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1

Chapman, Cassandra. "Investigating clitic doubling in Laurentian French: An experimental approach." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 59, no. 2 (July 2014): 243–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100000256.

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Clitic doubling (CD) is a syntactic construction characterized by a clitic in the inflectional domain doubling a Determiner Phrase (DP) in the canonical object position. CD has been argued to occur in several Romance languages including Spanish (Jaeggli 1982, Hurtado 1984, Suñer 1988, Uriagereka 1995, among many others) and Romanian (Dobrovie-Sorin 1990). This phenomenon has also been well documented in Modern Greek (Philippaki-Warburton et al. 2004, Anagnostopoulou 2006, Tsakali 2008). For example, consider the following direct object CD constructions from Modern Greek (la), Romanian (lb), and Spanish (lc). We see that the DP in object position (sister to V) is doubled by a matching clitic in the inflectional domain.
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2

Pavis, Patrice. "The Reverse View: Greece and Greek Myths in Modern French Theater." Modern Drama 29, no. 1 (March 1986): 41–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/md.29.1.41.

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3

Blanchard, Marc Eli. "The Reverse View: Greece and Greek Myths in Modern French Theater." Modern Drama 29, no. 1 (1986): 41–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mdr.1986.0044.

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4

Moustaki, Argyro. "Analyse Contrastive des Formes Être Prép X en Grec Moderne et en Français." Lingvisticæ Investigationes. International Journal of Linguistics and Language Resources 21, no. 1 (January 1, 1997): 29–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/li.21.1.03mou.

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Taking as a starting point one of Maurice Gross's work on the construction be Prep X, we present the classes we have established for the Greek language. We have retained the classes established by M. Gross for French. For the Greek study, our point of departure is a selection of 2200 frozen expressions. But we have gone beyond this to study not only frozen expression but also productive phrases. The aim of this analysis was to establish the similarities or differences which exist between Greek and French. By studying the elements of these syntactic strings in both languages, we observe that the area of greatest difference occurs in the selection of prepositions, We have also studied the relationship between the support verb to be in Modern Greek and French and its relations with other support verbs. This study will serve as a basis for future comparative studies which will ultimately serve to support automatic translation.
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5

Zaborowski, Robert, and Piotr Daszkiewicz. "About the Greek origin of acarology: a short note on Argas and the Acari." Biological Letters 53, no. 1 (June 1, 2016): 3–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/biolet-2017-0001.

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Abstract The article presents the etymology and Greek roots of two terms in modern acarology. The origin of acarological nomenclature is analysed in the context of Homer’s Odyssey and Aristotle’s Parts of Animals and History of Animals. The Greek concept of the smallest animals “acari” as indivisible has been influencing European culture for centuries. The article shows the influence of the Greek tradition on zoology in the 18th century, at the time of birth of modern acarology. The works of French naturalists, the founders of this science, are analysed in this context.
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Testa, Silvia, Nikolitsa Triantafyllopoulou, and Dario Galati. "The dimensions of emotional meaning in modern Greek." Social Science Information 55, no. 1 (October 15, 2015): 43–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018415608529.

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The aim of this study was to investigate the meaning structure of emotion terms from the Greek lexicon, and to assess commonalities and differences with the maps of emotional words obtained in a prior study of neo-Latin languages, a linguistic family sharing ancient roots with the Greek tongue. Twelve native speakers contributed to the selection of 33 Greek terms with a clear emotional meaning and an independent sample of 30 participants evaluated the pairwise similarities among the target words. The similarity ratings were subjected to multidimensional scaling analyses, yielding a three-dimensional configuration (Valence, Physiological Activation and Potency) in which the coping potential dimension (Potency) was more important than, or at least as important as, the Physiological Activation dimension. The map resembled that previously identified for the core neo-Latin languages, namely Italian, French and Spanish, and was quite different from those obtained for other more peripheral neo-Latin languages, and also from those obtained in some studies involving English emotion lexicon. Reasons for these similarities and differences are discussed.
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Huseynova, H. "Words of Turkic origin in ancient Greek." Turkic Studies Journal 2, no. 3 (2020): 35–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2664-5157-2020-2-3-35.

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The article notes the functioning of turkisms in many languages of the world, including Greek, English, French, Russian and other languages. It is known that the Turks established socio-political and cultural ties with many ancient peoples, and sometimes settled on the territories of these peoples or in areas close to them. Such areal contacts caused language and lexical borrowings. N.A. Baskakov in the book “Russian surnames of Turkish origin”, wrote that the origins of 300 noble Russian families go back to Turkic roots, including genealogy and the scientist A.Kh. Khalikov notes numerous Turkic words in the Russian language. In the book “500 generations of Turkish-Bulgarian-Tatar origin, known as Russian”, he explores 500 surnames of Turkic origin. In the book “Turks in the ancestral roots of the Russians” also gives information about the origin of the Turks and the Turkic generations, known as the Russian generation. According to Chingiz Aitmatov, one third of Russian words are Turkic. Similar language Turkish loanwords are observed in ancient Greek and modern Greek, which is the subject of this article. According to some researchers, the Indo-European languages on the territory of the Balkan Peninsula appeared thanks to the Greeks. Even in ancient times, researchers noted that in the territory of modern Greece once lived people who did not speak the Indo-European language, which is approximately 2500 BC. The era of 2500-1600 BC is associated with the Hittites, later the Greeks settled on the territory of Hellas. According to some researchers, the most ancient inhabitants of the territory of Ancient Greece were the traki, whose language was later assimilated with the language of the hittites, and then the Greeks. In ancient scandinavian sources, there are relics of the language of tracts belonging to the Western branch of the proturks, which is confirmed by the praturkian vocabulary and onomastics. The Greek-Turkic language substrata and units imprinted in ancient Greek confirm the presence of Turkic loanwords, which have not lost their relevance in modern language contacts between Turkish and Greek.
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8

Davis, William. "“Another Tyrtaeus”: Byron and the Rhetoric of Philhellenism." Essays in Romanticism: Volume 28, Issue 1 28, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/eir.2021.28.1.3.

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This essay investigates the philhellenist strategy of labelling Byron “another Tyrtaeus” in support of the Greek uprising against the Ottoman Empire that began in 1821. Beginning with a political speech delivered in Louisiana in 1824, I examine several examples of Byron-as-Tyrtaeus, including poems in both German and French. I argue that depicting Byron as the avatar of the Spartan poet functions to support the notion that modern Greeks are directly connected to their glorious past and therefore deserving of Western aid. If Byron is another Tyrtaeus, it follows that modern Greece is another Hellas. This use of “Byron” likewise insists that “we are all Greeks,” positioning modern Greeks as white, European, and Christian as opposed to their Ottoman oppressors who are othered as barbarians. I note the irony and hypocrisy of philhellenes from a slave-holding nation calling on their fellows to free Greece from Turkish enslavement.
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9

Puchner, Walter. "Ο Ορφέας στη νεοελληνική δραματουργία: Γεώργιος Σακελλάριος - Άγγελος Σικελιανός Γιώργος Σκούρτης." Σύγκριση 11 (January 31, 2017): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/comparison.10768.

