oversee the invasion. The Roman army achieved initial successes and then halted until the emperor could arrive to command the final assault on the stronghold at Camulodunum (Colchester). While Claudius only spent around two weeks in Britain, his journey to and from the island took six months. Claudius travelled to Britain with a huge entourage, including senators, relatives, and even elephants. This was a mammoth undertaking, and one that seems to have very carefully planned, to ensure military success and a positive reputation for a new emperor of still uncertain legitimacy.

How early did Christians make their presence felt in the ancient cemetery under the present church of San Sebastiano in Rome? In this present article I will argue that enigmatic paintings on the attic of a second-century tomb, the tomb of Clodius Hermes, whose subject-matter and provenance is much disputed, are best interpreted as Christian and as representing three Lukan parables from chapters 14–15 (the Lost Sheep, the Great Supper and the Prodigal Son). I will suggest they were the work of a Christian slave or freedman of the household, perhaps a member of the titulus Byzantis on the Clivus Scauri, seeking to win over those coming to honour their dead relatives in the cemetery. It was such a community that was responsible for choosing the site for the joint cult of Peter and Paul in 258. My methodology will be, in the light of scholarly disagreement over the interpretation of the paintings as Christian, (a) to demonstrate the logic of the three scenes as representing linked parables, the likely identity of their author(s) and their apologetic function, with literary support from Tertullian; (b) to show the lack of obvious pagan parallels and argue for the plausibility of parables in the light of their occurrence and function elsewhere; (c) to suggest that such evidence of a Christian presence makes more comprehensible the later choice of the site for the joint cult.

This article explores the relationship between Roman school texts and the socialization of the student into an elite man. I argue that composition and declamation communicated social values; in fact, the rhetorical education of the late republic and the empire was a process of socialization that produced a definite subjectivity in its elite participants. I treat two genres of Roman school texts: the expansions on a set theme known as declamation and the bilingual, Greek and Latin, writing exercises known as the colloquia amid the collections of hermeneumata. This article is more broadly concerned with the attitudes toward language use that are learned along with specific literacy skills. Habits of reading and writing and speaking are learned in scenes and contexts that contribute to concepts of the self and more widely of gender and social roles. The encounters and verbal interactions recurrently plot a deviation from violence or a return to civil and familial order through the proper verbal display of the elite speaker. The student speaker's assumption of roles, his training in fictio personae, is a strong training in memory and imagination-pretending to be someone else, pretending to talk like someone else, or pretending to talk on behalf of someone else. That someone else is most important as the schoolboy becomes the voice of or for prostitutes, the raped, slaves, freedmen, women. His was not a neutral ventriloquism in the styles of Latin but a training in the master's mode toward the ready conviction that the speaker can and must speak for others, his subordinates. Roman rhetorical education was a process of persona building, shaping the schoolboy in his future role while excluding others from the very right to become speaking subjects.

Pragmatic cognitive science, rooted in Dewey's epistemology and models of distributed cognition, offers new hypotheses for the emergence and decline of the Mithraic rites. These models foreground the responsiveness of the rites to their economic and social environment, generating new form-meaning pairs through multimodal engagements inside the Mithraic caves. These moments of cognitive blending answered the needs of the early social catchment of the rites, which was predominantly freedmen and soldiers benefitting from the upward mobility of the thriving second century CE. Within the caves, multimodal engagements with the triumph of light over dark physical movement, imagery, gesture, role playing, and interaction with cult equipment - aligned the experience of the initiate with Mithras' cosmological triumph. The caves are also a confluence of mechanisms for social mobility that were broadly familiar in the imperial period, including patronage, symposia, engagement with exotic cultural forms and philosophical speculation. The decline of the rites was coincident with the dissolution of the economic opportunities that enabled the rise of the Roman middle class and of the social currency of these practices. The language of euergetism yielded to the language of service to the poor, and the cosmological imagery that characterized the caves shifted into the restricted spheres of exchange among competing princes. This model of the rites suggests dynamics with Christianity focused less on theology than on responsiveness to the economic and social transformations. Keywords: pragmatic cognitive science, cosmology, Mithras. On cover:Monks singing the Office and decorated initial A[sperges me.]. Gradual Olivetan Master (Use of the Olivetan Benedictines), illuminated manuscript on parchment ca. 1430-1439. Italy, Monastero di Santa Maria di Baggio near Milan, Ca 1400-1775.Beinecke Ms1184: The olivetan Gradual. Gradual. General Collection, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University.

