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1

Chadha, Vaibhav. "Freedom of Speech and Expression versus the glorification of acts of terrorism: Defining limits in the Indian context." Age of Human Rights Journal, no. 17 (December 17, 2021): 54–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.17561/tahrj.v17.6416.

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Freedom of speech and expression is one of the essential rights for humans; however, some people in the guise of right to freedom of speech and expression glorify the acts of terrorism. In India, there are several laws making certain speeches punishable, but these laws fail to take into consideration speeches that glorify terrorists or acts of terrorism. The objective of this article is to examine the scope of provisions or laws that may be introduced to prohibit speech glorifying acts of terrorism in India while maintaining a balance with the right to freedom of speech and expression granted under the Constitution of India, 1950. This article attempts to assess United Nation Security Council Resolution 1624 and laws enacted in the wake of terrorist attacks in European countries such as the United Kingdom and France, and how they deal with speech that glorifies terrorism. This article also discusses case laws on glorification of terrorism of the European Court of Human Rights.
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Subramanian, Sujitha, Nikhil Gokani, and Kashish Aneja. "Right to Commercial Speech in India: Construing Constitutional Provisions Harmoniously in Favor of Public Health." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 50, no. 2 (2022): 284–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jme.2022.53.

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AbstractThis article examines the right to commercial speech that has been read into the right to freedom of speech and expression under Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution of India. Restrictions on this right are only permitted if they come within the ambit of the exhaustive list of reasonable restrictions under Article 19(2), under which public health is notably absent. Nevertheless, through the doctrine of harmonious construction, the Indian judiciary have adopted a purposive interpretation to circumvent the omission of public health by carving up freedom of commercial speech into two parts: protected speech which furthers public interest and unprotected speech which is purely commercial. Moreover, the Indian courts have construed these provisions in light of the right to life under Article 21 and the health-related Directive Principles of State Policy under Part IV of the Constitution. This article concludes that judicial creativity in India has consistently been used in favor of protecting public health.
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Tierney, William G., and Nidhi S. Sabharwal. "Academic Freedom in the World’s Largest Democracy." International Higher Education, no. 86 (May 25, 2016): 15–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/ihe.2016.86.9366.

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India is the world’s largest democracy, but does democratic governance ensure that academic freedom is the same regardless of geographic location? We review recent developments pertaining to academic freedom in India and consider the limitations being placed on faculty in the classroom, in their research, and with regard to extramural speech and actions.
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Maheshwari, Malvika. "Collective Conservatism and the Constituent Assembly Debates: The Case of Free Speech in India." Studies in Indian Politics 5, no. 2 (October 10, 2017): 218–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023017727979.

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This article outlines the conceptual foundation of India’s free speech regime by focusing on the debates of the Constituent Assembly (1946–1949), and traces the development of the Article 19 of the constitution, which guarantees all citizens the right to free speech and expression, albeit certain ‘reasonable restrictions’. While offering a synoptic account of the conservative side of its development—as framers negotiated the discrepancies between their imagined ideal and the existing, often-conflicting reality—the idea here is not to uncover some grand master plan of Indian democracy from which it has faltered, but to explore ways in which it might lend a fissure to violent outbursts of ‘hurt sentiments’ in contemporary India, which impinges upon the idea and enjoyment of free speech in general, and freedom of artists in particular.
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Damania, Farzad. "The Internet Equalizer of Freedom of Speech? A Discussion on Freedom of Speech on the Internet in the United States and India." Indiana International & Comparative Law Review 12, no. 2 (January 2, 2002): 243–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.18060/17749.

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6

Hashmi, Javed Hassan, and Waseem Ishaque. "Rise of Hindu Nationalism: Impact of Domestic Environment on International Relations." Global International Relations Review IV, no. IV (December 30, 2021): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/girr.2021(iv-iv).04.

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This article briefly examines the rise of Hindu nationalism, its role in the formulation of the domestic environment and assesses its impact on the international relations of India. Since the ascendance of Modi to power,the involvement of RSS in Indian politics and governmental affairs has increased manifold. Curbs on civil society, NGOs, and media freedom have been noticed by independent observers. Hate speech and the enactment of laws to marginalize space for minorities are common happenings. This article has incorporated an integrative review technique while working under an overall design of qualitative research methodology. It is observed that India’s erstwhile secular credentials are endangered due to the assault of the Hindutva wave on freedom of expression, civil society, and minorities. The dominance of the BJP and the autocratic behavior of Modi have affected the domestic environment of India thus impacting India’s international relations, especially with herneighbours.
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Blouet, Olwyn M. "Earning and Learning in the British West Indies: an Image of Freedom in the Pre-Emancipation Decade, 1823–1833." Historical Journal 34, no. 2 (June 1991): 391–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00014199.

