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Sabet, Amr G. E. "Freedom, Modernity, and Islam." American Journal of Islam and Society 15, no. 3 (October 1, 1998): 144–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v15i3.2164.
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The ambivalent relationship between Islam and modernity is a complex and fascinatingsubject into which Khoury delves with a seemingly good measure of sophistication.In this book of philosophical discourse, which he presents as a work of thought andonly secondarily as an historical, scholarly, or descriptive effort, Khoury seeks to articulate a new and creative synthesis between both historical forces that ultimately would serve to recapture the illusive spirit of freedom in the Arab Muslim world.Khoury attributes the undermining of freedom in the Arab world to several reasons:the victory of orthodoxy and its ensuing ossification, with the result that no alternative tomodernity, or even a synthesis, could be provided by Arab Muslim thinkers; the generalshallowness of those who wage war against a trivialized modernity-a shallow Islambeing the logical counterpart to a shallow modernism; habitual passivity in the face ofdespotism; and the continued insistence that Islam become intertwined with the modemstate, which by its very nature and structure can only harm the implementation of Islam,at least as a project undertaken by the state (pp. xxiv-xxv, 3) ...
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Kamali, Mohammad H. "Freedom of Expression in Islam." American Journal of Islam and Society 10, no. 2 (July 1, 1993): 178–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v10i2.2506.
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This article develops the concept of fitnah and its bearing on freedomof expression. It puts together information from the unconsolidated sourcematerials of the Shari'ah in a manner reflecting the interest and style ofa modem student of comparative law. It also develops the theme thatmodem interpretations of seditious speech and conduct have done muchto restrict the scope and substance of the freedom of expression. TheShati'ah tends to advocate the opposite, as it confines the scope of testrictionsto measures necessary to repel an imminent danger to nomdotder in society. The individual's freedom to investigate facts and ideasand to formulate and express an opinion ate integral to Islam's approachto the dignity of the individual and the quest for ascertaining the truth.What Is Fitnah?Dictionaries give various meanings for3tnah: temptation, trial, misguidance,enticement, fascination, commotion, sedition, confusion, affliction,torture, and strife (Majma' a1 Lughah a1 'Ambiyah 1405/1958; alZawi n.d.; Wajdi 1971; Cowan 1976; Hughes n.d.; Khan 1979). Thisplmlity of meaning might have contributed to a certain ambiguity notedin the term's juridical meaning. Fitnah and its derivatives feature prominentlyin the Qur'an, being found in no less than sixty places. In thechapter "Kitab al Fitan," Sahih al Bukhari records eighty-six hadiths.Thus, as might be expected, the word appears in both the Qut'an and thehadith in several contexts and denotes meanings that converge andoverlab ...
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Lewis, Bernard. "Freedom and justice in Islam." Society 44, no. 2 (January 2007): 66–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02819929.
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Brown, L. Carl, Abdolkarim Soroush, Mahmoud Sadri, and Ahmad Sadri. "Reason, Freedom, and Democracy in Islam." Foreign Affairs 79, no. 5 (2000): 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20049940.
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Maqsood, Ruqaiyyah Waris. "Islam and the Discovery of Freedom." American Journal of Islam and Society 16, no. 2 (July 1, 1999): 111–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v16i2.2121.
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This very stimulating and perceptive work was born out of the author’s solidconviction that freedom is the ideal that all societies should strive for and thatthe history of humanity has been one of constant struggle against oppressiveforces of authority in order to realize this utopia. The original edition of herwork, The Discovery of Freedom: Man’s Struggle Against Authority, unfortunatelylacked academic credibility due to several factual errors it contained,and was withdrawn from circulation after its publication by the author herself,and would have been relegated to the obscurity of history were it not for thework of Dr. had-ad-Dean Ahmad. He chose to concentrate on the section ofher work relating to Islam and published it separately from the original versionunder this new title, Islam and the Discovery of Freedom. By providingdetailed annotations and a running commentary throughout, as well as rectifyingmost of the historical errors, he has been able to redeem the force and qualityof the author’s original argument.Although more famously known for her mother’s best selling book, LittleHouse on the Prairie, Rose Wilder Lane (18861968) was a journalist dedicatedto the cause of freedom as well as a best selling author and biographer inher own right. She acquired her knowledge of Islam through her work for theRed Cross just after the First World War when she documented their activitiesin Russia, the Balkans and the Middle East.To understand the important place Mrs. Lane has given to Islam one has tounderstand the central thesis of her original work. She maintains that mankindhas made three notable attempts to free itself from the shackles of oppressivepower and authority. The first attempt was orchestrated by the ProphetAbraham, the second by the Prophet Muhammad and the third, though less radical,resulted from the American Revolution. Her study highlights the dangersof unbalanced distribution of power, for she argues that vesting total controland authority in a single leader or small group of people is highly dangerous asthe word and opinion of that authority can very easily become Law, suppressing,and even persecuting, all those with different views. Furthermore, sheasserts that this state of affairs is nowhere more apparent nor more dangerousthan in the societies whose leader(s) claim to speak for or act in accordancewith “the will of God.”The example of Abraham is used to reflect a society where superstition andthe capricious will of its gods dominated all areas of life. It is a type of control ...
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Ahmad, Ali. "Freedom, Equality and Justice in Islam." American Journal of Islam and Society 20, no. 3-4 (October 1, 2003): 180–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v20i3-4.1833.
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Modern Muslim thinkers who try to locate and construct constitutional tenets based on the Islamic tradition face various difficulties, for they have to address a segment of an audience that expects an exposition comparable to the West's in terms of terminologies, institutions, and remedies, as well as to draw from the best practices of Islamic history and modern Muslim societies. It is always fustrating to learn that Islam's constitutional history, despite its richness in individual constitutional tenets, loses some of its utility in modern Muslim societies due to systemic changes caused by glob alization and pervasive international institutions, both of which have had far-reaching consequences on domestic sociopolitical settings. Given the contemporary nation-state's overarching authority, one known guarantee of the people's social, legal, or political rights is a con stitutional framework under a credible rule of law system. Mohammad Hashim Kamali's Freedom, Equality and Justice in Islam identifies the three themes in the title of his book as the fundamental bases upon which all other constitutional guarantees of human rights depend. The book is divided into three chapters, each dedicated to one of the main themes. The first chapter, which discusses freedom, presents a conceptual analysis of the term and how it is expressed in Islam's theological and sociopolitical contexts. However, unlike various guarantees provided for realizing other values, such as justice (discussed in chapter 3), there is little discussion of such practical guarantees for personal liberty and freedom. The author acknowledges that Muslims have given scant attention to constitutional guarantees of freedom, citing the prevalence of despotic governments throughout much of Islamic history. Nevertheless, the only way he offers out of this situation is to observe that Muslims should change the language of fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence) to reflect the challenging times confronting the ummah. This may not be surprising, given the identified problems, as mentioned above, that have to be faced squarely. The second chapter, which analyzes equality, reviews authoritative Islamic sources and argues that although there is conclusive evidence that Islam envisages equality in basic rights and duties among all Muslims, the evidence is somewhat inconclusive on whether all members of the human race enjoy such equality. This inconclusiveness is due to sources that leave room for different interpretations and to prevailing circumstances during the formative period of Islamic law. Kamali pays particular attention to the duties and rights of women and non-Muslims, for there are different opinions on women's political and family-law rights and on equal opportunity for non-Muslims. He states that even if differential treatments of the two categories are maintained in certain circumstances, such differences do not negate equality, because Islam's positive equality ...
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Zaidi, Ali Hassan. "Reason, Freedom and Democracy in Islam." American Journal of Islam and Society 21, no. 1 (January 1, 2004): 102–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v21i1.1815.