Abstract.Melichar B, Freedman RS. Immunology of the peritoneal cavity: relevance for host-tumor relation.The peritoneal membrane, formed by a single layer of mesothelial cells, lines the largest cavity of the human body. Anatomic structures of the peritoneal cavity, along with resident leukocyte populations, play an important role in the defense against microorganisms invading by breaching the gut integrity or ascending through the female genital tract. Local immune mechanisms in the peritoneal cavity are also important in patients undergoing peritoneal dialysis and in women with endometriosis. There is now extensive evidence demonstrating the significance of peritoneal immune mechanisms in the control of metastatic spread. Leukocytes belonging to both the innate and adaptive immune systems are present in the peritoneal cavity of normal subjects as well as in patients with intra-abdominal cancer. There is now increased understanding of the mechanisms that not only allow the tumor cells to escape the detection and destruction by the host immune system, but also to use the inflammatory mechanisms to promote tumor growth and spread inside the peritoneal cavity. Malignant ascites represents a model for the study of the interaction between tumor cells and the host immune system as well for the analysis of the tumor microenviroment. The peritoneal immune system may be stimulated by intraperitoneal administration of biologic agents. This peritoneal immunotherapy may be used for palliation of malignant ascites, or as a consolidation strategy in patients with minimal residual disease.

Accurate measures of the size and direction of changes in monetary policy are very important. A number of variables/indicators have been used as a measure of the stance of monetary policy the world over. These include growth rates of monetary aggregates and credit aggregates, short-term interest rate as used by Sims (1992), index of minutes of Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC), as suggested by Friedman and Schwartz (1963) and reintroduced by Romer and Romer (1989), monetary policy index constructed by employing Vector Autoregression (VAR) estimation technique with prior information from Central Bank such as Bernanke and Blinder (1992) and Bernanke and Mihov (1998), and Monetary Conditions Index (MCI)—which is the focus of this paper—constructed by and used by Bank of Canada [Freedman (1995)], taking into consideration the interest rate and exchange rate channel of monetary policy transmission mechanism in a small open economy. In case of open economy it is assumed that the monetary policy affects the economy and the prime objective of monetary policy, rate of inflation, through two important transmission mechanisms. These transmission channels are; interest rate channel and exchange rate channel. The working of the first channel is that the interest rate influences the level of expenditures, investment and subsequently domestic demand. The change in official interest rate effects the market rates of interest both short term as well as long term interest rates. This change in market rates of interest is transmitted to the bank lending rates and saving rates. The change in saving rate effects the spending behaviour of individuals (consumption) whereas the change in bank lending rate effects the investment behaviour of firms (investment). The change in aggregate consumption and investment has direct link to the gross domestic product (GDP).