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In 1833 slavery was abolished in the British West Indian colonies. A labour system that had been in operation for two hundred years, ended. A campaign based on the concept of freedom came to fruition. The idea of freedom was central to enlightenment thought. Freedom of speech, freedom of religion, freedom of conscience, freedom of movement, a free press, free trade and free labour were all part of enlightenment ideology. The institution of slavery, which limited all freedoms, came under pressure in an enlightened environment. Unlike the ancients who believed there could not be a civilized society without slaves, enlightenment philosophers developed the view that slavery was antithetical to civilization.
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Momen, Md Nurul, Harsha S., and Debobrata Das. "Mediated democracy and internet shutdown in India." Journal of Information, Communication and Ethics in Society 19, no. 2 (December 18, 2020): 222–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jices-07-2020-0075.

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Purpose This paper aims to highlight the very recent cases of internet shutdown during the creation of Union territory of Jammu and Kashmir and enactment of Citizenship Amendment Act and the detention under Section 66 (A) of Information Technology Act 2000. Design/methodology/approach This study takes up a broad explorative discussion of the challenges posed to the consolidation of democracy in India due to frequent internet shutdowns for online communication and social media usages. Findings As findings, it is narrated that due to politically motivated reasons, India compromises its commitment to the pluralism and diversity in views, in particular, individual rights to freedom of expression and opinion, enshrined in the constitution. Originality/value Right to freedom of speech and expression has now taken a new shape due to the emergence and availability of the internet that enriches the quality of democracy.
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9

Guruswamy, Menaka. "Justice K.S. Puttaswamy (Ret'd) and Anr v. Union of India and Ors." American Journal of International Law 111, no. 4 (October 2017): 994–1000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2017.92.

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On August 24, 2017, the Supreme Court of India issued a rare, unanimous nine-judge decision holding that the right to privacy is protected by the Constitution of India. The case is all the more noteworthy because the Court reversed its prior decisions holding that the right to privacy was not protected by the country's Constitution. It arose out of the government's creation of a national database of biometric and demographic information for every Indian. Rejecting the government's arguments, the Court found that the right to privacy applies across the gamut of “fundamental” rights including equality, dignity (Article 14), speech, expression (Article 19), life, and liberty (Article 21). The six separate and concurring judgments in Justice K.S. Puttaswamy (Ret'd) and Anr v. Union of India and Ors are trailblazing for their commitment to privacy as a fundamental freedom and for the judges’ use of foreign law across jurisdictions and spanning centuries.
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10

Patial, Sheetal, J. K. Mittal, and Mukulita Vijayawargiya. "Analysis of ‘Freedom of Speech and Expression’ in American and Indian Constitution : A Comparative Study." Contemporary Social Sciences 27, no. 2 (April 1, 2018): 58–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.29070/27/57465.

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11

Chudal, Alaka Atreya. "Nepali Intellectuals in Exile: The History of Nepali Printing in 19th- and 20th-Century Benares." Journal of South Asian Intellectual History 3, no. 1 (July 23, 2021): 34–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25425552-12340020.

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Abstract Restrictions on the freedom of speech and press, along with the unavailability of competitive printing solutions in Nepal under the Rana regime, caused the centre of gravity of scholarly activities to shift to India. A number of Nepali intellectuals, who came from a variety of backgrounds and had various reasons for having migrated to India, were involved in writing and publishing starting by the end of the 19th century. In those days Benares had few if any peers among Indian cities as a centre of local traditions of education and Sanskrit learning, and as a spiritual, economic and literary destination for Nepalis. Benares, which occupies a special place in Nepali history for its immense contribution to the country’s cultural, social, literary and political evolution, was also the main hub of Nepali print entrepreneurs. This article will delve into early such entrepreneurs and an array of Nepali printing activities in Benares before 1950.
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12

Shaw, Padmaja. "Marx As Journalist: Revisiting The Free Speech Debate." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 10, no. 2 (May 25, 2012): 618–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v10i2.389.

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Marx was a practicing journalist for most of his adult life. He was editor, columnist and special correspondent at different times and his journalistic work provided significant inputs for his later theoretical work. Marx, through his engagement with the political revolutions of 19th century Europe, developed one of the finest arguments in defence of free speech and the need for expanding bourgeois democratic freedoms in the process of transition to socialism. This paper describes the role of the Marxist parties and intellectuals in India in using and expanding the democratic freedoms available in India. The paper concludes that there is a gap between the Marx’s ideological position on free speech and the praxis of Marxist parties. In contemporary India, there is urgent need to protect free speech, fight censorship and strengthen independent constitutional authorities that are governed by democratic principles.
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13

Alam, Iftikhar, Roshan Lal Raina, and Faizia Siddiqui. "Free vs hate speech on social media: the Indian perspective." Journal of Information, Communication and Ethics in Society 14, no. 4 (November 14, 2016): 350–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jices-06-2015-0016.