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While the public role of intellectuals in North America, and perhaps in theWest more generally, is declining, one may hazard to say that their roleremains significant in the Muslim world, judging by the number of intellectualswho have been censored in Muslim societies. Iran, in particular,has a strong tradition of public intellectuals, the latest of whom isAbdolkarim Soroush, a vocal critic of the post-revolutionary clericalregime. An official in the early years of post-revolutionary Iran, he hassubsequently been harassed and censored for arguing that secularism is the best way to guard against the abuse of power. Since Soroush hasquickly gained a following both inside and outside Iran, the editors are tobe commended for editing and translating his wide-ranging ideas andmaking them accessible to the English reading public.The editors’ introduction contextualizes Soroush’s work by locatinghim within a current of Iranian enlightened-religious intellectuals, and,more generally, in a current of Muslim reformist thought that includes thelikes of Muhammad Iqbal and Ali Shariati. Chapter 1, an interview withSoroush, reveals the major influences on the development of his thought,while the remaining 11 chapters are a collection of his essays, lectures,and speeches. Most of this material consists of lectures that he deliveredin the early 1990s. Chapters 2, 4, and 6-9 represent the core of his ideason the limits of religious knowledge, secularism, and the mutual dependenceof freedom and critical reason. The remaining chapters nicelyround out the book with topics ranging from a defense of critical reason,science, and freedom to the differences between the educational model ofthe traditional religious seminary versus the modern university.Chapter 2 presents Soroush’s theory of the contraction and expansionof religious knowledge. Here, he makes the controversial (at least in thepost-revolutionary Iranian context) argument that while religion andsacred scriptures may be flawless and constant, the interpreters of religionare not. Hence, Soroush argues that traditional Islamic knowledge needsto be treated like any other branch of knowledge, “as incomplete, impure,insufficient, and culture-bound” (p. 32) ...
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Harizan, Harizan. "DREAM FOR FREEDOM (PERSPEKTIF HUKUM ISLAM)." ASY SYAR'IYYAH: JURNAL ILMU SYARI'AH DAN PERBANKAN ISLAM 1, no. 1 (June 30, 2016): 91–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.32923/asy.v1i1.667.
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Based on the factual circumstances nowadays, many people tried to explore the short way to collect the treasures. Supported by the information Technology development made the spreading of any information and business growth easily. Direct selling, Multi Level Marketing, Online Business and Money Game have its upportunities. Dream for Freedom (D4F) with the Key as a symbol, is one of the money game business which growth successfully between years 2015 – 2016. Thousands of participants or members joined the community (known by the dream team). Spectacularly the founder recruited some of influence person, asked them to promote the business through their statements, pictures and videos. Islam as the belief of most people in Indonesia particularly has the guidance in business through the most principles rules, Al-Qur‟an and Hadith. Therefore the writer tried to explore the Dream for Freedom from Islamic Jurisprudence Perspective.
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Philpott, Daniel. "Religious Freedom in Islam: A Global Landscape." Journal of Law, Religion and State 2, no. 1 (2013): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22124810-00201001.
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This paper presents a global landscape of religious freedom in Islam, a crucial matter for resolving the contentious contemporary debate over whether Islam is a peaceful or violent religion. The landscape shows a general dearth of religious freedom in Islam. This does not mean, though, that Islam is incompatible with religious freedom, for a large percentage of Muslim countries are governed by regimes inspired by western secularism. The paper also argues that religious freedom is neither synonymous nor co-extensive with electoral democracy. Several democracies with low levels of religious freedom exist in Muslim-majority countries, while authoritarian regimes with relatively high levels of religious freedom exist but are rare.
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Abil Fida, Imanuddin. "ISLAM AND INDONESIA IN VIEWS OF NAHDLATUL ULAMA AND PERSATUAN ISLAM." Imtiyaz: Jurnal Ilmu Keislaman 2, no. 2 (July 28, 2019): 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.46773/imtiyaz.v2i2.12.
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The legal debate pertaining to the position of Islam di Indonesia has been emerged from the beginning of freedom hassle of Indonesia. Each leader and religious organization has the difference thought including Nahdlatul Ulama and Persatuan Islam. One of the difference was to what extent Indonesian Muslims stand of nationalism between Tauhid and the obligation of worship. Each has the dissimilar thought which has implications to their participation in Indonesian politics since the beginning of Indonesian freedom until New Order era. This article will discuss the difference thought between two organizations following some historical facts of their difference
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Aziz, Abdul. "Pandangan Islam Terhadap Pasal Penistaan Agama." Istidlal: Jurnal Ekonomi dan Hukum Islam 2, no. 2 (October 2, 2018): 136–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.35316/istidlal.v2i2.113.
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Freedom in certain religions has been guaranteed by law. This freedom should not interfere another people's freedom. To realize this kind of freedom then the law appears to regulate the prohibition of insulting or defamating a particular religion. When the state has provided a provision in the matter of blasphemy, what is about Islam? To find the answer of this question, ought to look at the Qur’an, the Hadith and the opinions of Fuqaha. The conclusion obtained that the article contained in the Criminal Code is in accordance with the doctrine of Islam. Islam always teach moslems to appreciate what other people trust meanwhile when there are people who insult at Islam, such as insulting Allah and Prophet, so must be consequent as murtad and be killed.
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Hefner, Robert W. "Islam and Institutional Religious Freedom in Indonesia." Religions 12, no. 6 (June 7, 2021): 415. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12060415.
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By emphasizing that individual religious freedom depends for its realization on complex social embeddings, the concept of institutional religious freedom provides an important corrective to conventional, individualistic approaches to religious freedom. The concept also helpfully complicates the investigation of religious freedom by encouraging analysts to recognize that different societal and civilizational traditions define religion itself in significantly different ways. Tensions such as these between different social definitions of religion and between different manifestations of institutional religious freedom have been a chronic feature of religious life in Indonesia since the establishment of the republic in 1945. This paper examines these legacies in the context of contemporary Indonesia, especially in light of ongoing disputes over the legal and ethical status of spiritual traditions (kepercayaan) long barred from full state recognition. The essay also explores the theoretical and policy implications of the Indonesian example for the analysis of institutional religious freedom in the late modern world as a whole.
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Kucukcan, Talip. "Islam, Democracy., and Freedom in North Africa." American Journal of Islam and Society 9, no. 2 (July 1, 1992): 276–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v9i2.2565.
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The Islamic Society of the London School of Economics (LondonUniversity) recently orgamed a one-day conference on “Islam, Democracy andFreedom in North Africa.” In attendance were scholars from several universitiesas well as religious leaders and former statesmen. The audience was composedmainly of university students.The first session featured S. Salaam of the Sorbonne (Paris), who discussedthe recent situation in Algeria after touching on late nineteenth- and earlytwentiethcentury social, political, and religious developments. He talked aboutthe ulama’s role as a source of mobilization against French colonial rule as wellas their attempts to motivate the masses, through their dynamic Islamic teachings,to struggle for the emancipation of Algeria. According to him, the moral andspiritual support of the learned segment of Algerian society enabled the nationalistleaders to unite the people behind a national cause, one which is also conceivedof as the religious obligation of jihad. On a more recent note, Salaam noted thatthe media has attributed the Islamic Salvation Party’s (FIS) success in the lastelections to Algeria’s economic backwardness. While there may be some truthto this argument, the success of Islamic ideology lies in its emphasis on socialjustice and equality, the strengthening of morality, and the uplifting of Qur’anicteachings. This is in stark contrast to the widespread corruption prevalent amongthe ruling elite. Salaam argued that the FIS has provided people with an authenticsense of identity which can be used to fill the gaps caused by modernization.The second paper was presented by Julian C. Hollick, a radio joumalist withAmerica’s National Public Radio organization. Addressing the topic of Islamand the media, Hollick laid out the Western media’s misconceptions anddistortions of Islam, which he attributed to either poor journalism or ignoranceof (or prejudice towards) Islam. He noted that journalists are not as objectiveas is commonly believed, for they are products of a given society and share inits stereotypical images and prejudices. These factors can prevent a journalistfrom penetrating beneath the surface of a foreign culture and society. Hollickproposed that ignorance of different interpretations of events and a superficialstudy of the phenomenon being investigated results in both poor journalism anda distorted coverage of events. He stated that many Western journalists tend tocover the ”pathologic aspects of development“ in the Muslim world (i.e., militantIslam and women’s rights) since such stories have a greater chance of being ...