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The paper gives a short comparison of three dramatic versions of the Orpheus-myth in Modern Greek drama. Among the mythological themes dramatized in Modern Greece the most frequent is Troia cycle, the Atrides, the Argonautic cycle, heroes like Prometheus, Heracles, Theseus, Zeus etc. Orpheus is quite rare. The first analysis concerns the Greek translation of «Orphée et Euridice», the second reformation opera of Christoph Willibald Gluck, concretely the French version of Pierre Louis Moline (1774 in Paris), which is edited in Greek in Vienna 1796, and highlights the context of this translation. The second is «The Dithyramb of the Rose» (written 1932, translated in French 1933 by Louis Roussel, 1939 in English), performed 1933 in Athens, as a sort of continuation of the Delphic festivals (1927 and 1930), The third is a satiric dramatic version «The process of Orpheus and Eurydice» (1973) where Orpheus is condemned by the rulers of the Underworld because he caused troubles by his invasion with music; the one-act play has to be seen in the context of the political processes at the time of the Junta regime and is very exact in reproducing mythological details.
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Tageldin, Shaden M. "Fénelon’s Gods, al-Ṭahṭāwī’s Jinn." Philological Encounters 2, no. 1-2 (January 9, 2017): 139–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24519197-00000023.

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Reading Rifāʿa al-Ṭahṭāwī’s 1850s Arabic translation (published 1867) of François Fénelon’sLes Aventures de Télémaquewith and against the realist impulses of nineteenth-century British and French literary comparatism, this essay posits al-Ṭahṭāwī’s translation as a transformational moment in the reception of the “European” literary tradition in the Arab-Islamic world. Arguing that the ancient Greek gods who populate Fénelon’s 1699 sequel to Homer’sOdysseyare analogous to Muslim jinn—spirits of smokeless fire understood to be real—al-Ṭahṭāwī rewrites as Islamized “truth” what Muslims long had dismissed as pagan “fiction,” thereby adroitly negotiating a crisis of comparison and mediating an epistemic sea change in modern Arabic fiction. Indeed, the “untrue” gods of the Greeks (and of French literature) turn not just real but historically referential: invoking the real-historical world of 1850s Egypt, al-Ṭahṭāwī’s translation exhorts an unjust Ottoman-Egyptian sovereign to heed lessons that Fénelon’s original once had addressed to French royalty. Catherine Gallagher has defined the fictionality specific to the modern European novel as neither pure deceit nor pure truth. How might al-Ṭahṭāwī’s rehabilitation of the mythological as the supernatural/historical “real”—and of the idolatrous as secular/sacred “truth”—invite us to rethink novelistic fictionality in trans-Mediterranean terms, across European and Arab-Islamic contexts?
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11

Sfoini, Alexandra. "Loyaume and Νomarchie: Κeywords of the French revolution in the Greek vocabulary." Historical Review/La Revue Historique 11 (December 5, 2014): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hr.319.

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<p>The French Revolution was the occasion for the reformulation of the definitions of basic concepts as <em>liberté</em>, <em>égalité</em>, <em>fraternité</em>, <em>nation</em>, <em>patrie</em>, etc. At the same time a lexical creativity, a large quantity of words appeared, some of them total news or with new significations, temporary or persistants (<em>aristocruche</em>, <em>humanicide</em>, <em>enragés</em>, <em>loyaume</em>, etc.).</p><p>This paper examines aspects of lexical and semantic developments in Greek language focussing on the era of the French Revolution. This important period was characterized by intensified contacts with Western Europe. In this process, Greek intellectuals expressed an open admiration of the new French model of the nation in their political works and attempted to form a new political language. Most of the modern notions were introduced from the French language, which in his turn had acquired a large amount of greek-latin loan words. The intercultural dimension provide the tools for analysing the ways in which the new terms and concepts were transfered to the greek vocabulary. These processes are examined as reflected in the <em>Hellenic Nomarchy </em>(Italy 1806), a crucial text of the period. </p>
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12

Bracke, Evelien. "Bringing Ancient Languages Into a Modern Classroom: Some Reflections." Journal of Classics Teaching 16, no. 32 (2015): 35–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2058631015000185.

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In France, recent curriculum reforms have signalled the cull of Latin and Greek from the secondary school curriculum – a teacher who criticised the reforms was censured; his blog disappeared. Belgium – because of the strength of its Catholic education long a beacon for Classical education – is witnessing schools dropping ancient languages in favour of STEM subjects at an alarming rate, driven similarly by the government agenda. As I am writing this article, I notice an online piece on the deteriorating situation in Malta, too. Throughout Europe, the financial crisis is spurring on governments and schools to intensify their push for STEM subjects – hailed as an instant fix for the faltering global economy – while vilifying less immediately practical subjects. A conversation with a French colleague who was lamenting the oppressing regime made me realise how well the UK is doing in comparison with other countries in Europe. Numbers of (state) secondary schools offering Latin are increasing, and thanks to the Department for Education, primary schools can offer Latin and Greek at Key Stage 2. Of course we should not delude ourselves: the number of secondary schools offering Latin is still low, the teaching of Greek is particularly disheartening, and only about 2% of all primary schools so far have opted to teach Latin and none (to my knowledge) have chosen Greek. Nevertheless, in comparison to the rest of Europe, a government which (whatever else one may think of it) supports the teaching of Classical languages, a growing number of hubs which see all levels of education collaborating creatively, and flourishing outreach organisations which offer financial and logistical support, give the UK at least some cause for optimism.
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13

Černáková, Zuzana. "The naming of Byzantium and the Old FrenchPartonopeus de Blois." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 43, no. 1 (April 2019): 42–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/byz.2018.24.

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This paper draws attention to the twelfth-century French romance Partonopeus de Blois and its author's original use of the name ‘Byzantium’ instead of conventional ‘Greek’ or ‘Constantinopolitan Empire’. It investigates roots of the modern-day belief that the term has been applied as a designation of the medieval state only since the sixteenth century. A linguistic and literary analysis challenges the premise and explores possible scenarios of the name's introduction into the Old French text. A suggested interpretation de-emphasizes the popular east-west ideological context in favour of simpler story-telling concerns.
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14

Trapp, Erich. "Greek as the receiving language in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Period." Lexicographica 33, no. 2017 (August 28, 2018): 33–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lex-2017-0006.

