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1

Ricard, Francois, and Gerard J. Brault. "The French-Canadian Heritage in New England." New England Quarterly 60, no. 2 (June 1987): 279. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/365611.

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2

Kendall, John C., and Gerard J. Brault. "The French-Canadian Heritage in New England." American Historical Review 93, no. 2 (April 1988): 488. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1860050.

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3

Bell, Rudolph M., and Gerard J. Brault. "The French-Canadian Heritage in New England." International Migration Review 21, no. 4 (1987): 1556. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2546532.

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4

Lane, Brigitte, and Gerald Brault. "The French-Canadian Heritage in New England." Journal of American Folklore 100, no. 397 (July 1987): 346. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/540341.

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5

Prence, Elizabeth M., Cheryl A. Jerome, Barbara L. Triggs-Raine, and Marvin R. Natwicz. "Heterozygosity for Tay-Sachs and Sandhoff Diseases among Massachusetts Residents with French Canadian Background." Journal of Medical Screening 4, no. 3 (September 1997): 133–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096914139700400304.

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Objectives— The frequency of Tay-Sachs disease (TSD) heterozygosity is increased among French Canadians in eastern Quebec. A large proportion of the New England population has French Canadian heritage; thus, it is important to determine if they too are at increased risk for TSD heterozygosity. This prospective study was designed to assess the TSD heterozygote frequency among people with French Canadian background living in Massachusetts. A simultaneous screen for heterozygosity for Sandhoff disease, a related genetic disorder, was also undertaken. Methods— 1260 non-pregnant subjects of French Canadian background were included in the study, β hexosaminidase activity was measured in blood samples, and results were evaluated for TSD and Sandhoff disease heterozygosity. Samples from the TSD heterozygotes were also subjected to mutation analysis. Results— Of the 1260 samples studied, 22 (1 in 57; CI 1 in 41, 1 in 98) were identified as TSD heterozygotes by enzymatic analyses and 11 subjects (1 in 114; CI 1 in 72,1 in 280) were identified as Sandhoff disease heterozygotes. Three of the 22 TSD heterozygotes were found to have benign pseudodeficiency mutations, resulting in a maximum TSD heterozygote frequency of 19 in 1260 (1 in 66; CI 1 in 46, 1 in 120). Together, these data provide a maximum frequency of heterozygosity for TSD or Sandhoff disease of 30 in 1260 (1 in 42; CI 1 in 31, 1 in 64) in this population. Conclusions— Simultaneous screening for TSD and Sandhoff disease heterozygosity by assay of β hexosaminidases A and B activities provides a possible method for use with subjects of French Canadian background. The relevance of some of the novel mutations identified in this group needs further study. However, the comparatively high combined frequency of TSD and Sandhoff disease heterozygosity indicates a need for discussion regarding the appropriateness of carrier testing for these disorders for persons of French Canadian background in Massachusetts.
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6

Grinshpun, Julia, Rami Khosravi, Lea Peleg, Boleslaw Goldman, Feige Kaplan, Barbara Triggs-Raine, and Ruth Navon. "An Alul− polymorphism in theHEXA gene is common in Ashkenazi and Sephardic Jews, Israeli Arabs, and French Canadians of Quebec and Northern New England." Human Mutation 6, no. 1 (1995): 89–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/humu.1380060118.

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7

Bell, Rudolph M. "Book Review: The French-Canadian Heritage in New England." International Migration Review 21, no. 4 (December 1987): 1556. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791838702100436.

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8

Dublin, Thomas, Felix Albert, and Arthur L. Eno. "Immigrant Odyssey: A French-Canadian Habitant in New England." New England Quarterly 64, no. 3 (September 1991): 505. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/366357.

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9

Doty, Stewart. "Gérald J. BRAULT, The French-Canadian Heritahe in New England." Recherches sociographiques 28, no. 2-3 (1987): 480. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/056318ar.

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10

Price, Joseph Edward. "The French Language in New England: Past, Present, and Future." French Review 88, no. 4 (2015): 59–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tfr.2015.0234.