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Purpose The Hon’ble Supreme Court of India, in a landmark judgment, scrapped a draconian law [Section 66 (A)] that gave the police absolute power to put behind bars anybody who was found posting offensive or annoying comments online. This paper aims to examine the take of people on the “Free Speech via Social Media” issue and their attitude towards the way sensitive messages/information are posted, shared and forwarded on social media, especially, Facebook. Design/methodology/approach The research was carried out on a sample of 200 social media users, all picked up randomly, from five Indian states/Union Territories. Data were collected through a questionnaire, and users were contacted through e-mail. Data collected were analyzed through the Kolmogorov–Smirnov (K-S) Z test. Findings The findings indicate that hate posts/messages are on the rise, and more and more users are joining in. Besides, prosecution happens only when the aggrieved party is influential or powerful. Practical implications The findings of this research give a strong insight into the social media behaviour of users in relation to hate contents/posts. The study establishes the fact that Indian people are in favour of free speech, but with a sense of restraint and responsibility. The work could form the basis for future research on various aspects of hate speech on social media. Researchers could study the trials and prosecutions that have happened over the past few years and whether punishment has acted as a deterrent. Originality/value The research is likely to be important for those involved in work on freedom of speech or hate speech through social media. Social networking sites such as Facebook would also get some insights into users’ perception towards free and hate speech mechanism on social media.
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Annappa, Nagarathna. "ENSURING RIGHT TO FREEDOM OF SPEECH AND EXPRESSION ON CYBER SPACE AS AGAINST STATE INTERVENTION - INDIAN EXPERIENCE." Revista Direitos Fundamentais & Democracia 26, no. 1 (April 29, 2021): 119–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.25192/issn.1982-0496.rdfd.v26i12123.

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While Internet has been extremely advantageous in connecting people and providing a platform for expression of one’s views and opinions, on the other hand it has even at times lead to abuse of this platform by some necessitating legal regulation. Freedom of speech and expression being a fundamental right is legally enforceable even against the State and its agencies but the same can be legally restricted under certain ‘reasonable grounds’. This paper aims to analyse the existing law framework in this regard, with the object of identifying legal provisions which on one hand protects freedom of speech and expression on cyber space and on the other hand, the legal restrictions imposed for such freedom. Though the paper makes a brief assessment of the concerned legal aspect from international perspective in brief, it focuses largely on Indian law framework in this regard.
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15

Pallathadka, Harikumar, and Laxmi Kirana Pallathadka. "Challenges and Hurdles Regarding Free and Fair Elections in India: A Study of Voters' Opinion." Integrated Journal for Research in Arts and Humanities 2, no. 6 (December 7, 2022): 225–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.55544/ijrah.2.6.30.

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India claims to be the world's largest democracy. Over the last 65 years, it has seen the execution of successful electrical campaigns, peaceful changes in the government at Focus and in the States, and people guiding freedom of speech and articulation, religion, and progress. India is experiencing social and economic change. Similarly, we constantly consider arguments about the prevalent inequities, lack of assumed fulfillment, and betrayal of some elements of society. Individuals do not feel like they are participating in this complete voting procedure. This is because a system based on majority rule represents the public authority of the people, for the people, and by the people. It implies that a majority-rules government is not confined to the system of choices but also to fulfilling people's economic and social desires. People in our country discuss different aspects of a majority rule system, including its successes and drawbacks. In this method, a large number of investigations have been conducted.
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Mishra, Praveen. "Indian law of sedetion vs constitutional gurantee of freedom of speech & expression." VIDHIGYA: The Journal of Legal Awareness 11, no. 2 (2016): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/0974-4533.2016.00010.5.

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17

Frederiksen, Bodil Folke. "PRINT, NEWSPAPERS AND AUDIENCES IN COLONIAL KENYA: AFRICAN AND INDIAN IMPROVEMENT, PROTEST AND CONNECTIONS." Africa 81, no. 1 (January 24, 2011): 155–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972010000082.