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AbstractDuring its long history, the Byzantine Empire – a polity that stretched across a whole millennium – came into contact with many neighbouring cultures and languages in Europe, Asia and Africa. In addition to Latin, the most important languages that enriched the medieval Greek vocabulary were: French, Italian, Slavic, Arabic and Turkish. Loanwords occurred – to a greater or lesser extent – in the following areas: nature and landscape, household, government and administration, society, military, church and religion, law and jurisdiction, trade and traffic. Beyond that, there were certain spheres that were influenced by specific languages in particular: Italian left its mark on sailors’ language; Arabic on the natural sciences (medicine, alchemy, astrology and astronomy); and both Italian and Arabic on coins, measures, and weights.
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15

Trapp, Erich. "Greek as the receiving language in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Period." Lexicographica 33, no. 1 (September 1, 2018): 33–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lexi-2017-0006.

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AbstractDuring its long history, the Byzantine Empire - a polity that stretched across a whole millennium - came into contact with many neighbouring cultures and languages in Europe, Asia and Africa. In addition to Latin, the most important languages that enriched the medieval Greek vocabulary were: French, Italian, Slavic, Arabic and Turkish. Loanwords occurred - to a greater or lesser extent - in the following areas: nature and landscape, household, government and administration, society, military, church and religion, law and jurisdiction, trade and traffic. Beyond that, there were certain spheres that were influenced by specific languages in particular: Italian left its mark on sailors’ language; Arabic on the natural sciences (medicine, alchemy, astrology and astronomy); and both Italian and Arabic on coins, measures, and weights.
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16

Padel, Ruth. "Homer's Reader: A reading of George Seferis." Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 31 (1985): 74–132. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068673500004764.

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The reader I have in mind is a poet. My immediate interest is the example he provides of a writer's relationship with her or his reading. My aim is double: to suggest both that Homer illuminates the work of the later poet and that the later poetry can function as an interpretation of Homer which offers even to a scholar valuable ways of reading the epics, especially the Odyssey. Accordingly, I shall usually offer translations both of the modern and of the ancient Greek, since not all classicists know modern Greek intimately and those who study modern Greek do not always know the ancient language well.Let us begin by reading one of Seferis' best-known poems. He wrote it in the Thirties and many contemporary poetic influences, both French and English, are at work in it. But I want to read it now from a special perspective, which I shall argue was crucial to Seferis through all his work. I shall read it as a search for a significant but bearable relationship in his own poetry with Homer and, through Homer, with the whole ancient poetic tradition.
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Bibis, Nick. "On the Marginal Functions and Features of Object Clitics, with Special Reference to Modern Greek." Revue québécoise de linguistique 28, no. 1 (April 30, 2009): 73–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/603187ar.

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ABSTRACTWritten within the minimalist program approach to grammar (Chomsky 1995), this paper examines the nature of θ-role requirements in three types of object clitic constructions:idiomaticandaffected accusativein Modern Greek, andaffected dativein Modern Greek and French. I do not treat the idiomatic clitic constructions as lexically listed VPs, but as being derived syntactically. Furthermore, I argue that these constructions contain Tense and Person intrinsic features that are not visible to the syntax, and an obligatory θ-feature [EXPERIENCER] checked in the syntax by means of the operation Attract-F. Affected accusatives are analyzed as non-A-bound θ-marked affixes which attract an interpretable θ-feature [EXPERIENCER] associated with V. A simple VP syntactic structure without clitic movement is attributed to them. Lastly, for affected dative constructions, I propose avshell syntactic structure with base-generation of the clitic.
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18

Lamprou, Effrosyni, and Freiderikos Valetopoulos. "Traduire la peur : une étude contrastive." Lublin Studies in Modern Languages and Literature 44, no. 1 (May 1, 2020): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/lsmll.2020.44.1.135-145.

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<p>In this paper, we examine the question of the verbalization of fear and its translation from modern Greek into French. The target texts of our analysis are of two types: translations of experienced translators and translations of Cypriot learners. We study data from the analysis of our translation corpus and we question the conceptualisation of the emotion of <em>fear</em>.</p>
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19

Nenopoulou, Tonia. "De la construction des formes à la représentation temporelle à travers la traduction d'un roman grec en français." Babel. Revue internationale de la traduction / International Journal of Translation 44, no. 1 (January 1, 1998): 29–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/babel.44.1.03nen.

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Abstract The Modem Greek verbal system lacks the symmetry of the French one between simple and compound tenses. It also lacks an analogue to the double morphological distribution of the French aorist. It is based rather on morphological oppositions of verbal aspect. The superficial similarities between the two systems often obscure their respective principles of organization, and the study of translation offers an excellent methodological tool to achieve the necessary degree of impartiality. The present study of the French translation by L.Farnoux of a Greek novel by R.Galanaki contributes substantially to the elucidation of problems relating to "TIME", here understood as a mediator between myth and reality, as well as between "self and "other". When examining the question of verbal tense in the context of these multiple relationships, rather than in terms of a single relation, it is shown that, whereas the organizing principle of the Modern Greek verbal system is supplied by the pragmatically based "self of the speaker, the corresponding principle of the French system is supplied by an event-based absolute "self. Résumé En grec moderne, la morphologie du système verbal ne connaît pas la symétrie qui existe entre les temps simples et les temps composés en français. Elle ne connaît non plus la double distribution de l'aoriste français. Au contraire, elle est basée sur des oppositions aspectuelles entre les thèmes du présent / aoriste. Il existe entre ces deux systèmes des analogies de surface qui masquent souvent leurs principes d'organisation respectifs. L'étude de la traduction constitue un excellent outil méthodologique pour prendre le recul nécessaire. La présente étude de la traduction française que L. Farnoux a fourni d'un roman de l'auteur grec R. Galanaki, contribue substantiellement à l'élucidation des problèmes liés à la notion de "TEMPS", qui doit être compris ici comme un médiateur entre le mythe et la réalité, ainsi qu'entre le soi-même" et "l'autre". Si l'on situe la problématique de la temporalité dans le contexte de ces relations multiples plutôt qu'au sein d'une relation unique, on constatera que là où en grec moderne le système verbal tire son principe organisateur du "soi-même" pragmatique de l'auteur, il le puise en français dans le "soi-même" absolu, basé sur l'événement.
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WEILER, INGOMAR. "The predecessors of the Olympic movement, and Pierre de Coubertin." European Review 12, no. 3 (July 2004): 427–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798704000365.

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Coubertin's contribution to the revival of the Olympic Games and the widespread opinion that the modern Games were ‘a French invention’ should be placed in their broad historical context. There are several arguments for and against the assumption that he was the founder, or ‘father’, of the modern Olympics and the Olympic movement. The historical development of the Olympic ideas since the time of Humanism will be discussed, along with the Renaissance and the various attempts to organize Olympic Games before 1896, with a further emphasis on the importance of Neo-Humanism and classical scholarship in Europe in the 18th and 19th centuries, in order better to understand ancient Greek athletics. Finally Pierre de Coubertin's concept of the Olympic Games and the contributions of the young Greek nation for the rebirth of the famous ancient games after the War of Independence will be analysed.
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Agorni, Mirella. "A Marginal(ized) Perspective on Translation History: Women and Translation in the Eighteenth Century." Meta 50, no. 3 (November 2, 2005): 817–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/011598ar.