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to present a “manifesto” exploring a methodological approach to legal analysis, relying upon a morphological understanding of ideology. Design/methodology/approach The authors explore ideology within law and legal culture. They examine one such ideology – rule of law – and consider how this can shape judicial decision-making. They suggest techniques by which such influences can be identified. Findings The authors make four findings. First, following Freeden, ideology can be understood as a ubiquitous form of political thinking which seeks to fix the meanings of essentially contested concepts. Second, ideology in this sense forms an important part, but is distinguishable from the wider notion of legal culture. Considering ideology in law as a sub-system of legal culture can therefore be fruitful in providing a rich understanding of interpretive disagreements among the judiciary. Third, rule of law as an ideal is itself ideological, as it comprises contested concepts such as certainty, equality, stability and legality. It can be considered to constitute an internal ideology of law and it can be analysed how the concepts are de-contested in individual decisions. Finally, understanding this can help in the analysis of judgments in areas with high levels of administrative discretion and political contestation, such as planning and environmental law, as it helps us to understand how any particular judge sees the role of the court in its wider political context. Originality/value The originality of the authors’ approach lies in the drawing together of methodological techniques and understandings of ideology in, and in relation to, law.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to focus on the labour contract system (LCS) established by the Freedmen’s Bureau after the American Civil War to normalise relations between freed-slaves and their former masters and to uphold their rights as free citizens. In particular, it explains the lack of accountability of employers under the LCS and how this contributed to the system’s failure. Design/methodology/approach The paper adopts an archive-based approach to develop and illustrate the labour contracting relationship between freed-persons and property owners and the role accounting played in sustaining this relationship in the immediate post-bellum period. Findings The paper finds that the LCS was coercive compared to contemporary business practice in the USA; did not conform to the high ideals of contracting as portrayed by the abolition movement; and was adopted by default rather than design. In the event, the reluctance of the federal government to infringe individual autonomy by imposing an over-arching system of regulation to hold employers to account for upholding their contractual obligations prevailed over the desire to defend the freed-people’s property rights. Research limitations/implications This research examines the relationship between labour contracting and property rights as well as the role of accounting in sustaining racial prejudice against freed-persons after the American Civil War. As in many archive-based studies, illustrations are selective and not randomised. Originality/value The paper examines the various accountings and accountabilities within the LCS in the context of the underlying ideological tensions and priorities in post-conflict US society.

BackgroundMelanoma has high response rate to immune checkpoint inhibitors. KIT, a driver mutation in melanoma seen in ~10% of the patients.1 However, the role of the KIT mutation in immune microenvironment of melanoma is not well established yet. Here we report a case with KIT mutation and a likely impaired B cell activity with poor response to Immune-checkpoint inhibitor therapy (ICI). We also describe the overall survival of melanoma depending on KIT mutation and MS4A1/CD20 expression, which encodes CD20, B-lymphocyte-specific membrane protein that plays a role in the development, differentiation, and activation of B-lymphocytes.2MethodsA case with poor response to ICI with KIT mutation and monoclonal B cell lymphocytosis was identified. Clinical and molecular characteristics of melanoma in TCGA was analyzed using cBioPortal web page. TCGA data were analyzed to determine KIT mutation status and MS4A1/CD20 expression in melanoma cohort. Samples in the upper 33 percentile of MS4A1 expression were identified as high expression, and the lower 33 percentile were identified as low expression. Mantel-Cox method was used for overall survival (OS) comparison between the cohorts.Results69-year-old male with initial diagnosis of stage III-B melanoma of the left thumb with local recurrence in the resection site and then lung metastases. Patient was then started on nivolumab/ipilimumab with rapid progression on immunotherapy. He was found to have KIT mutation (exon 13K642EMT), and started on imatinib, but he continued to have progression. He was switched to temozolomide with no response. He also had history of leukopenia, pre-dating the metastatic melanoma and was diagnosed with monoclonal B cell lymphocytosis. With the hypothesis that the patient‘s dysfunctional B cells may have impaired ability of ICI and poor prognosis; we analyzed TCGA database for KIT mutation and MS4A1/CD20 expression- which was used as marker for B cell activity. KIT mutation was seen in 10 of 147 patients with high MS4A1/CD20 expression, and 10 of 135 patients with low MS4A1/CD20 expression. Overall survival was 15 months for the patients with KIT mutation and low MS4A1/CD20 expression, and significantly lower when compared with other groups despite low number of patients. (P<0.0001) (figure 1).Abstract 525 Figure 1KIT mutation and MS41A/CD20 expression - overall survivalLow MS41A/CD20 expression with concurrent KIT mutation is associated with poor overall survivalConclusionsB cells have significant role in immune response to tumor. Lower expression of MS4A1/CD20 is known to be associated with poor prognosis in melanoma and other solid tumors.3 We demonstrated that a concurrent KIT mutation in melanoma with lower expression of MS4A1/CD20 contributes to poor prognosis in melanoma. Therefore, this small subset of aggressive tumors may need combination strategies involving targeting driver pathways with a kinase and immune checkpoint inhibitor.Referencesde Mendonça UB, Cernea CR, Matos LL, de Araujo Lima RR. Analysis of KIT gene mutations in patients with melanoma of the head and neck mucosa: a retrospective clinical report. Oncotarget 2018 May 1;9(33):22886.Tedder TF, Boyd AW, Freedman AS, Nadler LM, Schlossman S. The B cell surface molecule B1 is functionally linked with B cell activation and differentiation. The Journal of Immunology 1985 Aug 1;135(2):973–9.Liu Y, Wang L, Lo KW, Lui VW. Omics-wide quantitative B-cell infiltration analyses identify GPR18 for human cancer prognosis with superiority over CD20. Communications biology 2020 May 12;3(1):1–1.