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ABSTRACTThe article addresses African and Indian newspaper networks in Kenya in the late 1940s in an Indian Ocean perspective. Newspapers were important parts of a printing culture that was sustained by Indian and African nationalist politics and economic enterprise. In this period new intermediary groups of African and Indian entrepreneurs, activists and publicists, collaborating around newspaper production, captured fairly large and significant non-European audiences (some papers had print runs of around ten thousand) and engaged them in new ways, incorporating their aspirations, writings and points of view in newspapers. They depended on voluntary and political associations and anti-colonial struggles in Kenya and on links to nationalists in India and the passive resistance movement in South Africa. They sidestepped the European-dominated print culture and created an anti-colonial counter-voice. Editors insisted on the right to write freely and be heard, and traditions of freedom of speech put a brake on censorship. Furthermore, the shifting networks of financial, editorial and journalistic collaboration, and the newspapers’ language choice – African vernaculars, Gujarati, Swahili and English – made intervention difficult for the authorities. With time, the politics and ideologies sustaining the newspapers pulled in different directions, with African nationalism gaining the upper hand among the forces that shaped the future independent Kenyan nation.
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Chouhan, Sandhya. "Patrioitic Note in Sarojini Naidu’s Poetry." Journal of Advanced Research in English and Education 05, no. 02 (February 19, 2021): 8–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.24321/2456.4370.202006.

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Sarojini lived and created in those stirring times when India was passing though the stages of her struggle for freedom. It was the age of such great patriots and freedom-fighters as Gandhi, Nehru, Gokhale, Tilak and many others and she had close contacts with all these heroic personalities. Patriotism was in the air so to say, and Sarojini could not remain unaffected by the spirit of the times. After her meeting with Gandhi in 1914, she herself plunged into the thick of the bottle, and her letters and speeches are full of her deeply felt love for her motherland. This love is also reflected at every step in her poetry. India was is her blood; it was as part and parcel of herself, and the note of patriotism is struck in numerous poems written at different periods. It is expressed in her poems, ‘To India’, ‘The Gift of India’, ‘An Anthem of Love’, ‘Lokman Tilak’, etc.
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Vlasova, Ekaterina V., and Irina A. Tislenkova. "Means of simile actualization in the language of modern social groups in England." Verhnevolzhski Philological Bulletin 2, no. 25 (2021): 156–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.20323/2499-9679-2021-2-25-156-163.

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The purpose of the article is to reveal the means of expressing simile in the speech of characters belonging to modern upper, middle and lower classes, based on the texts of contemporary English fiction: Caryl Churchill «Top Girls», Patrick Marber «Dealer’s Choice» and India Knight «Comfort and Joy». Conducting speech analysis, the authors use the sociolinguistic approach, allowing to take into account the social class of the speaker. The article demonstrates that the choice of different language means for conveying simile is dictated by such specific characteristics of the social layer to which communicants pertain as leading values, level of education, income, and the degree of freedom in expressing emotions. The article concludes that simile in speech of upper class representatives is expressed by neutral vocabulary to convey positive emotions and informal vocabulary to demonstrate hyperbolized negative evaluation, reflecting a critical and ironic evaluation of everyday events. Simile in the statements of middle class speakers is expressed in formal vocabulary, French words, rhymes, political terms, clichés, deformed phraseological units, which reflect the desire to imitate the upper classes, indicate modesty and self-doubt of the communicants. Simile in the judgments of lower-class Englishmen is conveyed by argotisms, helping to express an outburst of negative emotions, as well as by religious and literary allusions that are misused and contain an abundance of logical errors.
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Jayanth, Malarvizhi. "Struggling for Freedom from Caste in Colonial India: The Story of Rettaimalai Srinivasan." CASTE / A Global Journal on Social Exclusion 3, no. 1 (May 6, 2022): 147–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.26812/caste.v3i1.352.

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Rettaimalai Srinivasan (1860–1945), a Dalit leader in colonial India, argued that there were two kinds of freedom struggles being waged in the region–one against the British and the other against caste. His autobiography, published in Tamil in 1938, is likely the first Dalit autobiography, and along with his other papers, pamphlets, and speeches comprises a potent anti-caste archive that is yet to be studied. In these texts, Srinivasan defined untouchability as a complex of social and economic practices and emphasized the role of Dalit leadership in undoing these practices. As his work indicates, the freedom struggle against caste required a re-signification of caste names and untouchability itself and an increased representation of Dalit groups within governance. By seeking to turn the name of the Pariah caste into one that could be used with pride, he continuously grappled with the question of self-representation and an appropriate vocabulary to do so. His definition of untouchability as intimately linked with agrarian labour lies at the heart of his emphasis on the importance of Dalit representatives governing and leading people from these communities towards freedom.
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Baruah, Swagat. "Cinema on Trial: Doctrine of Prior Restraint in Censorship." Christ University Law Journal 7, no. 2 (July 1, 2018): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.12728/culj.13.2.