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Abstract Translation was a prestigious activity in Britain in the Eighteenth Century, and the field was divided into two distinct areas: translation from the classics (focusing on Latin and Greek authors) which was a male-dominated territory, and translation from modern languages (French, German, Italian and Spanish) which was one of the few literary genres open to women. Yet, there were some significant exceptions in the area of the classics. I will analyze the case of Elizabeth Carter (1717-1806), the celebrated translator of Epictetus from the Greek, who developed a particularly original approach to translation, by adopting an ingenious form of proto-feminist collaboration with her friend Catherine Talbot (1721-70).
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Περιστέρης, Φίλιππος. "Διαλεκτικές σχέσεις του Νεοελληνικού Διαφωτισμού με επτανησιακή μουσική παραγωγή και εκπαίδευση." Epistēmēs Metron Logos, no. 1 (December 5, 2018): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/eml.19178.

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The French and European idea of Enlightenment inspired in a way the “Modern Greek Enlightenment” in a strange and peculiar reflection of the original idea of a man free from superstitions, prejudices and fears. The whole idea visited Greece due to spiritual people who have usually experienced this climate. In this “Greek version”, the Ionian Islands were found at this critical point in Europe's history among different trends and versions of the main idea. This period of European Enlightenment is connected to Baroque and then the Classical music. Greece has never actually synchronized with the source of this music, however, in the Ionian Islands, there is an almost immediate transmutation of new musical ideas in the music composition and education.
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Nosirova, Dilfuza, and Mehrigiyo O’ktamova. "How to pronounce silent letters in English and French." Общество и инновации 2, no. 4/S (May 20, 2021): 712–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.47689/2181-1415-vol2-iss4/s-pp712-716.

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According to the Law on Education, the National Training Program, new educational institutions have been built, and the existing ones have been reconstructed and repaired in accordance with modern standards. In the framework of the Law of the Republic of Uzbekistan "On Education" and the National Program of Personnel Training, a comprehensive system of teaching foreign languages, is the formation of a harmoniously developed, educated, modern-minded young generation , a system aimed at further integration of the republic into the world community has been created. Silent letter is part of a word that written but not spoken. Silent letter can sometimes join with other letters to form part of a word. Silent letters exist in many English words and French words as well. Because of this, they often cause confusion and sometimes embarrassment when they are accidentally spoken.One of the reasons why silent letters are used in English, French and some other languages relates to following. During the formation evolution of English and French many foreign words were assimilated or absorbed in the language in Latin ,Germanic , Greek words were readily added to early English and French as was the spelling. All natural languages change and because they change, they have histories. Every language changes in different ways, so their histories are unique and different. The history of a given language is the description of how it has changed over time.
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Kuritsyna, Anna. "Preposition Repetition in Tocharian." Indo-European Linguistics 4, no. 1 (2016): 190–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22125892-00401004.

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The paper is devoted to the Tocharian phenomenon of preposition repetition, which occurs when a preposition governs conjuncts. This phenomenon is well known in Old Russian, but it is also described for some other ancient and modern languages, e.g. Latin, Greek, Hebrew and modern French. In the majority of these languages, the occurrence of reiterated prepositions is optional. This is different in Tocharian: although there are cases of both repetition and nonrepetition of prepositions with conjuncts, repetition seems to be obligatory. On the basis of an analysis of all available contexts, it will be argued that preposition repetition in Tocharian is a regular syntactic mechanism unless metrical characteristics of particular verse texts cause omission of the preposition.
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Rees, Owen. "DOGS OF WAR, OR DOGS IN WAR? THE USE OF DOGS IN CLASSICAL GREEK WARFARE." Greece and Rome 67, no. 2 (October 2020): 230–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383520000078.

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In 1941, E. S. Forster wrote a short article, published in this journal, which compiled all of the instances he could identify in the ancient source material that described dogs being used in a military capacity. G. B. A. Fletcher, who had identified a few obscure references that Forster had not cited, responded to Forster's paper later that same year. The purpose of both papers was simply the compiling of a list, a purpose that had been inspired by Forster's interest in the French army's recruitment of dogs on the outbreak of the Second World War. The result was a thorough catalogue of known examples, showing the ancient dog being used for a variety of purposes such as patrol work or observation duties, or being used as combatants or despatch couriers. The primary aim, according to Forster was to ‘make a comparison with modern practice’ – that is, the French practice he had read about; the only exception for which he could find no ancient evidence was what he called ‘Red Cross’ work.
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Lin, Lijuan. "A Winged Word on Marriage." Oriens 48, no. 3-4 (February 28, 2020): 251–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18778372-04801100.

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Abstract A foreign saying on marriage became widely known in China through Qian Zhongshu’s 1947 novel Fortress Besieged. As the novelist tells us, this saying has its source in both English and French literature, and in its different versions, marriage is either likened to a besieged fortress or a bird cage. This paper examines the origin and transmission of the saying in Greek, Arabic and Syriac sources, and argues that this saying originated in the so-called literature of the Christianized Socratic-Cynic philosophy, which once flourished in Syria. It became popular in the Byzantine and Arabic world after having been included into several famous Greek and Arabic gnomologies. Then it was introduced into modern languages, developed into different versions, finally came to China and became a household word among Chinese people.
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Tipei, Alex R. "Audience Matters: ‘Civilization-Speak’, Educational Discourses, and Balkan Nationalism, 1800–1840." European History Quarterly 48, no. 4 (October 2018): 658–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691418799547.

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This article tracks how political and intellectual leaders from south-eastern Europe used the concept of civilization, or a particular type of ‘civilization-speak’, from the end of the eighteenth century through the mid-nineteenth century. It compares and contrasts how they employed civilization-speak in different linguistic milieus – French, Modern Greek, and Romanian – and how they deployed it to further changing political aims during a period of political upheaval in the Balkans. It traces how civilization-speak served initially as a tool for extracting support from west European, especially French, patrons, and was later refashioned into a rhetorical instrument of nationalism. This study places the intellectual and political history of south-eastern Europe during the era in a pan-European context and adds nuance to discussions about the development of nationalism in the region.
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Bellwood, Peter. "Phylogeny vs reticulation in prehistory." Antiquity 70, no. 270 (December 1996): 881–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00084131.

