Academic literature on the topic 'Freedom Rides, 1961'

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Journal articles on the topic "Freedom Rides, 1961"

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Lüthi, Barbara. "“You Don’t Have to Ride Jim Crow”: the Freedom Riders of 1961 and the Dilemma of Mobility." International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society 29, no. 4 (September 8, 2016): 383–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10767-016-9238-2.

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Moye, Todd, and Raymond Arsenault. "Freedom Riders: 1961 and the Struggle for Racial Justice." Journal of Southern History 73, no. 3 (August 1, 2007): 749. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27649549.

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Andrews, K. T. "Freedom Riders: 1961 and the Struggle for Racial Justice." Journal of American History 94, no. 1 (June 1, 2007): 356–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25094940.

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Bush, Elizabeth. "Twelve Days in May: Freedom Ride 1961 by Larry Dane Brimner." Bulletin of the Center for Children's Books 71, no. 4 (2017): 152–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bcc.2017.0840.

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Williams, Lee E. "Freedom Riders: 1961 and the Struggle for Racial Justice (review)." Alabama Review 60, no. 2 (2007): 142–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ala.2007.0000.

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WEBB, CLIVE. "“A Cheap Trafficking in Human Misery”: The Reverse Freedom Rides of 1962." Journal of American Studies 38, no. 2 (August 2004): 249–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875804008436.

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Shortly after 7 o'clock on the morning of 20 April 1962, Louis and Dorothy Boyd arrived at the Port Authority Bus Terminal in New York City. The journey from their native New Orleans had taken forty-three hours. With the Boyds were their eight children, five girls and three boys aged between three and twelve years old. Between them the family carried their entire worldly possessions in three cardboard boxes and an old foot locker.
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Hudson, Berkley. "A Review of “Breach of Peace Portraits of the 1961 Mississippi Freedom Riders”." Visual Communication Quarterly 16, no. 4 (November 23, 2009): 244–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15551390903301352.

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Goldman, Danielle. "Bodies on the Line: Contact Improvisation and Techniques of Nonviolent Protest." Dance Research Journal 39, no. 1 (2007): 60–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0149767700000073.

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On the morning of May 4, 1961, a brave and motley group of travelers—seven black males, three white males, and three white females, varying in age and professional standing but all trained in nonviolence—embarked on what they called the “Freedom Ride.” Designed by the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), the bus ride was meant to commemorate and further the organization's 1947 Journey of Reconciliation, a non-violent test of desegregation on interstate buses that quickly disintegrated in the face of staunch resistance. This time, riders would test the 1960 Supreme Court decision Boynton v. Virginia, which prohibited segregation in the waiting rooms and restaurants of bus terminals (Branch 1989, 390). Departing from Washington, D.C., the Freedom Ride aimed to arrive in New Orleans on May 17, the seventh anniversary of Brown v. Board of Education. Explaining that they were merely exercising rights granted by the Supreme Court but that they knew the dangers, CORE director James Farmer said, “We were prepared for the possibility of death” (Cozzens 1997). Riding the momentum of the student sit-ins, the civil rights movement had become for many a matter of “putting your body on the line” (Branch 1989, 392).
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Felber, Garrett. "Integration or Separation? Malcolm X’s College Debates, Free Speech, and the Challenge to Racial Liberalism on Campus." Journal of Social History 53, no. 4 (2020): 1033–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shz001.

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Abstract Malcolm X participated in over thirty speaking engagements at prominent colleges and universities between 1960 and 1963. His popularity on campuses coincided with a new epoch of civil rights struggle as students became involved in Freedom Rides and sit-in campaigns to desegregate lunch counters and interstate travel. Most invitations were debates on the topic “Integration or Separation?” which pitted Malcolm against an integrationist opponent. The insertion of racial separatism into a discourse that took integration as an unquestioned aim of the movement pushed students to question and defend their own understandings of racial liberalism. Nearly a dozen invitations were extended by NAACP student chapters that had been revitalized amid the new flurry of student involvement. Years before the founding of the first Black Student Union (BSU) at San Francisco State, these chapters were far more ideologically diverse and active than their forbearers, and often invited Malcolm X to speak out of a commitment to students’ rights to free speech and academic freedom. When administrations blocked and cancelled his visits, students became politicized around issues of academic liberties, thereby situating the Nation of Islam and Malcolm X at the nexus of early debates within the student free speech movement. These became part of the early challenge to university paternalism. While these debates and lectures have often been discussed individually, this essay looks at their cumulative effect by situating them during the emergence of student radicalism on campus and the growth of youth participation in the civil rights movement.
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Sandoval-Strausz, A. K. "Travelers, Strangers, and Jim Crow: Law, Public Accommodations, and Civil Rights in America." Law and History Review 23, no. 1 (2005): 53–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248000000055.