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Wijayanti, Tri Yuliana. "KONSEP KEBEBASAN BERAGAMA DALAM ISLAM DAN KRISTEN." Profetika: Jurnal Studi Islam 17, no. 01 (June 19, 2016): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.23917/profetika.v17i01.2097.
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This research aims to identify and explain matters related to academic problems,namely: first, understand the formulation of religious freedom in the Islamic religion and religiousfreedom in the formulation of the Christian religion. Second, understand the differenceand points alignment of religious freedom contained in Islam and Christianity. This study wasa qualitative research with religious knowledge as the scope of its research and literature as aplace of research (library research). The collected data is then presented descriptively by usingthe approach of sociology of religion. Sources of data in this study were classified into twogroups, namely primary data and secondary data. The data collected by using documentationand tested the validity of test data by applying confirmability (objectivity of research). Thecollected data were then analyzed with a comparative analysis and deductive models. Basedon the analysis, researchers concluded that Islam and Christianity have their own meaning ofreligious freedom. Freedom of religion in Islam and Christians when studied by the method ofcomparative religion, it will show the differences—on the basis of the law of religious freedom,the freedom of religion, and the norms of religious freedom—and side alignment in the sense—the freedom of each individual to embrace religion according to his individual—and embodiedthe goals of religious freedom is to realize the inter religious harmony.Keywords: freedom of religion; Islam; ChristianAbstrak: Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui dan menjelaskan hal-hal yang terkaitdengan problem akademik, yaitu: pertama, memahami rumusan kebebasan beragama dalamagama Islam dan rumusan kebebasan beragama dalam agama Kristen. Kedua, memahami letakperbedaan dan poin kesejajaran kebebasan beragama yang terdapat dalam dalam Islam danKristen. Penelitian kualitatif ini dengan ilmu agama sebagai ruang lingkup penelitiannya dankepustakaan sebagai tempat penelitiannya (library research). Data yang didapat kemudiandisajikan secara diskriptif dengan menggunakan pendekatan ilmu sosiologi agama. Sumberdata dalam penelitian ini diklasifikasikan ke dalam dua golongan, yaitu data primer dan datasekunder. Data-data dikumpulkan dengan menggunakan teknik dokumentasi dan diuji validitasdatanya dengan menerapkan uji confirmability (obyektivitas penelitian). Data dianalisisdengan komparatif dan deduktif. Kesimpulan, bahwa agama Islam dan Kristen memilikipemaknaan tersendiri tentang kebebasan beragama. Kebebasan beragama dalam Islam danKristen ketika dikaji dengan metode perbandingan agama, maka akan terlihat sisi perbedaan—yakni pada sisi dasar hukum kebebasan beragama, batas kebebasan beragama, dan norma kebebasanberagama—dan sisi-sisi kesejajaran yakni pada pengertian—kebebasan tiap individuuntuk memeluk agama sesuai dengan keyakinannya masing-masing—dan tujuan dari terwujudkankebebasan beragama yaitu mewujudkan kerukunan antar umat beragama.Kata Kunci: kebebasan beragama; agama Islam; agama Kristen
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Mehfooz, Musferah. "Religious Freedom in Pakistan: A Case Study of Religious Minorities." Religions 12, no. 1 (January 13, 2021): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12010051.
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The Islamic Republic of Pakistan is a multi-racial and multi-religious nation, with Muslims being in the majority. Its 1973 Constitution guarantees religious freedom to all religious minorities, including Christians, Hindus, and Sikhs. This is mainly because Islam itself ensures religious freedom to the whole of humanity. Unfortunately, some Muslim clerics seem to be attempting to deny religious freedom to other faiths in Pakistan. Their opposition to the plurality of faith contradicts Islamic principles. This research paper identifies such Islamic principles and examines the undesirability of the mistreatment of religious minorities in Pakistan, focusing on the arguments for and against religious freedom in Pakistan on the one hand, and the religious rights and freedoms of non-Muslim minorities from an Islamic perspective on the other. The methodology applied in this discussion is critical analysis. The conclusion drawn is that both the Constitution of Pakistan and Islam guarantee religious freedom to the country’s religious minorities. Finally, this study suggests some practical mechanisms to reconcile the different religious groups in Pakistan.
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Kamali, Mohammad Hashim. "The Approved and Disapproved Varieties of Ra’y (Personal Opinion) In Islam." American Journal of Islam and Society 7, no. 1 (March 1, 1990): 39–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v7i1.2666.
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While Islam emphasizes conformity to the directives of the Qur’an andSunnah, one finds in the same sources a parallel emphasis on rational inquiry,exercise of personal opinion, and judgment. This essay looks into the evidencein support of this statement and the extent to which Islam validates the freedomto formulate and express an opinioq. It also examines the methodology andcriteria that ascertain the validity of personal opinion and distinguishs theacceptable ra’y from that which is not tolerated. This essay also highlightshow the detailed classification of ra’y by the ‘Ulama reflects a concern forlatitude and tolerance on the one hand, balanced on the other by respectfor recognized authority and values which are deemed essential to Islam.Freedom to express an opinion is probably the most important aspectof the freedom of speech, which also comprises such other varieties of speechas a simple narration of facts, comedy, and fiction. To express an opinionon a matter implies a level of involvement, commitment, and competencewhich may or may not be present in the factual narration of an event. Thismay partly explain why the phrase hurriyah al-ra'y), (literally, freedom ofopinion) is used in the Islamic scholastic tradition for freedom of speech,in preference to hurriyah al-qawl, the more precise equivalent of “freedomof speech.” That scholars and jurists have consistently used hurriyah al-ra'yfor freedom of speech perhaps signifies that ra'y, or personal opinion, isthe most important aspect of this freedom.Ra ’y has three main classifications -praiseworthy, blameworthy, anddoubtful personal opinion-which are further subdivided. The main varietiesof praiseworthy opinion to be discussed here are ra'y, that elaborates the Qur‘anand Sunnah, the opinions of the Companions, ra'y that consists of ijtihad,and ra’y that is arrived at as a result of consultation. Blameworthy opinionis also divided into three types, namely bid‘ah (pernicious innovation), hawa(caprice), and baghy (transgression). And, lastly, ra'y, that is the subject ofdoubt (ra'y fi mawdi‘ al-ishtibah) does not lend itself to classification or ...
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Almirzanah, Syafa’atun. "On Human Rights and the Qur’anic Perspective: Freedom of Religion and the Rule of Apostasy." Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 45, no. 2 (December 28, 2007): 367–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2007.452.367-388.
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It is often argued that Islam is not compatible with modernity. This can be seen for instance in the fact of the problem that Islam faces to the challenge of universal values of human rights. Built on this supposition, the present article discusses on the great extent the question of religious freedom in Islam. As freedom of religion in the framework of universal declaration of human rights can mean as freedom to change religion, this contradicts to Islamic prohibition of apostasy, punishable with death penalty. The author argues that Islam in fact guarantees religious freedom. This is clear from the Quranic injunctions assuring the freedom of choice whether to embrace Islam or not. Such a freedom is however often contradicted to one prophetic tradition sanctioning death penalty for apostasy. In her view, the author believes that the hadith more in attunes to the political strategy of the prophet to safe Muslim community from any acts of treason or sedition. Death penalty for apostasy is thus not related to the mere personal crime of changing religion but more that of public law related to war or crimes against state. More relying on the modern interpretation of the Quranic verses as well as the prophetic traditions, the author concludes that Islam is in conjunction with the modern values of religious freedom in which personal choice of religion or belief is the backbone of human rights.