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Two pure and opposing models exist to give historical account of the structure in modern cultural patterns. A phylogenetic account explores divergence from some shared commonality (the word ‘phylogenetic’ is from the Greek words for ‘tribal origins’). A reticulate account concentrates on a network of interactions (the word ‘reticulate’ comes via French from the Latin for ‘small net’). It follows that neither model may tell all the story. These continuing issues are explored with particular attention to the relations between histories as they are inferred from archaeological and from linguistic patterns.
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Skorobogatova, Taisiya I., and Elena A. Manaenko. "Mnemotoponymic Phraseological Units of the French Language." Proceedings of Southern Federal University. Philology 2020, no. 3 (September 30, 2020): 84–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/1995-0640-2020-3-84-92.

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The article considers mnemotoponymic phraseological units of the modern French language, i.e. the phraseological units which include topocomponents which not only are used for geographical objects naming but also have apparent cultural-historical or socio-economic associations performing memorial function. The term mnemotoponym (Greek mnêmê - “memory”) is suggested for their core component naming. Mnemotoponyms within French phraseological units are subdivided according to their origin into autochthonous (e.g. l’enfer de Verdun, ça tombait comme à Gravelotte) and allochthonous (un procès de Moscou, aller à Baden-Baden). It is also suggested to classify mnemotoponymic phraseological units by their event indication, i.e. those events captured by historical memory in the metaphorical core of a certain phraseological unit. Those may be glorious military victories and inglorious defeats, large-scale disasters, major and minor events in the history of France and the whole world: soldats de Valmy, le soleil d’Austerlitz, c’est la Bérézina, soûl comme toute la Pologne, souvienstoi du vase de Soissons, le débarquement de Normandie, partir à Tataouine, Paris brûle-t-il? etc. The aim of the article is to estimate the layer of these phraseological units and demonstrate the possibility of their classification, present their potential in terms of historical memory manifestation and translation through the French phraseological fund.
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KAIL, MICHELE. "On-line grammaticality judgments in French children and adults: a crosslinguistic perspective." Journal of Child Language 31, no. 3 (August 2004): 713–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030500090400649x.

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This study examined the on-line processing of French sentences in a grammaticality judgment experiment. Three age groups of French children (mean age: 6;8, 8;6 and 10;10 years) and a group of adults were asked to detect grammatical violations as quickly as possible. Three factors were studied: the violation type: agreement violations (number and gender) vs. word order violations; the violation position: early vs. late in the sentence; the target type of the violations: intra vs. interphrasal. An example of an early interphrasal verbal agreement violation follows: ‘Chaque semaine la voisine remplissent le frigo après avoir fait les courses au marché’ (Every week the neighbour fill the fridge after shopping at the market). The main developmental results were the following: not surprisingly, children were always slower than adults in the detection of grammatical violations. At each age level, morphological violations were more rapidly detected than word order violations. Each age group was faster at judging sentences with later occurring violations and the position effect was especially strong in the youngest groups. Finally, intraphrasal violations were more rapidly detected than interphrasal ones, this effect being observed only in the oldest groups (i.e. 10;10 years and adults). The results were compared to previous on-line data obtained in modern Greek (Kail & Diakogiorgi, 1998) showing strong similarities, even though Greek is a very rich morphological language. These results are discussed within the framework of the Competition Model, outlining the necessity to incorporate new processing constraints into the model.
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Classen, Albrecht. "The Romance of Thebes (Roman de Thèbes), trans. by Joan M. Ferrante and Robert W. Hanning. The French of England Translation Series (FRETS), 11. Tempe, AZ: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2018, ix, 365." Mediaevistik 32, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 432–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2019.01.101.

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Much of high medieval culture was deeply influenced by the reception of classical literature, as best represented by the genre of the romans antiques, the Roman de Thèbes, the Roman d’Enéas, and the Roman de Troie. These were based, in turn, on the Thebaid of Statius (92 C.E.), Vergil’s Aeneid (after 19 B.C.E.), and the story of Troy as retold by Dares Phrygias and Dictys Cretensis (in Greek, first century C.E., lost today; in Latin, fourth century C.E. [Dictys] and sixth century C.E. respectively [Dares]). Two of the most respected medieval French scholars, Joan M. Ferrante and Robert W. Hanning, now provide new access to the Roman de Thèbe through their English translation, which they have based on the personal copy owned by Henry Despenser (1370–1406), Bishop of Norwich, well known especially for his ruthless suppression of the Peasant Revolt in 1381. This manuscript is today housed in the British Library, London, under Add. 34114, fol. 164a-226d, and it was critically edited by Francine Mora-Lebrun with a facing page modern French translation in 1995. Ms. A (Paris, BnF, fr. 375) was recently edited by Luca di Sabatino (2016), which could not be consulted here for obvious reasons. Ms. C (Paris, BnF, fr. 784) was edited by Guy Reynaud de Lage in 1966, 1968, then re-edited along with a facing-page modern French translation by Aimé Petit in 2008).
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Xanthoudakis, Haris. "Composers, Trends and the Question of Nationality in Nineteenth-Century Musical Greece." Nineteenth-Century Music Review 8, no. 1 (June 27, 2011): 41–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147940981100005x.

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The question of a European-type local music was raised in modern Greece as early as during the first years of its independent life, and within the context of a rapid Occidentalizing and modernizing process. The earliest Greek professional musicians to serve this social, as well as ideological, need came from the Ionian Islands, but soon other parts of the national territory saw the birth of some important composers who added specific German, French or Russian components to the basically Italianate flavour of the Ionian musical tradition. In their respective works the main trends of nineteenth-century European music found their Greek way, although a sparse use of local folk elements was only gradually, hesitantly, and – in any case – partially accepted by a middle-class public, willing to keep its distance from its own Ottoman past. It was mainly for that reason that a Herderian-type musical nationalism, although already visible around 1850, had to wait until the end of the century before obtaining its clear and definite shape, and before occupying the central Greek musical scene during the early years of the new age.
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33

Fountoulakis, Olga. "Leo von Klenzes Konzept für die Gestaltung des Hauptmarktes von Athen." Architectura 47, no. 1-2 (July 24, 2019): 74–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/atc-2017-0005.

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AbstractThe architect Leo von Klenze was invited by the Greek government to modify the map of Athens of the architects Stamatios Kleanthes and Eduard Schaubert in 1834. One of Klenze’s major modifications concerns the separation of the market area into a commercial and an amusement part. Our recently conducted research in Greek archives brought to light documents which reveal an unknown contribution of Klenze in the establishment of a modern market in the center of Athens. The market of Athens would have included stores, apartments, green areas and a fountain and would have been realized by the French entrepreneur François Théophile Feraldi. Klenze designed a three-story building type for the stores and the apartments in Italian style. The government would have bought the building ground from private owners at a low price and would have sold it to Feraldi at the same price. The market center was finally not realized, but the drawing, which, on the basis of the new archive material, can be clearly attributed to Klenze, shows how Klenze had imagined the architectural form of the private buildings in Athens. Another novelty our research brought to light and which is discussed in our paper is a concept of the section of architects for the central market of Athens, submitted one year later, which was not implemented either.
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Cazes, Hélène. "L’intellectuel en procès: le cas Robert Estienne." Renaissance and Reformation 36, no. 4 (January 1, 2000): 95–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v36i4.8664.