Summary Two-dimensional (2D) NMR techniques have been proposed as efficient methods to infer a variety of petrophysical parameters, including mixed fluid saturation, in-situ oil viscosity, wettability, and pore structure. However, no study has been presented to quantify the petrophysical limitations of such methods. We address this problem by introducing a pore-scale framework to accurately simulate suites of NMR measurements acquired in complex rock/fluid models. The general pore-scale framework considered in this paper is based on NMR random walks for multiphase fluid diffusion and relaxations, combined with Kovscek's pore-scale model for two-phase fluid saturation and wettability alteration. We use standard 2D NMR methods to interpret synthetic data sets for diverse petrophysical configurations, including two-phase saturations with different oil grades, mixed wettability, or carbonate pore heterogeneity. Results from our study indicate that for both water-wet and mixed-wet rocks, T2 (transverse relaxation)/D (diffusion) maps are reliable for fluid typing without the need for independently determined cutoffs. However, significant uncertainty exists in the estimation of fluid type, wettability, and pore structure with 2D NMR methods in cases of mixed-wettability states. Only light oil wettability can be reliably detected with 2D NMR interpretation methods. Diffusion coupling in carbonate rocks introduces additional problems that cannot be circumvented with current 2D NMR techniques. Introduction Wettability state and oil viscosity can play a significant role in the NMR response of saturated rocks. This property of NMR measurements has been discussed in recent papers (Freedman et al. 2003) for particular examples of rock systems. However, to date, no systematic study has been published of the reliability and accuracy of NMR methods to assess fluid viscosity and wettability, including cases of mixed wettability. This paper quantifies the sensitivity of 2D relaxation/diffusion NMR techniques to mixed wettability and fluid viscosity in generic rock models. Given that measurements are often made on rock samples with uncertain petrophysical properties and therefore uncertain corresponding measurement contributions, the work described in this paper is based on the numerical simulation of pore-scale systems. We introduce a general numerical model that simultaneously includes immiscible fluid viscosities, water or mixed wettability, variable fluid saturations and history, and disordered complexity of rock structure. Geometrical fluid distributions at the pore scale were considered a function of pore size, saturation history, and wettability following Kovscek et al.'s model of mixed-oil-wet rocks (1993). We simulated suites of NMR measurements with random walkers within these pore-scale geometries, and subsequently inverted into relaxation/diffusion NMR maps. The objective of this paper is to assess the accuracy of 2D NMR interpretation techniques to detect fluid and wettability types, and to quantify pore-size distributions. The first section of the paper summarizes the principles and limitations of current NMR petrophysical interpretation. We then summarize our pore-scale modeling procedure, its assumptions, and limitations. Subsequent sections analyze simulation results obtained for drainage and imbibition involving water-wettability and mixed-oil-wettability with partial saturations of water and different hydrocarbon types in a generic clay-free rock model. Next, we consider the case of coupled carbonate rocks with emphasis on the assessment of wettability and microporosity.