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Moqsith, Abd. "Pandangan Ulama Konservatif dan Ulama Progresif tentang Tafsir Ayat Lâ Ikrâh fî al-Dîn." ISLAMICA: Jurnal Studi Keislaman 8, no. 1 (August 25, 2014): 219. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/islamica.2013.8.1.219-240.
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The verse <em>lâ ikrâh fî al-dîn</em> has been one of the most contested verses with regard to its meaning and definition by the ‘<em>ulama</em> (religious scholars) from the past to the present. Basing on this verse, progressive ‘<em>ulama</em> maintain that the idea of freedom of religion introduced by modern society does not contradict the Qur’ân. For them, freedom of religion includes not only freedom to convert to Islam, but also freedom to convert from Islam. This view is rejected by conservative ‘<em>ulama</em> who argue that the meaning of the verse contains only freedom to convert to Islam, not to convert from Islam. If non-Muslims are free to convert to Islam, Muslims are not allowed to convert from Islam. Moreover, there are many ‘<em>ulama</em> who argue that the verse has been abrogated by other tens of verses which enjoin to fight against infidels and polytheists. After the revelation of ‘verses of war’ in the Qur’ân, the verse <em>lâ ikrâh fî al-dîn</em> becomes no longer legally binding.
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Babiy, Mykhailo Yu. "Islam and the problems of freedom of religion." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 31-32 (November 9, 2004): 13–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2004.31-32.1522.
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The modern era of human development is characterized by the expansion and irreversibility of the processes of globalization, significant transformations that have covered all spheres of human civilization, have touched the deep layers of the existence of society at both macro and micro levels.
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Turabi, Hasan. "Principles of Governance, Freedom, and Responsibility in Islam." American Journal of Islam and Society 4, no. 1 (September 1, 1987): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v4i1.2866.
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I. IntroductionAlthough I have been directly involved in a political process that seeks toestablish an Islamic state, I am not going to describe the forms that an Islamicgovernment might take in any particular country. Rather, I will try to describethe universal characteristics of an Islamic state. These derive from theteachings of the Qur'an as embodied in the political practice of the ProphetMuhammad (pbuh), and constitute an eternal model that Muslims are boundto adopt as a perfect standard for all time. The diversity of historical circumstances,however, in which they try to apply that ideal introduces anecessary element of relativity and imperfection in the practice of Islam.An Islamic state cannot be isolated from society, because Islam is a comprehensive,integrated way of life. The division between private and public,the state and society, which is familiar in Western culture, has not been knownin Islam. The state is only the political expression of an Islamic society. Youcannot have an Islamic state except insofar as you have an Islamic society.Any attempt at establishing a political order for the establishment of a genuineIslamic society would be the superimposition of laws over a reluctant society.This is not in the nature of religion; religion is based on sincere conviction andvoluntaiy compliance. Therefore an Islamic state evolves from an Islamicsociety. In certain areas, progress toward an Islamic society may be frustratedby political suppression. Whenever religious energy is thus suppresed, itbuilds up and ultimately erupts either in isolated acts of struggle or resistance,which are called terrorist by those in power, or in a revolution. In circumstanceswhere Islam is allowed free expression, social change takes placepeacefully and gradually, and the Islamic movement develops programs ofIslamization before it takes over the destiny of the state because Islamicthought - like all thought - only flourishes in a social environment of freedomand public consultation (shura) ...
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Farr, Thomas F. "RETOOLING THE MIDDLE EASTERN FREEDOM AGENDA: ENGAGING ISLAM." Review of Faith & International Affairs 4, no. 2 (September 2006): 11–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2006.9523245.
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Mohd Sani, Mohd Azizuddin. "Islam and Freedom of Religious Expression in Malaysia." Journal of Social Sciences Research, SPI6 (December 30, 2018): 1218–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.32861/jssr.spi6.1218.1224.
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In Malaysia, Islam is the religion of the Federation, and the Islamic law system runs parallel to the civil law system. This triggers a political debate in defining Malaysia as either an Islamic or a secular state which makes the non-Muslims uneasy. The purpose of this paper is to study about the practices of Islam and religious expression in Malaysia particularly during the era of Najib Razak’s premiership before the regime collapsed on 9 May 2018. It used qualitative method via discourse analysis by assessing the legal documents and political decisions on religious expression and private speech in Malaysia. This includes in-depth expert interview with expert in Malaysian law and government leaders. This paper found that Malaysia is also a multireligious society prone to inter-group conflict. As such, care is taken not to publish articles that cast a slur on any religions in the country. Although the purposes of restriction are for political stability and national security, the ruling government has indeed manipulated the religious expression for political domination and regime security. This paper will definitely give the overview on the situation of Malaysia involving Islam and the limit of religious expression and religious freedom as well.
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Paya, Ali, and Richard K. Khuri. "Freedom, Modernity, and Islam: Towards a Creative Synthesis." Journal of Law and Religion 15, no. 1/2 (2000): 561. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1051567.
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Lukianov, Dmytro V., Volodymyr M. Steshenko, and Hanna P. Ponomarova. "Freedom of expression and Islam: Charlie Hebdo’s lessons." Journal of the National Academy of Legal Sciences of Ukraine 28, no. 1 (March 24, 2021): 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.37635/jnalsu.28(1).2021.61-70.
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This article studies specifics of Islamic understanding of freedom of expression and significant differences between Islamic and European understanding of that concept. Freedom of expression is recognized in Islam; however, it has significant and deeply-rooted peculiarities. In particular, Islam strictly prohibits imaging Prophet Muhammad, let alone making cartoons of him. For instance, from the perspective of Muslims, imaging Prophet Muhammad as a dog is extremely cynical, since a dog in Islam is an unclean animal inadvisable to contact with. Also, there is long-established perception of humour and its admissibility in Islam. For example, under Islamic law one shall not tell lies or scare another person; one shall not joke with an older person, a teacher, a scientist, a manager, a person who does not understand jokes, an unknown man or woman; a joke shall not be offensive or degrading a man or a family; one shall not joke about prohibited issues, tell dirty stories, disclose intimate details, resort to insults or slander. The article points out that Europeans perceive drawing cartoons of the Prophet as freedom of expression. However, in the eyes of Muslims such cartoons constitute violation of a number of prohibitions existing in Islam and therefore deeply insult their religious and cultural feelings. Such insults may cause religious conflicts with many victims, like the one that happened in the January of 2015 in the office of Charlie Hebdo French satirical weekly newspaper. To prevent similar and even more terrible tragedies in the future and release tension between Europeans and Muslims, primarily in Europe, the article explores the legal framework and conditions for restriction of freedom of expression set out in universal international law, the European Convention on Human Rights and relevant case-law of the ECHR. The set of the general and specific scientific methods of research were used by the authors according to the subject and scope of the study: sociological, statistical, dialectical, formal stylistic, axiological, hermeneutic, systemic, comparative legal method etc.
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Rahmah, Miftahur, and Zainuddin Zainuddin. "Murtad dalam Perspektif Fikih, Teologi, dan Hak Asasi Manusia." TAJDID 28, no. 1 (July 15, 2021): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.36667/tajdid.v28i1.559.
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This study examines apostasy from the perspective of jurisprudence, theology and human rights. Freedom in choosing beliefs is the right of all humans. Even in Human Rights (HAM) it has been mentioned about basic human rights in detail, one of which is freedom of interest and religion. Not only in human rights, the law in Indonesia is the same. In Islam also regulates freedom of religion. But what is happening today is the issue of apostasy, which is an important issue in Islam. This study often occurs among Muslims and is a very sensitive issue because someone who leaves Islam or is called an apostate will disturb the feelings and harmony of many parties as well as the harmony of the community. This study aims to determine how apostasy is in the perspective of fiqh, theology and human rights. This type of research is library research. Data were collected through books and journal articles related to research. The results of this study indicate that there is no compulsion in adhering to religious beliefs. A person has the freedom to choose Islam or anything else. However, if someone has made his choice to Islam, then there is no freedom to choose anymore, that person must obey and obey the teachings of Islam in a kaffah (comprehensive) manner. There are penalties and sanctions for those who violate.