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The name of Robert Estienne (1501–59), the great French humanist, printer and editor, as well as leading scholar in Latin and Greek studies, is associated with his exile from Catholic France to Calvinist Geneva around 1547. Ever since his departure, the question has been raised whether it was legitimate for the Royal Printer to leave Paris. Beyond the case of Estienne himself, who has come to be viewed as a symbol of religious persecution and a precursor of modern democracy, what is at stake is the complex relation of an intellectual to his society and his country, the writing of a national history filled with great and illustrious men, and the difficult duty of individual conscience.
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35

Patsopoulos, Dimitrios. "(Re)constructions of Etymology of the Term ‘Electricity’ in French German and Modern Greek Textbooks of Physics of 18th–19th Centuries." Science & Education 14, no. 7-8 (November 2005): 747–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11191-005-4847-6.

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36

Huffman, Joseph P. "The Donation of Zeno: St. Barnabas and the Modern History of the Cypriot Archbishop's Regalia Privileges." Church History 84, no. 4 (November 13, 2015): 713–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964071500092x.

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Modern church historians have roundly accepted the ancient pedigree of imperial regalia privileges exercised by the archbishops of Cyprus, yet new research has shown that their origins are actually to be found in the mid-sixteenth century and within a decidedly western intellectual and ecclesial orbit. This article builds on such findings by documenting the modern history of these privileges and their relationship to the emerging political role of the archbishops of Cyprus as ethnarchs as well as archbishops of the Cypriot community under both Ottoman and British empires. Travelling across the boundaries of western and non-western cultures and employing a rich interdisciplinary array of evidence (chronicles, liturgy and liturgical vestments, hagiography, iconography, insignia, painting, cartography, diplomacy, and travel literature), this article presents a coherent reconstruction of the imperial regalia tradition's modern historical evolution and its profound impact on modern Cypriot church history. This study integrates the often compartmentalized English, French, Italian, German, and Greek scholarship of many subfields, producing a new holistic understanding of how the archbishop's ethnarchic aspirations could produce a spiritual culture in which St. Barnabas, the island's founding patron saint and once famous apostolic reconciler, became transformed into an ethnarchic national patriot and defender against foreign conquerors.
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37

Sdobnova, Yulia N., and Аlla О. Manuhina. "From the history of one quote… (The role of the French language in the international arena in the XVI century: diachronic aspect)." Philological Sciences. Scientific Essays of Higher Education, no. 5 (September 2020): 18–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.20339/phs.5-20.018.

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The article is devoted to analyzing the role of the French language in the European society of the XVI century, when la langue francoyse becomes the common language of the communication to both in the field of the official correspondence and in the literature. The research is conducted in the diachronic aspect, concerning different extralinguistic factors (political, ideological, historical and cultural). The origins of this phenomenon are considered: for example, since the XI century, French language was the official language of the court of England and the aristocracy, and then became the working language of the court (le français du loi) and Parliament (the so-called Norman French). Gradually, the tendency to use French as a means of communication between the king and his entourage became the norm of court etiquette in Europe. The XVI century is not only the period of active formation of the French language as the national literary language of France, but also the time of its distribution in Europe as the language of diplomacy, international business and cultural communication of the European elite. The work shows how, due to the compositions of encyclopedic scientists, the work of Francophone teachers outside of France, and the popularization of the French language by translators-humanists (who served at the court of the king François I and his descendants), la langue francoyse consolidated its position in the international arena in the XVI century. At the same time, with the spread of translations into French from the ancient languages (Latin, ancient Greek) the interest of the secular elite of France increases to the past of Europe. And the translations into French from the “living” languages (Italian and Spanish) contributed to the interest to the current problems of modern European literature, as well as history, politics and culture, which was typical for the Renaissance. The article deals with the special attitude of the Renaissance to the French language through the prism of the language worldview of that epoch.
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38

Rijksbaron, Albert. "Does Ancient Greek Have a Word for ‘No’? The Evidence from ουκουν...ου Questions." Journal of Greek Linguistics 12, no. 1 (2012): 140–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156658412x649742.

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AbstractAmong the uses of ο&upsi;&kappa;ο&upsi;&nu; (oukoun) Denniston (1954: 235) mentions 'ο&upsi;&kappa;ο&upsi;&nu; ο&upsi;, ο&upsi;&kappa;ο&upsi;&nu; ... ο&upsi;, expecting a negative answer.' This paper argues that Denniston's view, which is shared by most (all?) other grammars and dictionaries of Ancient Greek (e.g.K&uuml;hner-Gerth 2, 164: 'Wenn nach ο&upsi;&kappa;ο&upsi;&nu; eine verneinende Antwort erwartet wird, so wird demselben die Negation ο&upsi; nachgesetzt', Smyth &sect; 2651 a: 'ο&upsi;&kappa;ο&upsi;&nu; ο&upsi; expects the answer no', Liddell-Scott-Jones s.v. ο&upsi;&kappa;ο&upsi;&nu;) should be rejected. Actually, the answer is never no. As always, ο&upsi;&kappa;ο&upsi;&nu; expects an a irmative answer, in this case to a negated question: 'Is it not true, then, that not X?' = 'Surely, then, not X?' To be sure, ο&upsi; does occur as an answer, but this can be shown to be a proposition (or sentence) negative (= not), rather than an answering particle like no. The situation in Greek is compared with negatives in several other languages, notably Latin and Old French. Finally, Modern Greek is briefly discussed, which, unlike Ancient Greek, does have a negative answering particle, viz. οχι, alongside a proposition negative, viz. δ&epsi;(&nu;).
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Asimov, Peter. "Transcribing Greece, Arranging France: Bourgault-Ducoudray’s Performances of Authenticity and Innovation." 19th-Century Music 44, no. 3 (2021): 133–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncm.2021.44.3.133.