EditorialThe first 11 articles in the first issue of 2014 deal with global legal topics ranging from outer space to domestic South African matters and legal challenges in other African countries, such as Uganda, Nigeria and Zimbabwe. Anél Ferreira-Snyman discusses legal challenges relating to the commercial use of outer space, with specific reference to space tourism. She points out that the current legal framework is outdated and no longer deals adequately with the rapidly developing space tourism industry. Further away from the moon, although it deals with creations of the mind and is just as mysterious for the average person, is the contribution of André van der Walt and Richard Shay, which analyses the South African Constitutional Court's treatment of intellectual property. They focus on the methodology that the Court has formulated to assess if state interference complies with constitutional provisions to determine if state intervention into property interests has been legitimate. The third contribution, by Joel Baloyi, also deals with a creation of the mind, namely copyright. He attempts through a comparative analysis to demystify the role of copyright as a tool for economic development in Africa and criticises the stifling effect the transferability principle has on the effectiveness of copyright in certain African countries. Bradley Slade discusses the differences between the concepts "public purpose" and "public interest" in the context of third party transfers as a result of property being expropriated for the realisation of public purposes in the fourth contribution. The influence of the Constitution of South Africa, 1996 on organ transplants is the topic of the fifth contribution, by Debbie Labuschagne and Pieter Carstens. They come to the conclusion that the South African government has failed to provide an effective legal framework to relieve the shortage of human organs available for transplantation. Sixthly, Lize Mills discusses recently proposed regulations prohibiting the advertising and promotion of infant formulae and other products marketed as being suitable for infants or young children with the purpose of promoting breast-feeding. The last five articles move further afield and deal with legal issues elsewhere in Africa. Dana van der Merwe gives a comparative overview of the relationship between digital information in certain legal fields in South Africa and Uganda. Nazreen Shaik-Premanov examines Zimbabwe's Marange conflict diamond situation and Lovemore Chiduza analyses the Zimbabwean constitutional provisions on judicial independence. Peter Obutte scrutinises ICT laws in Nigeria and the last two authors, Serges Kamga and Ogechukwu Ajoku, reflect on addressing human rights violations by extractive industries in both South Africa and Nigeria.Four notes are also published in this issue. The first one is an overview article by Christa Rautenbach dealing with the modern-day impact of cultural and religious diversity as reflected in the book on "Managing Family Justice in Diverse Societies". The other four notes are case discussions. The first one is a discussion of the case of Government of the Republic of Zimbabwe v Louis Karel Fick by Erika de Wet. The second one is a discussion of the case of Le Sueur v eThekwini Municipality by Warren Freedman, and the last one is a discussion of the case of Apollo Tyres v South Africa (Pty) Ltd v CCMA by Shamier Ebrahim.Editor: Prof C Rautenbach