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Public accommodations—hotels, trains, restaurants, steamboats, theaters, buses, motels, and the like—were for more than a century located at the epicenter of legal and political struggles for racial equality. From the age of Reconstruction to the civil rights movement of the mid-twentieth century, civil rights in public places stood alongside voting rights, school integration, and equal opportunity in employment and housing as conditions that black people and their allies claimed as necessary attributes of a just society. The Civil Rights Act of 1875 and the Supreme Court rulings in theCivil Rights Casesand especially inPlessy v. Fergusonwere critical episodes in the career of Jim Crow in the nineteenth century, followed in the twentieth by the Montgomery bus boycott, the sit-ins, the Freedom Rides, and the Civil Rights Act of 1964.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Freedom Rides, 1961"

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Saunders, Jane E. "Between surfaces a psychodynamic approach to cultural identity, cultural difference and reconciliation in Australia /." 2006. http://wallaby.vu.edu.au/adt-VVUT/public/adt-VVUT20071129.092250/index.html.

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Books on the topic "Freedom Rides, 1961"

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The freedom rides. Detroit: Lucent Books, 2012.

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Aretha, David. Sit-ins and freedom rides. Greensboro, N.C: Morgan Reynolds Pub., 2009.

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Twelve Days in May: Freedom Ride 1961. Honesdale, Pennsylvania: Calkins Creek, 2017.

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Collum, Danny Duncan. White boy: A novel. Baltimore, Maryland: Apprentice House, 2011.

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Freedom's main line: The journey of reconciliation and the freedom rides. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2008.

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Roger, Wilkins, and McWhorter Diane, eds. Breach of peace: Portraits of the 1961 Mississippi freedom riders. New York: Atlas & Co., 2008.

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Etheridge, Eric. Breach of peace: Portraits of the 1961 Mississippi freedom riders. New York: Atlas & Co., 2008.

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Aretha, David. The story of the civil rights freedom rides in photographs. Berkeley Heights, NJ: Enslow Publishers, Inc., 2014.

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Niven, David. The politics of injustice: The Kennedys, the freedom rides, and the electoral consequences of a moral compromise. Knoxville, TN: University of Tennessee Press, 2003.

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The politics of injustice: The Kennedys, the freedom rides, and the electoral consequences of a moral compromise. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 2003.

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Book chapters on the topic "Freedom Rides, 1961"

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Klarman, Michael J. "Brown, Violence, and Civil Rights Legislation." In Brown v. Board of Education and the Civil Rights Movement, 189–212. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195307467.003.0009.

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Abstract Before the Freedom Rides, Birmingham, Freedom Summer, and Selma (discussed below), some of the most violent racial episodes in the South involved school desegregation. Virtually every year after Brown, school desegregation generated violent resistance somewhere: Milford, Delaware, in 1954; Hoxie, Arkansas, in 1955; Tuscaloosa, Alabama; Clinton, Tennessee; Mansfield, Texas; and Clay and Sturgis counties, Kentucky, all in 1956; Little Rock, Arkansas, and Nashville, Tennessee, in 1957; Clinton (again) in 1958; New Orleans, Louisiana, in 1960; Athens, Georgia, in 1961; Oxford, Mississippi, in 1962; and Birmingham, Alabama, in 1963. Thus, in addition to radicalizing southern politics in ways that enhanced the likelihood of racial violence, Brown created concrete occasions for such outbreaks.
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Klarman, Michael J. "Brown’s Backlash." In Brown v. Board of Education and the Civil Rights Movement, 149–74. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195307467.003.0007.

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Abstract Whatever its connection to Brown, a powerful direct-action protest movement had exploded in the South by the early 1960s. Sit-ins, Freedom Rides, and street demonstrations became a regular feature of southern life. When law enforcement officers responded to such protests with restraint and (even unlawful) arrests, media attention quickly waned, and demonstrators usually failed to accomplish their objectives. This is how Sheriff Laurie Pritchett defeated mass demonstrations in Albany, Georgia, in 1961–1962 and how Mississippi officials defused the Freedom Rides in the summer of 1961. By contrast, when southern sheriffs violently suppressed demonstrations with beatings, police dogs, and fire hoses, media attention escalated, and northerners reacted with horror and outrage. It was the brutality of southern whites resisting desegregation that ultimately rallied national opinion behind the enforcement of Brown and the enactment of civil rights legislation. Brown helped to bring that violence about.
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Baptiste, Bala J. "Some Black Broadcasters Spoke Concerning the Civil Rights Movement." In Race and Radio, 93–104. University Press of Mississippi, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496822062.003.0006.