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11

Cevasco, Carla. "This is My Body: Communion and Cannibalism in Colonial New England and New France." New England Quarterly 89, no. 4 (December 2016): 556–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq_a_00564.

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Analyzing the material culture of English, French, and Native communion ceremonies, and debates over communion and cannibalism, this article argues that peoples in the borderlands between colonial New England and New France refused to recognize their cultural similarities, a cross-cultural failure of communication with violent consequences.
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12

Weimer, Adrian Chastain. "Huguenot Refugees and the Meaning of Charity in Early New England." Church History 86, no. 2 (June 2017): 365–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640717000580.

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Huguenot suffering inspired fast days, prayer meetings, and collections among Congregationalists in Massachusetts and Plymouth in the 1680s. Ministers used a variety of frameworks to motivate compassion for the French refugees. Some preachers considered the French plight to be the result of an Antichristian attack, one that might soon spread to New England. Others assumed Huguenot suffering generally was a result of their sinful neglect of the Sabbath, and that compassion and honor should extend to those who suffered cheerfully while upholding disciplined purity. As suspicions mounted that there were French Catholic spies within the refugee communities and local harassment increased, the prominent Huguenot minister Ezekiel Carré advocated an alternate framework for Christian charity. In his remarkable sermon,The Charitable Samaritan, Carré shifted the meaning of charity from an apocalyptic framework to one centered on active mercy for the wounded regardless of sect or nationality. A friend of Carré’s and Huguenot supporter, Cotton Mather incorporated Carré’s interpretation of the Samaritan story into his magisterial Bible commentary. Though always contested, Huguenot practices and rhetoric broadened the conversation over the meaning of charity in early New England.
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13

Wathey, Andrew. "The peace of 1360–1369 and Anglo-French musical relations." Early Music History 9 (October 1990): 129–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127900001017.

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The Treaty of Brétigny, concluded in May 1360, inaugurated the longest period of peace between England and France that the century had yet seen. Although the English success in this agreement later turned out to be less than complete, the king and higher nobility in England could now look to the consolidation of their position in the overseas dependencies of Brittany, Gascony and Ponthieu, to the enjoyment of their new-found wealth at home, and to a superficially more amicable relationship with French magnates. External relations were thus transformed, and the period between 1360 and 1369 also saw a fundamental change in the accessibility in England of French musical culture and in the opportunities for contacts with French musicians.
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14

Ohlhausen, Sidney K. "Witham’s New Testament: A Review of its Text and a History of Editions." Recusant History 29, no. 1 (May 2008): 28–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200011833.

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Robert Witham (1667–1738) was the seventh son of a prominent Yorkshire Catholic Recusant family. Little is known about his early life. He studied at Douay, where he was ordained a priest circa 1691, and remained as a teacher until circa 1698. He returned to England to serve as a priest in Cliffe and was promoted in 1711 to Vicar General of England’s Northern District. In 1714 he was appointed the twelfth president of Douay. He assumed the position in 1715 and remained there until his death. In administering Douay, he was faced with an unrelenting demand for the most resourceful diplomacy. He had to keep satisfied his superiors and benefactors in England and Rome, and deal with the liberalizing influences of French institutions. In addition, he was confronted with a series of financial crises, including the forfeiture of Catholic estates that followed the unsuccessful Stuart rising of 1715, followed by the ‘Mississippi Bubble’ that devastated the French economy and cost Douay most of its endowment. The frustrations of what he termed this ‘troublesome office’, caused him on three occasions to offer his resignation. Nonetheless, Witham proved to be one of Douay’s most successful presidents, sometimes considered its ‘second founder’, eliminating the College debt, increasing the number of students, and beginning an ambitious building programme.
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15

Doty, C. Stewart. "'Monsieur Maurras est ici': French Fascism in Franco-American New England." Journal of Contemporary History 32, no. 4 (October 1997): 527–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002200949703200407.

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16

Palomaki, Glenn E., Josephine Williams, James E. Haddow, and Marvin R. Natowicz. "Tay-sachs disease in persons of French-Canadian heritage in northern New England." American Journal of Medical Genetics 56, no. 4 (May 8, 1995): 409–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ajmg.1320560412.