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Aziz, Ihsan. "ASAS KEBEBASAN DALAM BERKONTRAK MENURUT HUKUM ISLAM." Bilancia: Jurnal Studi Ilmu Syariah dan Hukum 13, no. 2 (December 30, 2019): 383–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.24239/blc.v13i2.500.
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What is meant by the principle of freedom of contract or what is often referred to as an open system is the existence of the widest possible freedom by law given to the public to enter into an agreement on anything, as long as it does not conflict with statutory regulations, propriety and public order . The affirmation of the existence of freedom of contract can be seen in Article 1338 paragraph (1) of the Civil Code, which states that all treaties made legally apply as a law for those who make them. It is also intended to state the strength of the agreement, which is the same power as a law. Such power is given to all treaties made lawfully.
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Masbur, Masbur. "INTEGRASI UNSUR HUMANISASI, LIBERASI DAN TRANSIDENSI DALAM PENDIDIKAN AGAMA ISLAM." JURNAL EDUKASI: Jurnal Bimbingan Konseling 2, no. 1 (August 30, 2016): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/je.v2i1.690.
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Islam is a religion of tolerance for adherents and giving attitude to provide benefit to the nation in various dimension of life. Humanization is the planting of Islamic values towards the human nature through education. Humanization of education means the whole element in education that reflects the integrity of the human being and to help people become more humane. Liberalism as a doctrine of freedom is the right of every human being. Giving freedom is a recognition of human dignity, the basis concept of humanism. The values of freedom in Islam would not exist if it is not based on a deep feeling in one's personal, community needs, obedience to God and human values. Islamic education as a process of humanization require the principle of freedom to develop the potential of learners optimally. Liberalism as a doctrine of freedom is the right of every human being. Nobody is willing pressed or deprived of his rights. Therefore, every human being has the right to get freedom. Giving freedom is a recognition of human dignity, the basis concept of humanism. The values of freedom in Islam would not exist if it is not based on a deep feeling in one's personal, community needs, obedience to God and human values. Islamic education as a process of humanization require the principle of freedom to develop the potential of learners optimally. Implementation of education it is impossible to reach the goal or target if they do not give freedom. transcendental dimension of transcendence is to grow in culture. Such social sciences, then Muslims will be able to straighten out steps the development of science that's happening now and can dampen social unrest and other criminal acts that currently characterizes the lives of many. Islam contributes good activity, but in accordance with the Shari'a should implementation predetermined.
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Ali, Muhammad Mumtaz. "Liberal Islam." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 24, no. 2 (April 1, 2007): 44–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v24i2.420.
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In recent years, the focus of research and public perception has been on liberal, moderate, and modernist Islam. Liberal Islam advocates liberal solutions to the problems of religion and society, namely, interpretations of Islam that have a special concern for democracy, women’s rights and empowerment, freedom of thought, and other contemporary issues. Its adherents also forcefully assert that liberal Islam is authentic, not just merely a western creation, and therefore genuinely reflects the true Islamic tradition. In addition, they claim that the ummah (the Muslim world) should think and act in terms of adoption, reconciliation, and accommodation vis-à-vis the West to solve its problem of continuing undevelopment. I contend that the liberal perception and prescription are unrealistic and imaginative, that they contain inherent weaknesses, and that the liberal prescription is irrelevant to the ummah’s development.
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Ali, Muhammad Mumtaz. "Liberal Islam." American Journal of Islam and Society 24, no. 2 (April 1, 2007): 44–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v24i2.420.
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In recent years, the focus of research and public perception has been on liberal, moderate, and modernist Islam. Liberal Islam advocates liberal solutions to the problems of religion and society, namely, interpretations of Islam that have a special concern for democracy, women’s rights and empowerment, freedom of thought, and other contemporary issues. Its adherents also forcefully assert that liberal Islam is authentic, not just merely a western creation, and therefore genuinely reflects the true Islamic tradition. In addition, they claim that the ummah (the Muslim world) should think and act in terms of adoption, reconciliation, and accommodation vis-à-vis the West to solve its problem of continuing undevelopment. I contend that the liberal perception and prescription are unrealistic and imaginative, that they contain inherent weaknesses, and that the liberal prescription is irrelevant to the ummah’s development.
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Tahir, Masnun. "Pencarian Otentisitas Islam Liberal Di Indonesia." Ulumuna 10, no. 1 (November 4, 2017): 121–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.20414/ujis.v10i1.438.
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In the contemporary Islamic discourse in Indonesia, an Islamic movement initiated by a group of young muslim intelectuals emerged which offered a new paradigm in comprehending Islamic doctrines. The movement naming itself Jaringan Islam Liberal (JIL) carrys some jargons of modern life like pluralism, tolerance, inclussivism, freedom of thought, and human rights.
Through sociological approach, this article shows that JIL has played a significant role in dinamizing Islamic discouse in Indonesia. JIL proposed the “individualism” of Islamic thought; it is called “individual autonomy” in Berger and Luckman’s term, and “Islamic liberalism” in Binder and Kurzman’s one. Some methodologies applied by JIL in promoting its ideas are ijtihad freedom, hermeneutics, reactualization of Islamic doctrines, and “al-muhâfazhah ‘alâ al-qadîm al-shâlih wa al-akhdzu bi al-jadîd al-ashlah”.
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Khan, M. A. Muqtedar. "Liberal Islam." American Journal of Islam and Society 16, no. 2 (July 1, 1999): 107–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v16i2.2120.
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Reviewing anthologies is not an easy task, for they typically include a largenumber of articles by different authors, and in this case also on six differentthemes. I shall therefore not even attempt to review or summarize the individualcontributions, but focus on the author's rationale and his justification forconsidering this particular collection as representative of liberal Islam. Theissues raised by the authors in this anthology, which seek to challenge manymedieval and orthodox interpretations of Islam, will certainly be familiar tomost of the readers of AJISS.In this interesting book, Kurzman presents a fascinating conundrum toMuslim and orientalist scholars of Islam who seek to impose a monolithic andahistorical character on Islam, and choose to either ignore or marginalize thecontinuity of difference in understanding and interpretation in the still developingcorpus of Islamic thought. Kurzman presents an anthology of writingsby a diverse group of contemporary Muslims that clearly demonstrate a concernfor democracy, rights of women, freedom of thought, rights of minorities ...
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Peetush, Ashwani K. "Caricaturizing Freedom: Islam, Offence, and The Danish Cartoon Controversy." Studies in South Asian Film & Media 1, no. 1 (May 1, 2009): 173–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/safm.1.1.173_1.
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Polomoshnov, Platon Andreevich. "Freedom and Predestination in Religious Anthropology: Islam and Christianity." Islamovedenie 8, no. 2 (June 22, 2017): 77–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.21779/2077-8155-2017-8-2-77-92.
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DeVille, Adam A. J. "The Third Choice: Islam, Dhimmitude and Freedom - Mark Durie." Reviews in Religion & Theology 18, no. 1 (December 28, 2010): 61–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9418.2010.00650.x.
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Mohd Nor, Mohd Roslan, Issa Khan, and Mohammad Elius. "Analysing the conceptual framework of religious freedom and interreligious relationship in Islam." Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies 8, no. 2 (December 2, 2018): 309. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v8i2.309-334.