The operative treatment for recurrent traumatic anterior shoulder dislocation is classified as an anatomical or non-anatomical technique. The anatomical technique was first described for more than 80 years ago by Dr. Arthur. S. B. Bankart. [Table: see text] Up to date, Bankart repair still is the most common procedure performed to treat recurrent anterior dislocation of the shoulder joint with Bankart lesion, the anterior-inferior labral disruption, namely as the most common pathology observed in 85% of those patients.2 At the earlier year, many orthopedic surgeons favored the open Bankart procedure for its reliable long term follow up result. Hence, open Bankart has been historically considered the gold standard in the treatment of shoulder instability. Open Bankart repair was previously a standard care, resulting in recurrence rates below 10%.3 Advocates of open Bankart surgery argue that a more anatomic and secure repair is reliably accomplished. However, arthroscopic shoulder stabilization methods have also evolved significantly during the past 25 years. Initially, there was an early disappointment for the high failure rates for arthroscopic Bankart repair as great as 49% for its trans-glenoid suturing and 23% for its bio-absorbable tack fixation.4 However, suture anchor came or should I say “save the day” and reduce the failure rates to 8 – 11% combined with capsular plication.5 United States’s data showed that arthroscopic Bankart repairs are increasingly used, from 71.2% of all cases in 2004 to 89% in 2009.6 Given the ceiling effect of a surgical learning curve in the last decade, the recurrence and failures rate should have been substantially decreased. These numbers have led to the suggestion that, could it be that arthroscopic Bankart repair with suture anchors is our ”blue ribbon” in this “competition”? Should we say ”abandon ship” now to open Bankart repair? A recent meta-analysis of open versus arthroscopic shoulder stabilization comparing 2 recent decades (the past 20 years) demonstrated there was no significant difference in improvements achieved for clinical outcomes and external rotation deficits.7 The recurrence rate for open Bankart surgery remained resolutely consistent at 10.7% (at the past 20 years) and 10.6% (at the past 10 years). The glory of arthroscopic surgery that has been taught for generations in orthopedic surgery is the ability to recon the additional intra-articular pathology with lower surgical morbidity, improved cosmesis and decreased pain. However, the earlier one can be mostly encountered by the advanced imaging system used these days. Hence, I would like to say, open Bankart surgery is considered not a history lesson and may be worthy to revisit. References Bankart ASB. The pathology and treatment of recurrent dislocation of the shoulder joint. British Journal of Surgery 1938; 26: 7. DOI: 10.1002/bjs.18002610104. Rowe CR, Patel D and Southmayd WW. The Bankart procedure: a long-term end-result study. J Bone Joint Surg Am 1978; 60: 1-16. 1978/01/01. Rowe CR, Zarins B and Ciullo JV. Recurrent anterior dislocation of the shoulder after surgical repair. Apparent causes of failure and treatment. J Bone Joint Surg Am 1984; 66: 159-168. 1984/02/01. Freedman KB, Smith AP, Romeo AA, et al. Open Bankart repair versus arthroscopic repair with transglenoid sutures or bioabsorbable tacks for Recurrent Anterior instability of the shoulder: a meta-analysis. Am J Sports Med 2004; 32: 1520-1527. 2004/08/18. DOI: 10.1177/0363546504265188. Brophy RH and Marx RG. The treatment of traumatic anterior instability of the shoulder: nonoperative and surgical treatment. Arthroscopy 2009; 25: 298-304. 2009/02/28. DOI: 10.1016/j.arthro.2008.12.007. Zhang AL, Montgomery SR, Ngo SS, et al. Arthroscopic versus open shoulder stabilization: current practice patterns in the United States. Arthroscopy 2014; 30: 436-443. 2014/02/25. DOI: 10.1016/j.arthro.2013.12.013. Hohmann E, Tetsworth K and Glatt V. Open versus arthroscopic surgical treatment for anterior shoulder dislocation: a comparative systematic review and meta-analysis over the past 20 years. J Shoulder Elbow Surg 2017; 26: 1873-1880. 2017/07/10. DOI: 10.1016/j.jse.2017.04.009.