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The verdict is mixed concerning the extent black broadcasters in the city provided interpretation of issues related to the modern Civil Rights Movement between 1954–1968. The black press, owned by African Americans and relatively independent, covered civil rights news locally and nationally. For example Louisiana Weekly in New Orleans provided quotes from speeches, such as those delivered by Martin Luther King, Jr. The paper also published commentary concerning the movement. Nevertheless, broadcaster Larry McKinley produced programming targeting blacks. He was so moved by a King speech in 1957 that he attempted to join the rights group CORE, but could not "turn the other cheek." CORE representatives asked him to go on air and broadcast times and locations of rallies and other public meetings. McKinley also interview foots soldiers such as CORE member Jerome Smith who was terribly brutalized by white terrorists in Birmingham during the Freedom Rides in 1961.
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"“Freedom Riders” Statement (20 May 1961)." In African American Studies Center. Oxford University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acref/9780195301731.013.33545.

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Giggie, John M. "“God, Himself, Was the Author of Segregation”." In Bloody Tuesday, 48–76. Oxford University PressNew York, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197766668.003.0004.

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Abstract Chapter Two recounts the rise and tenure of Robert “Boddy” Shelton as Imperial Wizard of the United Klans of America, and his efforts to police racial boundaries across the South. It studies his embrace of racial violence to uphold segregation, both across the South and within his home state of Alabama. It studies Shelton’s and the Klan’s response to the integration of the University of Alabama in 1956 and the Freedom Riders efforts to desegregate buses in 1961. His ties to Governor John Patterson and Governor George Wallace are highlighted, as is his control and influence over Tuscaloosa and Alabama. The chapter also looks at Shelton’s reaction to the integration of the University of Mississippi.
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Irons, Peter. "“Two Cities—One White, the Other Black”." In White Men's Law, 195–212. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190914943.003.0011.

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This chapter looks at Black struggles for equal rights during the 1960s and 1970s, first assessing the impact of the Vietnam War on Blacks, with Muhammad Ali drawing the link between the war and the denial of civil rights to Blacks. The chapter looks closely at the sit-in movement that started in the 1940s and spread across the country, followed by convoys of buses in Freedom Rides marked by White mob violence, beatings, and hundreds of arrests. Activists from the Congress of Racial Equality and the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee launched a “Freedom Summer” campaign in 1964 to register Black voters in Deep South states; the fierce White resistance included the murders of more than twenty Black and White volunteers. The chapter then shifts focus to Detroit, as the city became progressively more Black with the flight of several hundred thousand Whites from city to suburbs. The racial segregation of Black children in Detroit schools, while the suburban schools were virtually all-White, led to an NAACP lawsuit that resulted in a judicial order for large-scale busing between Detroit and its suburbs. This case, Milliken v. Bradley, ended in 1974 with a 5–4 Supreme Court decision that banned busing across school district lines, with a passionate dissent by Justice Thurgood Marshall; that year also saw violent White resistance to a busing order in Boston.
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Chinnici, Joseph P. "Civil Rights and Catholic Mobilization." In American Catholicism Transformed, 84–104. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197573006.003.0004.

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The renewal movements detailed in Chapter 2 converged with Catholic participation in the civil rights movement to precondition both the work of the bishops at the Council and the immediate reception of the Council’s teaching after 1965. The minutes and publications of the National Catholic Conference for Interracial Justice and its numerous affiliates indicate the impact of the civil rights activists in Greensboro, North Carolina, the Freedom Riders, and methods adopted from CORE. Participation by priests, nuns, and laity in direct action and protests supported racial justice and social change. A decisive and more universal turn occurred with participation in the National Conference on Religion and Race with its charter document, “An Appeal to Conscience.” Numerous follow-up conferences indicate a Catholic pilgrimage toward a new articulation in theology, structures, and social outreach for the local Church.
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Nystrom, Derek. "Class and the Youth-Cult Cycle." In Hard Hats, Rednecks, And Macho Men, 21–56. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195336764.003.0002.