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This paper sets to address the legal question of how the Censor Board can exercise such power and whether it represents the mood and approach of the government towards films and art forms in general, in India. What history tells us is quite contrary to what we're witnessing today. Our Constitution makers, while debating on the topic of freedom of speech and expression invoked libertarian philosophers like Isaiah Berlin and John Stuart Mill, and their philosophy did in fact, find its way into the said provision. The present scenario however, is one where we have departed from these libertarian ideas. What the censor board is doing today is trying to choke the marketplace of ideas at its source, which Gautam Bhatia calls 'prior restraint' in his new book Offend, Shock or Disturb. The paper tries to establish how the law of censorship, whenever rigid, has only suppressed thought and dissent, instead of allowing progressive and rational thinking. This is substantiated by analysing various case laws.
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M, Shobha Rani, and P. Manigandaprabhu. "Public perception on Law of Sedition in the light of Freedom of Expression guaranteed by the Constitution of India – An Empirical Analysis." RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 8, no. 1 (January 16, 2023): 08–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2023.v08.n01.002.

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More than a century in India, the controversial Law of Sedition Sec. 124A of IPC has been debated vociferously by a gamut of people like Legislators, Law enforcement officers, Activists, Sections of media, Political parties and Advocacy organizations. These debates have been happening between two set of people, who asks for abrogation of this provision of sedition law and people who supports in retention of this contentious provision of Law. Simultaneously, along with these raging debates, courts also have pronounced a mixture of judgments that validated the constitutional integrity, amending the scope of application of section 124 A of IPC. In a thriving democracy like India, it becomes imperative to understand the will of people in choosing between right of expression guaranteed by our constitution and safety of our nation. In this paper, researchers have attempted to gauge the public opinion towards the Law on Sedition through a survey using a structured questionnaire, as a tool to collect responses. It’s a known fact for everyone that how much significant is to know the will of people in a large functioning democratic country like India. In most of the available literature on this subject of Sedition Law Sec. 124A of IPC, it’s always researcher who forms or holds one opinion then strives to find supporting evidence to strengthen their opinion. Therefore, a research gap exists, that’s to find the will of people through a systematic response system. So, one of the large questions before the researchers is to find out the perception of people in choosing between unrestricted rights of speech or protecting integrity and security of nation. Sedition laws are certainly important to preserve peace and security of nation, however at the same time application of this sec.124A IPC has been extremely questioned, because of misuse by successive governments irrespective of the parties that governed it. In the main article the authors try to interpret the responses collected from different groups of people on Sedition Law and also will analyse the live FIR executed on Law of Sedition.
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Laddunuri, Madan Mohan. "Homosexuality and prevalence of Stigma in Indian Milieu." International Journal of English Literature and Social Sciences 5, no. 6 (2022): 2595–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.22161/ijels.56.99.

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With its diverse culture, customs, religions, beliefs, and faith, India stands out as the world's largest democracy, guaranteeing its citizens' fundamental rights to equality and opportunity, as well as the freedom of speech and expression, their right to practise their religion, and their right to a free and appropriate education through its very constitution. Our constitution's equality clause (articles 14 and 15) prohibits discrimination on the basis of religion, race, caste, sex, or place of birth. The right to life and personal liberty is guaranteed by Article 21 of the constitution, which is the most important justification for repealing the antiquated Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code, 1860, which had outlawed homosexuality since the 19th century. The basic rights protected by our constitution's articles 14, 19, and 21 were breached by Section 377 of the IPC. Even though it wasn't that early, on September 6, 2018, the Supreme Court issued a landmark decision by overturning and finally ending the prohibition of section 377 in India. Even gays have the same right to privacy and to live with dignity in society as do heterosexuals. The historical ruling allowed homosexuals in India to be accepted as natural persons and to enjoy the freedom to live and love as they choose.The topic of homosexuality was forbidden for a very long time, but only after this ruling did Indians begin to talk more openly about it in public. The Indian population is becoming more aware of homosexuality, which is assisting in coping with, adjusting to, and accepting homosexuals into an inclusive society. However, prejudice and other negative attitudes toward homosexuals are present due to various cultures and lifestyles incorporated into most religions, which causes conflict in the community. The stigmatised traditional social constructs, authoritarian parents with homophobic beliefs, and the vast majority of people who lack knowledge and understanding of sex and gender studies can all contribute to homophobia. The purpose of the study is to determine how Indians feel about homosexuals in the present. It seeks to uncover peoples' knowledge and comprehension of homosexuality and to examine their covert homophobia. An online cross-sectional survey using the questionnaire approach served as the study's foundation. The need to comprehend, recognise, and articulate the issues in-depth was brought into effect, and the snowball sampling method was developed with questions relating to sex education, knowledge of homosexuality, attitude toward homosexuality, and relevant details to study and analyse the perception and views of the Indian Society regarding homosexuals. Googleforms was used to get the information. The participants' awareness of homosexuality was fair and positive. They proclaimed support for and positivity toward homosexuals. According to the study, the adult and adolescent populations (between the ages of 18 and 35) made up the majority of the survey's participants. Most of the respondents were members of the educated class who are Indian university graduates. The findings showed that while the participants were well aware that gays exist and that societal acceptance of them is pluralistic and equally just, fair, and valid, personal and cultural homophobia nonetheless persisted in them. The problems won't disappear overnight. They are the result of long-standing stigma. We must let go of our naivety, dismantle conventional homophobic notions, embrace reality, and work for a more equitable, libertarian, and just society if we want to live in one. To help with their inclusion in society, practical advice like effective parenting and a friendly attitude toward gays should be put into practise. Prioritize taking measures to incorporate "gender and sex education" into the curriculum so that kids are taught about it from the start and develop a universal acceptance of homosexuals as a normal part of society. Expanded understanding and awareness of the issues facing gays should be promoted through workshops, seminars, webinars, and other forums. To accelerate the revolution in the rights and freedoms of homosexuals, information must be made available to the general population. Although there is a long battle ahead, it is not insurmountable. Everyone has a right to article 21 under the Indian constitution, regardless of gender. The homo community deserves to live in a just, equitable, and respectable society. In order to proudly live in a free and brave India, they must be accepted wholeheartedly.
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Jha, Dr Suprita. "Tendulkar’s ‘Ghashiram Kotwal: An Illustration of Socio-Political Opportunism." International Journal of English Literature and Social Sciences 3, no. 5 (2018): 927–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.22161/ijels.3.5.38.