The paper presents research findings with 56 Roma children from Macedonia and Serbia between the ages of 3-6 years. The children’s knowledge of Romani as their mother tongue was assessed with a specially designed test. The test measures the children’s comprehension and production of different types of grammatical knowledge such as wh–questions, wh-complements, passive verbs, possessives, tense, aspect, the ability of the children to learn new nouns and new adjectives, and repetition of sentences. In addition, two pictured narratives about Theory of Mind were given to the children. The hypothesis of the authors was that knowledge of the complex grammatical categories by children will help them to understand better the Theory of Mind stories. The results show that Roma children by the age of 5 know most of the grammatical categories in their mother tongue and most of them understand Theory of Mind. References Bakalar, P. (2004). The IQ of Gypsies in Central Europe. 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The author analyzes epigraphic evidence (fresh or based on documents the reading and/or interpretation of which has been revised in sections I-V) to show that Roman mining in Moesia Superior, under the Principate, was largely based on private - frequently senatorial - financial investment. I An unpublished inscription (IInd cent.?) from the Kosmaj argentariae discloses two Publii Fundanii, obviously members of the same family which was to produce P. Fundanius Eutyches, a colonus of the near-by Rudnik mines early in Septimius Severus' reign (IMS I 168). It is perhaps no simple coincidence that, long before, a P. Fundanius Hospes was active in the ferrariae of Noricum (CIL III 4915 a, Magdalensberg); as is well known, the involvement of wealthy Romans in the mining business tended to be hereditary. II The set of Dardanian lead-ingots found at the wreck site of Caesarea Palaestinae registers interesting stamps (Ann. ?p. 1999, 1683; Domitianic). Their testimony can be understood, on a number of points, more completely than has been done by previous editors (I shall discuss the ingots' epigraphic problems in a separate article). Here, let us note that the stamp (d) P.T.R., is best read P(ublius) T(arius) R(ufus) (the genitive construction being possible, too). Like several other families from Liburnia and Nedinum itself (e.g. the Quinti Gnorii), the Tarii Rufi (there seems to be independent evidence that they employed the praenomen Publius [CIL III 2877] among other praenomina) will have invested their money in the mining of Illyricum/Upper Moesia. This state of affairs probably went back to L. Tarius Rufus, cos. 16 BC. III As briefly noted by A. Evans (and more or less forgotten by later scholars), there was a Roman mining region in northwest Dardania (Mokra Gora - Suva Planina), which has left traces in the toponymy (the eloquent Serbian place-name "Rudnik"), archaeological material (including "traces of the ancient workings "), and inscriptions (the mining aspects of which remained unobserved). The presence of rich people/bearers of significant gentilicia should be pointed out here; it tends to be overlooked by the epigraphists. A Greek inscription from Rudnik (Spomenik 71 [1931] 92 no. 215) records a Fulcinius (line 1), who probably originated in Macedonia and may have been a distant successor to the Fulcinius figuring as quaestor in the province's Fasti for 148 BC. The economic expansion of the Fulcinii from Macedonia to the mining districts in the north obviously went via Scupi (IMS VI 121). Another inscription of the same provenance was erected by a Paconius (Spomenik 71[1931] 92 no. 213, with photograph), certainly connected with the city ?lite of S(plonum?) and Risinium, perhaps also with merchants from Delos and Thessalonice. IV The honorary base of Gamicus conductor an(nis) X, lib(ertus) Pont[io(rum)], found at Agio Pnevma not far from Siris (Ann. ?p. 1986, 629, slightly modified), is of double interest. On the one hand, it provides an instructive piece of evidence on iron-mines in the south of Macedonia. (A number of facts tend to indicate their role in the matter: Gamicus' title of conductor, his being a freedman of the Pontii [? to be identified with the senatorial family of the Pontii from Dardania, whose social success, it is generally assumed, must have owed much to the mines in the neighbourhood of Ulpiana], and the mineral wealth of the Strymon region) If Gamicus is really taken to have belonged to the Dardanian branch of the Pontii as their libertus, i.e. the prominent family owning i.a. the ferrariae in Macedonia, their interest in iron may be attributed to the intensity of their need for tools, typical of people possessing mines as well as latifundia. On the other hand, despite the silence of scholars on the subject, it seems that the Gamicus of Ann. ?p. 1986, 629, must be identified with the Gamicus of the Mursan dedication reading [I.]O.M./[pr]o salute/C. Iul. Agatho/pi c(onductoris)/ f(errariarum) Panno5/niar(um) itemq. provinciar(um) / transmarinar(um) / Gamicus ark(arius) / v.s.l.m. (Fitz Verwaltung Pannoniens, 740 f. no. 2; early Severan). Two circumstances favour the identification - the comparative rarity of the name Gamicus and the fact that the conductor as well as the arcarius served in ironmines (under the regime of conductoriate). Probably, Gamicus was a slave of Agathopus' Iulii first; after their being replaced by the Pontii at the head of a part (doubtless the south-eastern one) of the complex of the iron-mines formerly administered by Agathopus, he was taken over by the Pontii (? related to the Dardanian family of that name which has just been discussed) who manumitted him. Writing of the personnel of the portorium Illyrici (whose case naturally, was similar), P. ?rsted noted an analogous practice: "?new conductores bought the slaves of the departing conductor" (Roman Imperial Economy?340). If the foregoing deductions prove accurate, they can lead to a number of comments concerning the administrative and prosopographic history of the iron-mines in Illyricum. V In the last section of the article, the inscriptions from the Scupian dossier of the (senatorial) Libonii are discussed (IMS VI 27, 75, 167 ?now lost?, and 224 ?discovered at Lopate nr. Kumanovo?). New readings and interpretation of CIL III 8227 = IMS VI 167 (with R. Ardevan's suggestions) have been proposed. We are led to the conclusion that the Libonii constituted another senatorial family with estates in Moesia Superior (Dardania) that sought profit from mining. This would explain the two interesting features of the text of IMS VI 167 which have been overlooked/misinterpreted by previous editors. First, the gentile Libonii (not Sibonii or Sidonii) can be seen among the lettertraces of lines 1 and 6. Second, a mining title occurs in lines 4/5: (procurator, vilicus sim) arg(entariarum) (?) / [D]ar[d(anicarum)]. Palaeographical and onomastic considerations sustain the former point (note that IMS VI 27 and 167 share the cognomina Maxima /Maximus and Severus). The latter point recalls the fact that the Kumanovo territory, to the north of Scupi, is known for its Roman mines of argentiferous lead; for Lopate, where the Le/ibonian inscription IMS VI 224 was found, see TIR K 34,VIII d.