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17

Pulsipher, Jenny Hale. "“Dark Cloud Rising from the East”: Indian Sovereignty and the Coming of King William's War in New England." New England Quarterly 80, no. 4 (December 2007): 588–613. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq.2007.80.4.588.

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King William's War (1689–97) has long been overshadowed by the wars bracketing it, but it was pivotal to English-Indian relations. As the English violated the treaty promises concluding King Philip's War and ignored Indian sovereignty, Indians turned to the French, establishing an alliance that would characterize the French and Indian Wars to come.
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18

O'Brien, Patrick K., and Nuno Palma. "Danger to the Old Lady of Threadneedle Street? The Bank Restriction Act and the regime shift to paper money, 1797–1821." European Review of Economic History 24, no. 2 (November 11, 2019): 390–426. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ereh/hez008.

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Abstract The Bank Restriction Act of 1797 was the unconventional monetary policy of its time. It suspended the convertibility of the Bank of England's notes into gold, a policy that lasted until 1821. The current historical consensus is that it was a result of the state's need to finance the war, France’s remonetization, a loss of confidence in the English country banks, and a run on the Bank of England’s reserves following a landing of French troops in Wales. We argue that while these factors help us understand the timing of the suspension, they cannot explain its success. We deploy new long-term data that leads us to a complementary explanation: the policy succeeded thanks to the reputation of the Bank of England, achieved through a century of prudential collaboration between the Bank and the Treasury.
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19

Wathey, Andrew. "The Marriage of Edward III and the Transmission of French Motets to England." Journal of the American Musicological Society 45, no. 1 (1992): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/831488.

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This article describes the hitherto unsuspected transmission to England of the two motets in Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS français 571 (also found in Chaillou de Pesstain's interpolated version of the Roman de Fauvel (MS français 146)) as a direct product of the period spent in France by Isabella, Queen of England, 1325-1326, and of the negotiations for the marriage of her son, the future Edward III of England. Isabella's expedition, both before and after the open break with her husband, Edward II, afforded numerous opportunities for the proximity of English and French musicians; new documentation presented here permits the charting in detail of English clerics' contacts with Gervais du Bus, one of the authors of the Roman de Fauvel, and with Philippe de Vitry. A new dating is advanced for MS français 571, compiled for the marriage of Prince Edward and Philippa of Hainault. Edward's proximity to the French royal line (and the residual English claim to the French throne) provided a rationale not only for the English diplomatic handling of the marriage, but also for the inclusion of the motet texts in MS français 571. The motets' topical texts, originally cast with other purposes in mind, are here subordinated to the broader political program of the Anglo-Hainault marriage. Thus, far from being monofunctional, fourteenth-century motets could be re-used in new contexts that made quite different uses of the messages promulgated in their texts: the adaptability of individual motets may, indeed, have been a fundamental cause in their transmission and even in their later survival.
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20

Martin, Dianna C., Brian L. Mark, Barbara L. Triggs-Raine, and Marvin R. Natowicz. "Evaluation of the Risk for Tay-Sachs Disease in Individuals of French Canadian Ancestry Living in New England." Clinical Chemistry 53, no. 3 (March 1, 2007): 392–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1373/clinchem.2006.082727.

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Abstract Background: The assessment of risk for Tay-Sachs disease (TSD) in individuals of French Canadian background living in New England is an important health issue. In preliminary studies of the enzyme-defined carrier frequency for TSD among Franco-Americans in New England, we found frequencies (1:53) higher than predicted from the incidence of infantile TSD in this region. We have now further evaluated the risk for TSD in the Franco-American population of New England. Methods: Using a fluorescence-based assay for β-hexosaminidase activity, we determined the carrier frequencies for TSD in 2783 Franco-Americans. DNA analysis was used to identify mutations causing enzyme deficiency in TSD carriers. Results: We determined the enzyme-defined carrier frequency for TSD as 1:65 (95% confidence interval 1:49 to 1:90). DNA-based analysis of 24 of the enzyme-defined carriers revealed 21 with sequence changes: 9 disease-causing, 4 benign, and 8 of unknown significance. Six of the unknowns were identified as c.748G>A p.G250S, a mutation we show by expression analysis to behave similarly to the previously described c.805G>A p.G269S adult-onset TSD mutation. This putative adult-onset TSD c.748G>A p.G250S mutation has a population frequency similar to the common 7.6 kb deletion mutation that occurs in persons of French Canadian ancestry. Conclusions: We estimate the frequency of deleterious TSD alleles in Franco-Americans to be 1:73 (95% confidence interval 1:55 to 1:107). These data provide a more complete data base from which to formulate policy recommendations regarding TSD heterozygosity screening in individuals of French Canadian background.
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21