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he development of modern theatre in India may be attributed to a change in the political set up in India. Post-Independence Indian theatre and drama got a new footing with the new found cultural confidence. The year 1972 turned out to be a landmark for the Indian vernacular theatre when Vijay Tendulkar’s Marathi play ‘GHASHIRAM KOTWAL’ made waves by its brilliant use of traditional folk forms in modern contemporary theatre. ‘GHASHIRAM KOTWAL’ has been in the controversy since its very inception. It was staged in 1972 but soon it was banned for its anti-Brahmin stance and the distortion of facts about great historical figure who played a key role in Maratha polity. The play reveals how the state is ruled by a defunct descendent of glorious Shivaji. The ruler is Peshwa but he is governing the state through his chancellor, Nana Phadnavis, who is cunning and crafty and knows no scruples. The people under his rule groan for want of freedom in speech and movement and honourable way of living. Ghashiram Kotwal grows up under the patronage of such a lecherous crafty man. He is ruthless and tyrant and prosecutes all-innocent as well as defaulters. Actually, Ghashiram Kotwal was harshly treated on his arrival to Poona with the intention of getting suitable employment to support his family and so, the spirit of vindictiveness never leaves him. Undoubtedly, ‘GHASHIRAM KOTWAL’ is a biting satire on contemporary society, police administration and power politics. It portrays the falling standards, degradation of society, the mannerism as well as the conduct of the citizens. The paper I propose to write brings forth this issue of corruption that is running rampant on all levels in this play and the police administration is no exception. As a matter of fact, the dramatist, Vijay Tendulkar, has brought under his focus the political and police administrations and their faulty ways of working as it is today or may be an extension of the yesteryears.
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Tahir, Pervez. "Development Priorities of the Founding Father of Pakistan." Pakistan Development Review 41, no. 4II (December 1, 2002): 991–1010. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v41i4iipp.991-1010.

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A close reading of the speeches and statements of the founding father of Pakistan, Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, brings forth a striking consistency of understanding and approach towards priorities that the nation must determine to move steadily on the road to progress and development. These priorities were—in that order—education, industrial development and defence. Political historians generally present descriptive analyses of what appear to be radically different phases of the Quaid’s passage to lead the nation to its destiny—freedom. But at no point in any phase does one come across a weakening of resolve to advocate the priorities of Education, Industry and Defence—EID, for short. No better acronym of happiness would be possible for the Muslims of British India, EID being happiness and progress for them literally as well as religiously. After the adoption of the Pakistan Resolution in March 1940, the Quaid reiterated these priorities time and again. There is a noticeable accent in his speeches to specify the ramifications of these three pillars of progress.
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Teixeira, Teixeira Teixeira. "O OUTRO E A SOLIDARIEDADE: UMA ANÁLISE EXISTENCIALISTA DO CISMA ÉTICO NA CONTEMPORANEIDADE." Sapere Aude 10, no. 19 (June 2, 2019): 282–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.5752/p.2177-6342.2019v10n19p282-293.