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Louis-Albert Bourgault-Ducoudray (1840–1910), composer, folklorist, and long-time professor of music history at the Paris Conservatoire, dedicated intense energies to the propagation of ancient Greek modes as a modern resource for French composition. Instigated by his 1875 folk-song collection mission in Greece and Anatolia, Bourgault-Ducoudray’s attraction to Greek modes was bolstered by ideological commitments to Aryanism (nourished by his relationship and correspondence with philologist Émile Burnouf), and further reinforced by his observation of “Greek modes” in Russian and Breton folk song. This article examines how Bourgault-Ducoudray translated his quasi-philological analyses into an artistic agenda through techniques of transcription, arrangement, and composition. Beginning with a close reading of his important collection, Trente mélodies populaires de Grèce et d’Orient (1876), a continuity is established between his transcriptive and compositional practices, with particular attention paid to Bourgault-Ducoudray’s performances of authenticity through calibrated scientific and artistic rhetoric. I then turn to the reception of Bourgault-Ducoudray’s collection by two composers—Alfred Bruneau and Camille Saint-Saëns—who rearranged his Greek songs in different contexts. Treating the songs with remarkable plasticity, they appropriated Bourgault-Ducoudray’s authority to enhance representations of “oriental” and “ancient” worlds, negotiating a balance between scholarly research and artistic integrity. The article concludes by returning to Bourgault-Ducoudray’s work in the 1880s—a period during which the musical and ideological ambitions of his song arrangements were magnified to an operatic scale—culminating in a rereading of his Thamara (1891) in light of his ethnic nationalism.
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Aronsson, Mattias. "”Jag satt till bords med de bästa”. Interkulturella möten i Vilhelm Ekelunds verk." European Journal of Scandinavian Studies 45, no. 1 (April 1, 2015): 35–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ejss-2015-0003.

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Abstract The Swedish poet, essayist and aphorist Vilhelm Ekelund wrote extensively on the topic of foreign authors. Some of these writers represent the Greek and Roman cultural heritage; some belong to the modern-day literary canon. This article investigates the nature of these “intercultural encounters” in Ekelund’s body of work. By processing data from Andar i den Ekelundska sfären (1989) and Konkordans till Vilhelm Ekelunds skrifter (2000), we have been able to count all references made to the most important individuals appearing in Ekelund’s texts. At the top end of the table we find such prominent writers as Goethe (1343 references), Nietzsche (985) and Plato (503 references). We show that Ekelund’s oeuvre is largely dominated by male authors and philosophers of Western cultural heritage: the most prominently figured foreign nationalities being German (20,7%), Greek (10,1%), French (9,2%) and Roman (5,4%) writers. The quantitative method applied in our study is a good complement to more textcentered approaches to literature. In this case, it allows us to determine, with a great deal of accuracy, the extent and nature of the intercultural encounters in Vilhelm Ekelund’s body of work.
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Cannizzaro, Francesco, Stefano Fanucchi, Francesco Morosi, and Leyla Ozbek. "SKĒPTRON IN SOPHOCLES’ OEDIPVS REX." Classical Quarterly 69, no. 2 (November 12, 2019): 515–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838819000909.

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In Sophocles’ Oedipus Coloneus, after laying hands on Antigone and Ismene, Creon ridicules Oedipus by saying these words (OC 848–9):οὔκουν ποτ’ ἐκ τούτοιν γε μὴ σκήπτροιν ἔτιὁδοιπορήσῃς.Then you shall never more walk with the aid of these two props!It is possible that Creon is here alluding to Oedipus’ actual appearance throughout the play. As far as we know, Oedipus comes on stage with no walking stick, and uses Antigone and Ismene as a crutch while walking. Creon's comparing Oedipus’ daughters to a crutch, however, is also metaphorical. Such a metaphor is quite common in some modern languages (for example in Italian, ‘bastone della vecchiaia’, or in French, ‘bâton de vieillesse’), but was known by ancient Greek poetry as well. In Euripides’ Hecuba, for instance, Hecuba depicts her daughter Polyxena as her crutch (281 βάκτρον).
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42

Djité, Paulin G., and Belinda A. Munro. "Language profiles, language attitudes and acquisition planning." Language Planning and Language Policy in Australia 8 (January 1, 1991): 77–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/aralss.8.05dji.

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How can the social and psychological contexts of a language affect the policy to increase the number of people who speak it? It is crucial to investigate this question at a time when Australia’s ability to compete in a changing world has brought the study of LOTE to the forefront. As the implementation of the National Policy on Languages proceeds, it becomes increasingly evident that a deeper understanding of the nine or ten key languages, namely Mandarin Chinese, Indonesian/Malay, Japanese, French, German, Italian, Modern Greek, Arabic, Spanish and Russian (cf. Lo Bianco 1987 and Leal 1991:167-168), taught in our schools is required. This paper argues that a sociolinguistic profile of each of these languages and the attitudes towards them are some of the relevant and crucial empirical data which need to be integrated in the design of educational programs.
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43

Shamsuddin, Salahuddin Mohd, and Siti Sara Binti Hj Ahmad. "Theatrical Art in Classical European and Modern Arabic Literature:." International Educational Research 1, no. 1 (June 14, 2018): p7. http://dx.doi.org/10.30560/ier.v1n1p7.

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No doubt that Classical Arabic Literature was influenced by Greek Literature, as the modern Arabic literature was influenced by European Literature. The narrative poetry was designed for the emergence of theatrical poetry, a poetry modeled on the model of the story with its performance in the front of audience. This style was not known as Arabic poetry, but borrowed from the European literatures by the elite of poets who were influenced by European literatures looking forward to renew the Arabic poetry. It means that we use in this article the historical methodology based on the historical relation between European and Arabic literature in the ancient and modern age. The first who introduced the theatrical art in Arab countries was Mārūn al-Niqqāsh, who was of a Lebanese origin. He traveled to Italy in 1846 and quoted it from there. The first play he presented to the Arab audience in Lebanon was (Miser) composed by the French writer Molière, in late 1847. It is true that the art of play in Arabic literature at first was influenced by European literatures, but soon after reached the stage of rooting, then the artistic creativity began to emerge, which was far away from the simulation and tradition. It is true also that European musical theatres had been influenced later by Arabic literature and oriental literatures. European musical theatres (ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn and the magical lamp), the play (Māʿrūf Iska in Cairo) and the musical plays of (Shahrzād) are derived from (One thousand and one Nights). This study aims to discover the originality of theatrical art in modern Arabic literature. Therefore it is focused on its both side: Its European originality and its journey to Arab World, hence its artistic characteristics in modern Arabic literature. We also highlight its journey from the poetic language to the prose.
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44

Samiou, Antigoni. "French travellers to Greece and the representation of modern Greeks in the nineteenth century." Journal of European Studies 39, no. 4 (November 20, 2009): 455–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047244109344798.

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45

Hamzaj, Enkelejda. "The Public Opinion In The Modern History Of Political Thought According To Jurgen Habermas." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 23 (August 29, 2016): 234. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n23p234.