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This study evaluates the concept of religious freedom and interreligious relationships in Islam. The research engages in textual analysis and historical interpretation of the Qur’an and Sunnah (the Prophetic tradition) regarding the freedom of religious beliefs and practices as well as Muslim relationships with people of other religions. The study shows that Islam plays a unique role in providing every individual with the complete freedom to possess and practiceany religion, culture or ideology. It also shows that as a universal religion,Islam advocates a harmonious relationship among the people of differentreligions, cultures and civilisations for the peaceful coexistence and harmoniousdevelopment of all human beings. The study concludes that Islam as a completeway of life preserves the beliefs and practices of every individual and maintainsa peaceful relationship between the followers of one religion and another. Itconstitutes a viable model for resolving religious hatred and promoting peaceand justice among people of diverse ethnic, religious and cultural backgrounds.
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Hillman, Arye L., and Niklas Potrafke. "Economic Freedom and Religion." Public Finance Review 46, no. 2 (September 21, 2016): 249–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1091142116665901.
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There has been much study of the consequences of economic freedom but, outside of the role of political institutions, there has been little study of the determinants of economic freedom. We investigate whether religion affects economic freedom. Our cross-sectional data set includes 137 countries averaged over the period 2001–2010. Simple correlations show that Protestantism is associated with economic freedom, Islam is not, with Catholicism in between. The Protestant ethic requires economic freedom. Our empirical estimates, which include religiosity, political institutions, and other explanatory variables, confirm that Protestantism is most conducive to economic freedom.
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Nasrudin, Nasrudin. "Dakwah Islam dalam Pemikiran lsma'il Raji al-Faruqi." KOMUNIKA: Jurnal Dakwah dan Komunikasi 2, no. 1 (December 22, 2016): 32–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.24090/komunika.v2i1.808.
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In the some way as Christianity, Islam poses itself as a preaching religion. A preach for the truth of Islam represents Allah's order and is valued as a holy preach. The preach to obey God con be seen from different points. Seen from its mod'u, it is offered to oil human beings, regardless their races and languages. Seen from its materials, Islamic preach covers oil aspects of human life in which universal human values become its principles. According to lsmo'il Roii ol-Foruqi, Islamic preach hos to represents the spirit of freedom, rationality, and universality. Consequently, Islam must be preached in politeness, freedom, and responsibility as well as without any pressure because the truth of Islam is rational.
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Ozgur Alhassen, Leyla. "Islam and Iconoclasm." Religion and the Arts 23, no. 3 (June 10, 2019): 195–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685292-02303001.
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Abstract In the Qurʾān, Ibrāhīm is portrayed as breaking the idols that his people worship (21:51–73), a story that comes at the crossroads of a number of ethical issues, including the freedom of belief. In this study, I examine the issue through a number of different lenses: Qurʾānic commentary (tafsīr on the story), art history (Islam, art and iconoclasm), legal opinions (jurisprudence), philosophical approaches (civil disobedience), and literary analysis (focused on idolatry and Ibrāhīm in the Qurʾān). In looking at the issue from these various perspectives, I argue that analyzing the story as a form of civil disobedience, while using literary analysis, lends new insights and gives modern readers tools with which to bridge some of the moral and ethical issues at play in the story of Ibrāhīm breaking his people’s idols.
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Hanafi, Sain. "KAJIAN ETIKA ISLAM." KURIOSITAS: Media Komunikasi Sosial dan Keagamaan 10, no. 1 (May 2, 2017): 73–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.35905/kur.v10i1.586.
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Moral awareness is a sense of self that feels good and bad, which is able to distinguish halal and haram, and rights and vanity. Man understands with his deeds. The human being as the subject realizes that he is dealing with his deed now, before, during and after the work is done. This article aims to expose ethics in Islam that is described in ethics towards God, man, and the natural environment. Ethics of God is based on moral law through gratitude to Him. Unlike ethics to man, the nature of his freedom becomes a moral creature that always interact to achieve happiness as the ultimate goal of ethics. In ethics on the environment, attitudes, actions, and ethical perspectives and management of environmental stewardship and all members of the ecosystem are indispensable.
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Hartawan, Lalu Goriadi, RR Cahyowati, and Zunnuraeni Zunnuraeni. "Legal Protection of Ahmadiyah Citizens in Freedom and Belief in Religion." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 6, no. 3 (July 29, 2019): 984. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v6i3.941.
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Ahmadiyya is a religious movement, founded by Mirza Ghulam Ahmad in Qodian, India, in 1889 M. Ahmadiyya is a revival movement in Islam, international scale, dynamic and rapidly developing. The existence of the Ahmadiyya Organization which is considered contrary to Islam, because it considers Mirza Ghulam Ahmad to be the last prophet. For this reason, their presence has never been accepted and even treated by Muslims. The purpose of this study is to examine and analyze the legal protection of Ahmadiyah citizens in freedom and religious belief. Research method, type of normative research, with a regulatory approach, conceptual approach. Conclusion: Ahmadiyah as a mass organization is still relevant based on Law No. 16 of 2017 concerning Community Organizations. Legal protection against Ahmadiyah citizens in freedom and religious belief is regulated in various laws and regulations by taking into account the restrictions set by the Law with the aim of ensuring recognition and respect for the rights and freedoms of others and to fulfill fair demands in accordance with moral considerations, security, and public order in a democratic society.
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Albertsen, Daniel, and Indra de Soysa. "Oil, Islam, and the Middle East: An Empirical Analysis of the Repression of Religion, 1980–2013." Politics and Religion 11, no. 2 (November 27, 2017): 249–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048317000736.
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AbstractThere is a lively debate on the relative impacts of Islam, oil wealth, and Middle Eastern institutional legacies regarding democratization and the spread of liberal values. We examine this issue using religious repression. We argue that oil-wealthy rulers use religious monopoly to control dissent. Our results show that oil wealth increases religious repression above the effects of Muslim dominance and a host of sundry controls. The Middle East and North Africa region seems to matter more than Islam. Interestingly, the conditional effect of oil and the Middle East and North Africa region is positive on religious freedom. The data suggest that several Gulf monarchies have more religious freedoms than other Muslim dominant states, such as Saudi Arabia and Iran, or even Israel and Jordan. The worst religious repression is among oil producers in Central Asia. The results are robust to a host of intervening factors, different measures of oil wealth, alternative data on religious freedom, and estimating method.
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Fuller, Graham E. "Freedom and Security." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2005): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v22i3.466.
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The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
GEF: Who is a moderate Muslim? That depends on whom you ask and what that person’s (or government’s) agenda is. Moderate is also a quite relative term, understood differently by different people. For our purposes here, let’s examine two basically different approaches to this question: an American view and a Middle Eastern view of what characterizes a moderate Muslim. Most non-Muslims would probably define a moderate Muslim as anyone who believes in democracy, tolerance, a non-violent approach to politics, and equitable treatment of women at the legal and social levels. Today, the American government functionally adds several more criteria: Amoderate Muslim is one who does not oppose the country’s strategic and geopolitical ambitions in the world, who accepts American interests and preferences within the world order, who believes that Islam has no role in politics, and who avoids any confrontation – even political – with Israel. There are deep internal contradictions and warring priorities within the American approach to the Muslim world. While democratization and “freedom” is the Bush administration’s self-proclaimed global ideological goal, the reality is that American demands for security and the war against terror take priority over the democratization agenda every time. Democratization becomes a punishment visited upon American enemies rather than a gift bestowed upon friends. Friendly tyrants take priority over those less cooperative moderate and democratic Muslims who do not acquiesce to the American agenda in the Muslim world. Within the United States itself, the immense domestic power of hardline pro-Likud lobbies and the Israel-firsters set the agenda on virtually all discourse concerning the Muslim world and Israel. This group has generally succeeded in excluding from the public dialogue most Muslim (or even non-Muslim) voices that are at all critical of Israel’s policies. This de facto litmus test raises dramatically the threshold for those who might represent an acceptable moderate Muslim interlocutor. The reality is that there is hardly a single prominent figure in the Muslim world who has not at some point voiced anger at Israeli policies against the Palestinians and who has not expressed ambivalence toward armed resistance against the Israeli occupation of Palestinian lands. Thus, few Muslim leaders enjoying public legitimacy in the Muslim world can meet this criterion these days in order to gain entry to the United States to participate in policy discussions. In short, moderate Muslimis subject to an unrealistic litmus test regarding views on Israel that functionally excludes the great majority of serious voices representative of genuine Muslim thinkers in the Middle East who are potential interlocutors. There is no reason to believe that this political framework will change in the United States anytime soon. In my view, a moderate Muslim is one who is open to the idea of evolutionary change through history in the understanding and practice of Islam, one who shuns literalism and selectivism in the understanding of sacred texts. Amoderate would reject the idea that any one group or individual has a monopoly on defining Islam and would seek to emphasize common ground with other faiths, rather than accentuate the differences. Amoderate would try to seek within Islam the roots of those political and social values that are broadly consonant with most of the general values of the rest of the contemporary world. A moderate Muslim would not reject the validity of other faiths. Against the realities of the contemporary Middle East, a moderate Muslim would broadly eschew violence as a means of settling political issues, but still might not condemn all aspects of political violence against state authorities who occupy Muslim lands by force – such as Russia in Chechnya, the Israeli state in the Palestine, or even American occupation forces in Iraq. Yet even here, in principle, a moderate must reject attacks against civilians, women, and children in any struggle for national liberation. Moderates would be open to cooperation with the West and the United States, but not at the expense of their own independence and sovereignty.