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Embora a solidariedade possa ser confundida com um valor absoluto, assumimos a empreitada de demonstrar como ela pode ser lida no cerne da perspectiva sartriana. Nesse lugar epistemológico, reconhecemos que todos os valores são constituições humanas, pois partem da liberdade, em situação. Demonstraremos, aqui, como o encontro entre os indivíduos é marcado por uma imediatez banal que pode alimentar condutas de má fé[1] e, por conseguinte, instaurar um ambiente de inautenticidade e de colapso moral. Nossa proposta versa sobre a discussão acerca das relações autênticas e tensionais que, a nosso ver, responderiam o problema do reconhecimento contemporâneo. Inclinamo-nos a demonstrar como o encontro com o outro — enquanto outro —, indica uma força na compreensão existencialista humanista de Sartre. Requisitamos, assim, a análise da solidariedade, aos moldes do pensamento sartriano, como escapamento das percepções banais do outro.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Solidariedade. Valor. Liberdade. Situação.ABSTRACTAlthough solidarity can be confused with an absolute value, we undertake a task of demonstrating how it can be read without the sartrian perspective. In this place of speech, we recognized that all values are human constitutions, because they depart from freedom, in situation. We will demonstrate here how the encounter between the components and the content by a banal immediacy that can feed bad faith conducts and therefore, establish an environment of inauthenticity and moral collapse. Our proposal for a discussion of authentic and tentative relations, one might say, would respond to the problem of contemporary recognition. We are inclined to show how the encounter with the other - as another - indicates a strength in Sartre's existentialist humanist understanding. We thus require the analysis of solidarity, in the molds of Sartrian thought, as an escape from the banal perceptions of the other.KEYWORDS: Solidarity. Value. Freedom. Situation.
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Nugraha, Fajar Muhammad, Reynaldo De Archellie, and Cresentia Carra Nethania Clement. "KASUS UJARAN KEBENCIAN DALAM BERITA SURAT KABAR DI HINDIA BELANDA." Paradigma: Jurnal Kajian Budaya 10, no. 3 (December 11, 2020): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.17510/paradigma.v10i3.379.

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<p>This article is a preliminary study that explores past events of the Dutch East Indies colonial government, specifically describing criminal cases of hate speech or haatzaai depicted in newspaper news between 1879 and 1942. The Dutch East Indies colonial government controlled freedom of thought, expression, and politics of the native population by using the legal instruments Wetboek van Strafrecht voor Nederlandsch Indie, especially articles 154, 155, 156, and 157. These four articles are known as haatzaai artikelen. This regulation was published and enforced in the Dutch East Indies in 1918. This article uses twenty-eight newspaper news articles published in ten cities on the islands of Java and Sumatra as the primary sources. This is research that uses historical methods by gathering primary<br />and secondary sources in the National Archives of the Republic of Indonesia (Jakarta), the National Library of the Republic of Indonesia (Jakarta), and the Constitutional Institution voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde (KITLV) (Jakarta). This article concludes that based on the news articles found, haatzaai artikelen, as a repressive legal product, is not only used<br />by the colonial government to control people’s behavior but also used by fellow members of the community of East Indies to quarrel with each other in many cases of hatred, incitement, and defamation.</p>
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Kumar, D. Ganesh, and Akshay Douglas Gudinho. "Consensus Ad Idem: A Plea for Objectivity in Telephonic Contracts." Christ University Law Journal 6, no. 1 (January 1, 2017): 41–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.12728/culj.10.3.

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Consensus Ad Idem, legally defined as „meeting of minds‟, at the time of the formation of a contract, warrants a cardinal jurisprudential question which transcends its mere literal meaning. In Indian Contract Law, the trend has followed the test of objectivity, whereby it is not the actual intent of the party or parties that enter into the contract that is the subject of judicial evaluation, but it is what a reasonable man would deliberate in the peculiar circumstances of the case. However, the evaluation of telephonic conversations merit intrinsic jurisprudential insight. While applying the objective test, the questions that arise are - is there legal certainty of assent to a contract over telephonic conversations i.e. whether there is free consent. Do the parties have the capacity to contract over telephone? What are the liabilities of the telephone operator and his legal bond to the contract between two or more contracting parties? Does it amount to violation of the fundamental rights to freedom of speech and expression and the right to privacy? The authors attempt to provide an objective analysis of communication in contracts over telephonic means and the constitutional environment embedded therein. To this end, a plea for due diligence prior to the formation of telephonic contracts shall be made in order to bring objectivity to the judicial evaluation of telephonic contracts.
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29

Novikov, Vladimir. "Freedom of Speech." Russian Studies in Literature 29, no. 4 (October 1993): 57–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/rsl1061-1975290457.

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30

Robie, David. "Freedom of speech." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 8, no. 1 (June 1, 2002): 105–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v8i1.734.