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Is not easy to make in a few lines a presentation of Habermas's thinking regarding to public opinion in the history of political thought. One of the most interesting sections of all habermasian discussion – developed not only in his opera History and critiques of public opinion but in others too – lies in clarifying how the public opinion concept was evaluate by philosophers of different political orientations during the modern era. According to Habermas, to do this analysis should go under the tracks of Hobbes, Rousseau, Kant and Hegel. Some of these authors appreciate and value the role of the public opinion while others do not believe in its function. It is not a coincidence that the"classic" treatment of the public opinion concept culminates with Kant, the author, who is considered one of the greatest luminaries in Europe. While we find in Hegel a devaluation of the public opinion, compared with the science, and this depreciation is parallel to the depreciation of the civil society against the State. On the other side we will see other contemporary authors analysis regarding public opinion, like Nicola Matteuci and Giuseppe Bedeschi and their thoughts compared with Habermas thoughts. To understand the function of public opinion I will show its specific characteristics throughout history from the Greek polis up to the French Revolution and the creation of the bourgeoisie class.
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46

Gilbert, Mary Hamil. "Hellenic Whispers: Modes of Greek Literary Influence in Seventeenth-Century French Drama. By Susanna Phillippo. Medieval and Early Modern French Studies, 13. New York: Peter Lang, 2013. Pp. vii + 577. $83.00." Religious Studies Review 42, no. 2 (June 2016): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rsr.12412.

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47

Bennet, John. "The work of the British School at Athens, 2015–2016." Archaeological Reports 62 (November 2016): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s057060841600003x.

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The School's research programme in 2015 was once again extensive, including archaeological fieldwork in six sites or regions and study at a further seven, as well as the work of the Fitch Laboratory and the Knossos Research Centre (see Map 1). Other activities of the School span many other disciplines: history, anthropology, philosophy and the fine arts, including music, for example, represented by a successful conference held in May in Athens in collaboration with the Athens Conservatoire and Kings College London on music and identity (Fig. 1a). Research, of course, demands publication and, as noted last year, the School has now overhauled its publication arrangements. In addition to the Annual of the BSA and Archaeological Reports, we continue to collaborate with the French School on AGOnline (http://chronique.efa.gr/index.php/); our Supplements series also continues, as a vehicle for the publication of BSA fieldwork projects. The inaugural volume in the new Ashgate (now Routledge) series, British School at Athens Modern Greek and Byzantine Studies, appeared in December 2015 (Couroucli and Marinov 2015) (Fig. 1b). Two further volumes in this series will appear in 2016 and the first publication in the new Cambridge University Press series, British School at Athens Studies in Greek Antiquity, will appear in late 2016 (Kiriatzi and Knappett forthcoming).
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48

Revyakina, Nina. "Juan Luis Vives on the use of Ancient literature in education." Hypothekai 5 (September 2021): 214–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.32880/2587-7127-2021-5-5-214-235.

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The work “On Education” (De tradendis disciplinis) by the Spanish humanist Juan Luis Vives (1492/3–1540) is considered from the perspective of the use of ancient literature during the in-itial period of child school training (from 7 to 15 years). Vives’ appreciation of the Latin language, a positive attitude towards teaching Greek at school, and the influence of ancient languages on modern European languages — Italian, Spanish, and French are discussed. The article draws attention to some features in teaching the Latin language that are not characteristic of the hu-manists who preceded Vives and also wrote about school. They are as follows: using the native language as an instrument for mastering Latin at the initial stage of learning, and using modern literature - writers, grammarians, humanists, which helps to learn ancient languages in the subsequent period. These features can be explained by Vives’ epoch when national states were being estab-lished, national languages were strengthening, and pedagogical thinking was developing. The article also examines the issue brought up by Vives himself about the attitude to pagan literature and to some, in Vives’ opinion, morally questionable poets. With all the inconsistency of Vives and the low persuasiveness of his self-censorship, the solution to this problem comes down to se-lecting such authors the study of whose works will protect school students from vices. The article shows that both Latin and Greek literature (works on oratory, poetry, comedy, history, my-thology, etc.) are widely used in teaching. Ancient writings not only form and enrich the language, but also provide versatile knowledge, mainly of humanitarian kind, help to bring up an ed-ucated and cultured person. This is supported by a large survey of over 100 ancient authors, modern writers, scientists, humanists, early medieval writers, “church fathers”, publishers, translators, and commentators provided at the very end of Vives' discussion on education, with brief characteristics of many of them.
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Dascălu, Ioana-Rucsandra. "Les consonnes aspirées dans les textes latins tardifs." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, no. 1-4 (September 25, 2020): 45–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.7.

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SummaryOur contribution to the Colloquium of Late and Vulgar Latin has been anticipated by previous interventions and articles written on that subject. We have been much helped by the online data of the projects PaLaFra and CoLaMer, which are offering a wide range of texts in late Latin, both historical and hagiographic.We found it hard to define aspirated consonants: they do not exist in modern languages (for instance in French), where they are called digrams or graphical groups or graphemes.In a corpus made up of late Latin texts, we have discovered words of various origins which contain aspirated consonants: the Hebrew ones are very numerous: pascha or proper names: Seth, Lamech, Iafet/Iaphet (Fredegar), Sabaoth (Passio Quirini). There are also Greek words borrowed by Latin: machi- natio, monachus, thesaurus, prophetess. The Merovingian texts (6th-8th centuries) are a real source of words containing aspirated consonants: the unadapted Frankish words of Pactus legis salicae, which occur together with latinized ones: Bothem, Rhenus, chranne. In Liber Historiae Francorum there are many names of persons and of populations which contain aspirated consonants: Chlodio, Merovechus, Childericus, Gothi. There are many hesitations in the transcription of the aspirated consonants in late Latin texts, therefore we consider our intervention a very useful one for latinists, for specialists of Old French and for romanists.
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50

Leonard, Miriam. "TRAGEDY AND THE SEDUCTIONS OF PHILOSOPHY." Cambridge Classical Journal 58 (November 26, 2012): 145–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1750270512000048.

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Since antiquity, Greek tragedy has continually preoccupied philosophers. From Plato and Aristotle, to Hegel and Nietzsche, many of the most interesting ideas in the history of thought have been developed through a dialogue with tragedy. This article explores the continuities and ruptures between Plato and Aristotle's reading of tragedy and the so-called “philosophy of the tragic” which emerged in the late eighteenth century. The influence of this modern tradition has been so profound that, even today, no reading ofAntigone, ofOedipusor of theBacchaeis not also, at least unconsciously, in dialogue with Hegel, with Freud and with Nietzsche. Although there is some recognition that the philosophical understanding of tragedy has historically shaped the discussion of ancient drama, classicists remain resistant to returning to its insights to further the study of classical texts. This article aims to redress the situation not only by revealing the persistent traces of the philosophy of the tragic in our modern critical vocabulary, but also by arguing that a renewed interest in this tradition will invigorate debates within our field. By looking at the examples of the French feminists Hélène Cixous' and Luce Irigaray's interpretations of Sophocles and Aeschylus, the article investigates the apparent tension between historicist and universalising readings of tragedy and argues that these two approaches are not necessarily incompatible.
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