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Abstract The late 1960s and early 1970s were marked by two seemingly unrelated developments: what Barbara Ehrenreich has called the “discovery of the working class” —a discovery violently induced by, among other things, the May 1970 “hard hat riots” against antiwar protesters—and the establishment of a “New Hollywood” of film school-trained, European art cinema-inspired “movie brats.” The quasi-sociological fascination of the middle class with what appeared to be a conservative backlash of blue-collar Americans would seem, at first glance, to have nothing to do with a youngish group of nascent auteurs intent on creating a personal cinema that spoke to their generational experiences. Yet some of the signal films of the New Hollywood turn out to be surprisingly dependent on this new understanding of the working class. Consider, for example, 1969’s Easy Rider, a film that, following upon the unexpected success (especially among young audiences) of Bonnie and Clyde and The Graduate (both 1967), appeared to announce a new kind of American film. In a prescient foreshadowing of the hard hats’ violence against peace activists, Easy Rider ends when its two countercultural protagonists, Billy (Dennis Hopper) and Wyatt (Peter Fonda), are senselessly murdered by a pair of men whose status as “rednecks” is signified by not only their Deep South accents but also their working-class appearance. Co-screenwriter Terry Southern described the significance of this ending as “an indictment of blue-collar America, the people I thought were responsible for the Vietnam War.” An earlier campfire scene spells out the film’s sense of the psychology of “blue-collar America.” George (Jack Nicholson), the civil libertarian lawyer who Billy and Wyatt have befriended, describes the hostile rednecks the trio had come across earlier as men who were “bought and sold in the marketplace.” Yet he also cautions that these men refuse to acknowledge their lack of freedom, that they will “get real busy killin’ and maimin’
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"Chapter 8. A Different Kind of Freedom Ride: American Jews and the Struggle for Racial Equality, 1964-1975." In Quest for Inclusion, 191–213. Princeton University Press, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781400823857-011.

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Conference papers on the topic "Freedom Rides, 1961"

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Tong, Rick T., Farid Amirouche, and Shuji Nishiyama. "Analysis of Absorbed Power Distribution in Ride Dynamics — Evaluation of Driver’s Comfort." In ASME 1999 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece1999-0333.

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Abstract This paper presents an analytical model for the evaluation of the distribution of the absorbed power and how the body reacts to the road excitation. “Absorbed power” is a popular method used to evaluate ride comfort. Since Pradko and Lee introduced it in 1960’s [1,2], researchers focused on the “absorbed power” transmitted to the body as a single indicator of body tolerance and fatigue. How the body absorbs energy and how it distributes it remains a mystery. This paper attempts to shed some light on how this energy is transmitted to different parts of the body and what is at stake when the input conditions change. A six degree of freedom (dof) lumped mass model was developed to investigate the energy absorption and the work performed by the muscles (springs and dampers) during a rough ride. A better understanding of the energy flow between the body segments may give us an idea on how the seat and its suspension should be designed.
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Hossamel-deen, Yehia H., Sayed M. Metwalli, and Abdel-hamed S. Hassan. "A CAD Program for Optimum Nonlinear Characteristics of a Vehicle Shock Absorber." In ASME 1991 International Computers in Engineering Conference and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/cie1991-0036.

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Abstract A Computer Aided Design (CAD) program has been developed in which both simulation and optimization techniques are utilized. A nonlinear representation of the shock absorber damping characteristics has been considered. The output of this CAD program is the optimum shape of this nonlinear characteristics. This is obtained by minimization of a performance index consisting of a weighted sum of the root mean square (rms) of both tire terrain normal force (as a measure of controllability) and the sprung masses acceleration (as a measure of ride comfort). The time response can also be obtained graphically as an output option. Two different mathematical models are considered: A simple one with two degrees of freedom (Bounce of the sprung and unsprung mass) and a more sophisticated one with four degrees of freedom (Bounce and pitch of the sprung mass and vertical motion of the unsprung rear and front masses). The two models are checked and validated by comparing their results with other published works. The program results obtained for a typical vehicle show a good improvement of the performance of the optimum nonlinear system compared to the optimum linear one.
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Kohnen, William. "Manned Underwater Vehicles Operations Consensus Standard." In ASME/USCG 2017 4th Workshop on Marine Technology and Standards. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/mts2017-0409.

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The Manned Underwater Vehicles industry has evolved since the launch of DSV ALVIN in 1964 and the establishment of tourist passenger submersibles in the 1980’s and 1990’s. The emergence of the tourist passenger submersible sector in 1993 prompted the US Coast Guard to regulate commercial marine operations in the interest of public safety through NVIC 5-93. The rules were designed specifically for submersibles selling seats to members of the general public. To ensure public safety, the USCG helped define safeguards for those participants. Submersibles owned by the government, research institutions and corporations; or submersibles used for purposes other than selling rides to members of the general public, were not wholly addressed because growth in that sector was unforeseen. Almost 25 years after its release, the industry is regulated across all sectors of MUV operations by definitions established for the operation of a narrow segment of the industry, the tourism submersibles. However, construction over the past 23 years is 18% tourism submersibles, 8% government and 7% research. The remaining 67% of vessels, fall into an “other” category which does not have adequate definition. This white papers proposes that the Marine Technology Society committee on Manned Underwater Vehicles conduct a study for an updated Manned Underwater Vehicle Operations Safety Guideline with broad participation of the MUV stakeholders; International MUV industry members, Marine Technology Society, ASME PVHO, ABS, DNVGL, US Coast Guard and Navy. The challenge is to find the correct balance of regulatory control and commercial freedom to promote commercial growth while having a robust regulatory framework to manage the various concepts. Paper published with permission.
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