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Fuller, Graham E. "Freedom and Security." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2005): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i3.466.
Full textAbstract:
The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
GEF: Who is a moderate Muslim? That depends on whom you ask and what that person’s (or government’s) agenda is. Moderate is also a quite relative term, understood differently by different people. For our purposes here, let’s examine two basically different approaches to this question: an American view and a Middle Eastern view of what characterizes a moderate Muslim. Most non-Muslims would probably define a moderate Muslim as anyone who believes in democracy, tolerance, a non-violent approach to politics, and equitable treatment of women at the legal and social levels. Today, the American government functionally adds several more criteria: Amoderate Muslim is one who does not oppose the country’s strategic and geopolitical ambitions in the world, who accepts American interests and preferences within the world order, who believes that Islam has no role in politics, and who avoids any confrontation – even political – with Israel. There are deep internal contradictions and warring priorities within the American approach to the Muslim world. While democratization and “freedom” is the Bush administration’s self-proclaimed global ideological goal, the reality is that American demands for security and the war against terror take priority over the democratization agenda every time. Democratization becomes a punishment visited upon American enemies rather than a gift bestowed upon friends. Friendly tyrants take priority over those less cooperative moderate and democratic Muslims who do not acquiesce to the American agenda in the Muslim world. Within the United States itself, the immense domestic power of hardline pro-Likud lobbies and the Israel-firsters set the agenda on virtually all discourse concerning the Muslim world and Israel. This group has generally succeeded in excluding from the public dialogue most Muslim (or even non-Muslim) voices that are at all critical of Israel’s policies. This de facto litmus test raises dramatically the threshold for those who might represent an acceptable moderate Muslim interlocutor. The reality is that there is hardly a single prominent figure in the Muslim world who has not at some point voiced anger at Israeli policies against the Palestinians and who has not expressed ambivalence toward armed resistance against the Israeli occupation of Palestinian lands. Thus, few Muslim leaders enjoying public legitimacy in the Muslim world can meet this criterion these days in order to gain entry to the United States to participate in policy discussions. In short, moderate Muslimis subject to an unrealistic litmus test regarding views on Israel that functionally excludes the great majority of serious voices representative of genuine Muslim thinkers in the Middle East who are potential interlocutors. There is no reason to believe that this political framework will change in the United States anytime soon. In my view, a moderate Muslim is one who is open to the idea of evolutionary change through history in the understanding and practice of Islam, one who shuns literalism and selectivism in the understanding of sacred texts. Amoderate would reject the idea that any one group or individual has a monopoly on defining Islam and would seek to emphasize common ground with other faiths, rather than accentuate the differences. Amoderate would try to seek within Islam the roots of those political and social values that are broadly consonant with most of the general values of the rest of the contemporary world. A moderate Muslim would not reject the validity of other faiths. Against the realities of the contemporary Middle East, a moderate Muslim would broadly eschew violence as a means of settling political issues, but still might not condemn all aspects of political violence against state authorities who occupy Muslim lands by force – such as Russia in Chechnya, the Israeli state in the Palestine, or even American occupation forces in Iraq. Yet even here, in principle, a moderate must reject attacks against civilians, women, and children in any struggle for national liberation. Moderates would be open to cooperation with the West and the United States, but not at the expense of their own independence and sovereignty.
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Wijaya, Arif. "Kemerdekaan Berfikir dalam Hak Asasi Manusia dan Islam." al-Daulah: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundangan Islam 3, no. 2 (October 1, 2013): 241–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/ad.2013.3.2.241-259.
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Abstract: In Islam, reason is put on the most honor place and make it as one of the valuable means to realize the exixtance of God. It is inevitable that some of the Islamic teachings are mobilizing sense, opening mind, and opening human reason, body and soul. Islam does not like the people who do not use their minds, the people whose minds are bound by beliefs and isms that are not based on a correct basis. The independence of thinking can reinforce and strengthen the faith, humility 'and awareness of the greatness of Allah. Independence of thinking is quite important. Because without it, there would be no innovation and creativity. After 68 years of Indonesian’s independence politically, independence of thinking is something that needs to be realized. Without freedom of thinking and social justice, the so called independence is just imaging. Independence of thinking is a golden bridge towards a common welfare. Independence of thinking and freedom of expression are the right of every citizen to express their thoughts orally and in a written form freely in accordance with the provisions of the legislation in force.Keywords: Freedom of thinking, politics, human rights, Islam
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Rofikoh, Nur. "Kebebasan Beragama di Indonesia perspektif Ratio Legis Hukum Riddah." Al-Jinayah: Jurnal Hukum Pidana Islam 3, no. 2 (March 22, 2018): 454–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/aj.2017.3.2.454-484.
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Abstract: This article discusses about the freedom of religion in Indonesia according to riddah law ratio legis. In Indonesia, the guarantee of religious freedom is in the 29th article of 2nd paragraph in the 1945 Constitution that someone is free to choose and embrace a particular religion. Persons who convert from one religion to another shall not be punished, except those whose religion denounces, abuses or condemns oother religions which may be punished. The act is regulated in the article 156a of the Criminal Code concerning the prohibition of abuse or defamation of religion. Islam guarantees freedom of religion as the Qur'anic verse of al-Baqarah verse 256 that there is no compulsion to enter Islam. In a Islamic law, a person who comes out of Islam is called apostate and his blood is halal to be killed. The act is included in the category of riddah jarîmah which can be sentenced a hadd punishment, death penalty. Nevertheless, there are some opinions that in Islamic law not all people come out of Islam can be put to death, only those who emerge from their religion that cause rebellion, chaos on the earth that can be killed.
Keywords: Religious freedom, Indonesia, ratio legis, riddah.
Abstrak: Artikel ini membahas tentang kebebasan beragama di Indonesia menurut ratio legis hukum riddah. Di Indonesia, jaminan atas kebebasan beragama terdapat dalam pasal 29 ayat 2 UUD 1945. Warga yang melakukan pindah agama satu ke agama yang lain tidaklah dikenai hukuman, kecuali mereka yang dalam agamanya mencela, menghina atau menista agama lain yang dapat dijatuhi hukuman. Perbuatan tersebut diatur dalam pasal 156a KUHP tentang larangan melakukan penyalahgunaan atau penodaan terhadap agama. Islam menjamin kebebasan beragama sebagaimana nash al-Qur’an surah al-Baqarah ayat 256, bahwasanya tidak ada paksaan untuk memasuki agama Islam. Dalam hukum Islam, seseorang yang keluar dari agama Islam disebut murtad dan halal darahnya untuk dibunuh. Perbuatan tersebut masuk dalam kategori jarîmah riddah yang dapat dijatuhi hukuman hadd yakni hukuman mati. Meski demikian, ada beberapa pendapat bahwa dalam hukum Islam tidak semua orang keluar dari Islam dapat dihukum mati, hanya orang yang keluar dari agamanya yang menimbulkan pemberontakan, kekacauan di muka bumilah yang dapat dihukum mati.