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In spite of the hot air about governments pressuring the media in Pacific countries—and this does happen all too frequently—I believe a greater threat to press freedom comes from a small clique of media veterans, many of whom are of palagi origin, who have disproportionate influence. [Keynote address at the inaugural Pacific Islands Media Association (PIMA) conference in Auckland, 5-6 October 2001.]
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31

Agnew, Thelma. "Freedom of speech." Nursing Standard 12, no. 42 (July 8, 1998): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/ns.12.42.12.s31.

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32

Jadacki, Jacek. "Freedom of speech." Analiza i Egzystencja 40 (2017): 111–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18276/aie.2017.40-06.

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33

Hochberg, Leigh R., and Sydney S. Cash. "Freedom of Speech." New England Journal of Medicine 385, no. 3 (July 15, 2021): 278–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1056/nejme2106392.

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34

Post, Robert C., and Eric Barendt. "Freedom of Speech." American Journal of Comparative Law 36, no. 1 (1988): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/840191.

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35

Maxman, Melissa H., and Eric Barendt. "Freedom of Speech." Michigan Law Review 85, no. 5/6 (April 1987): 947. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1289024.

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36

&NA;. "Freedom of speech?" Nursing 43, no. 6 (June 2013): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01.nurse.0000429810.87471.60.

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37

Suttner, Raymond. "Freedom of Speech." South African Journal on Human Rights 6, no. 3 (January 1990): 372–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02587203.1990.11827820.

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38

Vicki Dwi Purnomo and Kelik Endro Suryono. "The Collapse of the New Orde Regime Resulted in Changes in Indonesia's Economic Policy." Jurnal Pengabdian Masyarakat Formosa 1, no. 5 (December 30, 2022): 395–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.55927/jpmf.v1i5.2230.

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The reform era or the post-Suharto era in Indonesia began in 1998, to be precise when President Soeharto resigned on May 21 1998 and was replaced by the then vice president, BJ Habibie . This period was founded bya more open socio-political environment. Issues during this period included the push for democracy and a stronger civilian government, elements of the military trying to maintain influence, growing Islamism in politics and society in general, and demands for greater regional autonomy . The reform process resulted in a higher degree of freedom of speech , in contrast to the widespread censorship during the New Order . As a result, political debate has become more open in the mass media and artistic expression has increased. Events that have shaped Indonesia in this period include a series of terrorist incidents (including the 2002 Bali bombings ) and the 2004 Indian Ocean earthquake and tsunami . Using the knife of deconstruction of critical legal theory and socio-legal methodology with statutory, historical, conceptual and legal political economy approaches, three questions are raised, firstly the role of law in the market reform agenda which underlies the idea of limiting the role of the state in the economy; second, how is the role of the state in the economy being debated in the MPR and; third, what are the implications of the market reform agenda for the results of changes to the economic constitution.
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39

Park, Byung Jin. "Crossover Freedom of Speech." Recht Innovativ 5, no. 2 (July 2021): 18–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s43442-021-0077-x.

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40

Stevens, John Paul. "The Freedom of Speech." Yale Law Journal 102, no. 6 (April 1993): 1293. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/796971.

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41

Binderup, L. "GLOBAL FREEDOM OF SPEECH." Trames. Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences 11, no. 4 (2007): 403. http://dx.doi.org/10.3176/tr.2007.4.05.

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42

PATON, EWAN. "Respecting Freedom of Speech." Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 15, no. 4 (1995): 597–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ojls/15.4.597.

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43

Ayittey, George. "African freedom of speech." Index on Censorship 16, no. 1 (January 1987): 16–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228708534188.

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44

Heins, Marjorie. "The freedom of speech." Index on Censorship 19, no. 1 (January 1990): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064229008534749.

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Purnell, Howard F. "Blasphemy — Freedom of Speech." Australian Journal of Forensic Sciences 22, no. 1 (September 1989): 19–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00450618909411013.

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46

Yong, Caleb. "Does Freedom of Speech Include Hate Speech?" Res Publica 17, no. 4 (July 13, 2011): 385–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11158-011-9158-y.

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47

Akram, Ujala. "Freedom of Speech, Freedom of Religion and Islam." European Journal of Law Reform 16, no. 2 (June 2014): 353–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5553/ejlr/138723702014016002009.

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48

Schwartz, Joel. "Freud and Freedom of Speech." American Political Science Review 80, no. 4 (December 1986): 1227. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1960865.

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Sarmiento, Augusto. "Infringing on Freedom of Speech." Journal of Bone and Joint Surgery-American Volume 93, no. 2 (January 2011): 222. http://dx.doi.org/10.2106/jbjs.j.00888.

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50

Newey, Glen. "Denial Denied: Freedom of Speech." Amsterdam Law Forum 2, no. 1 (December 14, 2009): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.37974/alf.100.

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