The Freedmen's Bureau's role has been panned by historians. Following the first Reconstruction, the Freedmen's Bureau was characterized by failure. However, as we move into the second Reconstruction, historians began to debate the role the Bureau actually had. This historiography tracks the arguments relating to the Bureau over several decades and notes the trends which were used historically to characterize the successes and failures of the Bureau following the Civil War. This historiography tracks the changing identity of the Bureau from its earliest descriptions as being entirely neutral in Reconstruction, to being an oppressive figure in Reconstruction, then being a victim of racial policies, and eventually to a contextual identity that blends all previous characterizations.

The next satirist whose work survives is Persius, whose brief book of Satires was acclaimed during his lifetime and after his death. Aulus Persius Flaccus, A.D. 34–62, was born at Volaterrae in Etruria into an important family of equestrian status. He was educated at Rome as a pupil of Cornutus, a Stoic who was a freedman of Seneca, and was associated with the group of Stoic politicians which wielded considerable power at Rome, including the senator Thrasea Paetus whose wife, Arria, was a relative of Persius and who wrote a biography of the Stoic hero Cato the Younger. Persius evidently did not participate in politics but seems to have moved in high circles, given his acquaintance with the poet Lucan, five years younger.

Karim Chalak of Boston College reviews “Statistical Models and Causal Inference: A Dialogue with the Social Sciences” by David A. Freedman,. The EconLit Abstract of the reviewed work begins “Twenty papers explore the foundations of statistical models and their limitations for causal inference, drawing examples from political science, public policy, law, and epidemiology. Papers discuss issues in the foundations of statistics--probability and statistical models; statistical assumptions as empirical commitments; statistical models and shoe leather; methods for the U.S. Census 2000 and statistical adjustments; “solutions” to the ecological inference problem; a rejoinder to Gary King; black ravens, white shoes, and case selection--inference with categorical variables; the chance that an earthquake will occur; salt and blood pressure--conventional wisdom reconsidered; the swine flu vaccine and Guillain-Barre syndrome--a case study in relative risk and specific causation; whether survival analysis is an epidemiological hazard; regression adjustments in experiments with several treatments; whether randomization justifies logistic regression; the grand leap; specifying graphical models for causation and the identification problem; weighting regressions by propensity scores; the so-called “Huber sandwich estimator” and “robust standard errors”; endogeneity in probit response models; whether diagnostics can have much power against general alternatives; and types of scientific inquiry--the role of qualitative reasoning. The late Freedman was Professor of Statistics at the University of California, Berkeley. Index.”

In this article, I analyse how the Shepherd of Hermas constructs an ancient Christian reading culture through concurrent portrayals of Christian reading, copying and book production. I argue that, by portraying its protagonist Hermas as an idealised reader, scribe and auditor, the Shepherd constructs an early Christian reading culture that authenticates Hermas's role as prophet, activates the textual dissemination of the Shepherd and ritualises the practice of Christian auditory ‘reading’. The article closes with ‘Hermas the freedman’, which considers how Hermas's self-presentation as a formerly enslaved person may have connections to the Shepherd's centralisation of ancient reading cultures.

Although Horace’s origins were relatively humble in comparison with those of Lucilius, he rose to high status through wealth and powerful backing. The usual picture of the poor tradesman’s son admitted to aristocratic company for his literary genius should be dismissed, as Armstrong powerfully argues. Quintus Horatius Flaccus was born in 65 b.c. at Venusia in Apulia to a freedman (a former slave). His father was an auctioneer (coactor, that is, in effect, a type of entrepreneur) and, being very wealthy and ambitious for his son, took him to Rome to ensure that he received a good education. Horace completed his education by spending a year or two in Athens, the university for young Romans of the élite and a very costly experience.