Kata Kunci: Kebebasan beragama, Indonesia, ratio legis, riddah.
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Ridho, Muhammad Ali, and Irham Zaki. "PERILAKU KONSUMSI ISLAMI PARA ALUMNI PONDOK PESANTREN DALAM MENCAPAI KESEJAHTERAAN ISLAM (STUDI KASUS ALUMNI PONDOK PESANTREN ISLAM MIFTACHUS SUNNAH SURABAYA)." Jurnal Ekonomi Syariah Teori dan Terapan 6, no. 1 (January 15, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/vol6iss20191pp1-14.
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Islamic boarding school can train a santri’sIndependence and it can be reflected after a santri becomes an alumni, such from economic welfare. This study aims to determine whether the consumption practice of alumni Islamic boarding school is in line with Islamic welfare or not. The research method used is descriptive qualitative approach by using case studyon alumni of Miftachus Sunnah Islamic boarding school. Data collection is done by in-depth interview, observation, and documentation. The validation technique used by source and technique triangulation. The analysis technique used is Miles- Huberman’s.The five areas of maqashid sharia in dharuriyyat level stand as an indicator of Islamic welfare. The results showed that the consumption practice of alumni of Miftachus Sunnah based on the values (justice, responsibility, and guarantee) and basic principles (efficiency, adequacy, freedom, balance, and solidarity) of Islamic economic behavior in the achievement and guarding of maqashid sharia indicate the suitability. Key words: Consumption behavior, values of Islamic economic, principal of Islamic economic, and maqashid sharia.
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Irawan, Irawan, and Denny Hermawan. "KONSEPTUAL MODEL PENDIDIKAN DEMOKRATIS PERSPEKTIF PENDIDIKAN ISLAM." Ta'dib: Jurnal Pendidikan Islam 8, no. 2 (November 25, 2019): 626–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.29313/tjpi.v8i2.5254.
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AbstractDemocracy about education in which many problems often occur, one of which is a problem that often occurs in the world of education according to the observations of researchers, such as schools, especially teachers often become a reference of many things that are not desired by the community. When children depend on watching television, it is the school that is targeted because it is considered not to provide maximum media education. When brawls often occur, it is the school that is highlighted the most because schools lack instill education in values. When people do not know much about technology, it is also the school that is the focus because of inattention to the times, and there are still many other examples of problems. The purpose of this study is to find out what is a democratic concept in Islam and to explain democratic education according to Islam. The research method used is a grounded theory method that uses data from materials that are a library (library research), where the author reads and studies books or literature relating to the problem under study. The principles of Islamic democracy towards Islamic education are: There is freedom for educators and students, which freedom here includes: freedom of work, freedom to develop potential and freedom of opinion. Similarities with students in Islamic education. Because Islam provides equal opportunities for all students to get an education or study. Respect for the dignity of individuals in Islamic education. Keywords: Democracy; Discussion; Education; Value. Abstrak Demokrasi mengenai pendidikan yang mana banyak permasalahan yang sering terjadi salah satunya adalah masalah yang sering terjadi dalam dunia pendidikan menurut hasil pengamatan peneliti, seperti: sekolah terutama guru sering menjadi rujukan dari banyak hal yang tidak diinginkan masyarakat. Ketika anak-anak ketergantungan menonton televisi, sekolahlah yang yang menjadi sasaran karena dianggap tidak memberikan pendidikan media yang maksimal. Ketika sering terjadi tawuran, sekolahlah yang paling disorot karena sekolah kurang menanamkan pendidikan nilai. Ketika masyarakat tidak mengenal jauh teknologi, sekolahlah juga yang menjadi tumpuan karena kurang perhatian terhadap perkembangan zaman, dan masih banyak contoh masalah-masalah yang lainnya. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui konsep demokratis dalam Islam dan untuk menjelaskan pendidikan demokratis menurut Islam. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode teori dasar yang menggunakan data dari bahan-bahan yaitu bersifat kepustakaan (library research), dimana penulis membaca dan mempelajari buku-buku atau literatur yang berhubungan dengan permasalahan yang diteliti. Prinsip demokratis dalam Pendidikan Islam yaitu: Adanya kebebasan bagi pendidik dan peserta didik, yang mana kebebasan di sini meliputi: kebebasan berkarya, kebebasan mengembangkan potensi dan kebebasan berpendapat. Persamaan terhadap peserta didik dalam pendidikan Islam. Karena, Islam memberikan kesempatan yang sama bagi semua peserta didik untuk mendapatkan pendidikan atau belajar. Penghormatan akan martabat individu dalam pendidikan Islam. Kata Kunci: Demokrasi; Musyawarh; Pendidikan; Nilai.
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Al Chaidar, Teuku Syahrul Ansari, Irfan Iryadi, and Dedy Tabrani. "The Theoretical Reflection of Islamo-Fascism and Darul Islam Movement in Indonesia." Konfrontasi: Jurnal Kultural, Ekonomi dan Perubahan Sosial 8, no. 2 (July 1, 2019): 31–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/konfrontasi2.v8i2.4.
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This study regarding the theoretical reflection of Islam-fascism and Darul Islam movement in Indonesia. History of Islam in Indonesia is also the history of power struggle (caliphate) which has not been completed until now. At that time Islam respecting plurality and respect the existing culture. The spirit of pluralism and tolerance enforced developed with enriched intellectual repertoire. Increasingly repressive and hegemonic states, bulldoze people across ethnic, class, and layers. Political regimentation of Suharto's New Order devastated spirit of nationality and humanity. Therefore, the intellectuals and the elite of Islam must find a way out of the crises of social, economic, and political ideology today, so that no reform has stagnated, so that this nation does not disintegrate. Giddens called political "third way" to emphasize the "no rights without responsibilities". In the era of the Prophet of Islam, "no rights without responsibilities" that accentuated in the Medina Charter, which guarantees the freedom, equality and justice. In the Islamic era Cordova, Spain, spirit and conception" Medina Charter" that then make their community a pluralistic, cosmopolitan, multicultural and universal, so they are willing to learn and accept everything of value from the experiences of other communities.
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Ghannouchi, Rached. "The state and religion in the fundamentals of Islam and contemporary interpretation." Contemporary Arab Affairs 6, no. 2 (April 1, 2013): 164–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2013.783184.
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From a historical perspective, there has always existed a distinction between the state and religion in Islam, yet no separation. Moreover, there are many types of secularism and many interpretations in Islam. The elite in Tunisia adopts the French type of secularism whereby a most complete separation between the state and religion exists. The case advanced here is that a large part of the unfolding discussions and debates in the context of the ongoing struggle is based on an ambiguous understanding of secularism and Islam. Secularism is not an atheist philosophy, but a series of arrangements and measures designed to ensure freedom of thought and belief. The way of arriving at an equation that guarantees people's rights and freedoms is by delineating religion's constants and variables. Modern democratic mechanisms are the best manifestation of shura in Islam, whereby interpretation is no longer an individual act but a collective one performed by the people's representatives.
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Husin, Wan Norhasniah Wan, and Haslina Ibrahim. "Religious Freedom, The Malaysian Constitution and Islam: A Critical Analysis." Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences 217 (February 2016): 1216–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2016.02.152.
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