Spicer, Andrew. "Archbishop Tait, The Huguenots and the French Church at Canterbury." Studies in Church History 49 (2013): 219–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400002151.

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Archibald Campbell Tait was enthroned as archbishop of Canterbury in February 1869. It was an inauspicious time to assume the primacy of the Church of England, which was riven by internal conflicts and religious differences. Furthermore, Gladstone had recently swept to power with the support of the Nonconformists. The new prime minister had a mandate to disestablish the Irish church and his political supporters sought to challenge the privileges and status of the Church of England. As primate, Tait attempted to defend the Church of England as the established church and restrict those parties that held particularly narrow and dogmatic beliefs, regardless of whether they were Evangelicals or Ritualists. The archbishop strove to straddle these religious differences and to achieve his aims through a policy of compromise and tolerance, but some of his actions served to cause further divisions within the Anglican church. Tait’s efforts to restrict elaborate ceremonial and services through the Public Worship Regulation Act (1874) alienated the Ritualists, for example. Many more clergy were opposed to his concessions to Nonconformists in the Burials Bill (1877), which would have allowed them to be interred in parish churchyards. Amidst the wider religious tensions and political conflicts that marked his primacy, the archbishop also took a close interest in the French Protestant Church at Canterbury, whose history he regarded as reflecting some important attributes of the Church of England, its past, and its current status in the world.
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22

KAMPMANN, CHRISTOPH. "THE ENGLISH CRISIS, EMPEROR LEOPOLD, AND THE ORIGINS OF THE DUTCH INTERVENTION IN 1688." Historical Journal 55, no. 2 (May 10, 2012): 521–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x1200012x.

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ABSTRACTRecent scholarly debate about the Glorious Revolution has put renewed focus on the fear of a new aggressive Catholic confessionalism that was widespread among English and European Protestants. One important example is the threat of an imminent French-led joint Catholic aggression against the Netherlands and other Protestant states. This fear was shared by William of Orange and contributed to his decision to risk invading England in the autumn of 1688. Thanks to new archival sources, it is clear that Emperor Leopold contributed substantially to increasing this fear. In July 1688, the imperial government informed William of Orange about unprecedented French offers to Leopold to win over the emperor for a new Catholic alliance. Almost certainly these offers were fictitious, but nevertheless they had an alarming effect on William: he was convinced that an autonomous, ‘uncontrolled’ development in England (regardless of whether it would lead to a ‘popish’ despotism or to a Protestant republic) would only benefit France and should be avoided in this decisive situation. Consequently, after July 1688 William and his diplomats repeatedly referred to the supposed ‘indiscretions’ from Vienna to demonstrate the necessity of intervening in England.
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23

Lamarre, Jean. "BRAULT, Gerard J., The French-Canadian Heritage in New England. Hanover, Kingston et Montréal, University Press of New England, 1986. 282 p. 15,95 $." Revue d'histoire de l'Amérique française 43, no. 2 (1989): 255. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/304793ar.

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24

Ormrod, W. Mark. "England's Immigrants, 1330–1550: Aliens in Later Medieval and Early Tudor England." Journal of British Studies 59, no. 2 (April 2020): 245–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2019.282.

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AbstractThis article, a revised and annotated version of a plenary lecture given at the North American Conference on British Studies meeting in October 2018, considers the place and significance of aliens in England's history between the expulsion of the Jews in 1290 and the arrival of the French and Dutch Protestants from the 1540s onward. It draws extensively on a new database of immigrants to England between 1330 and 1550, which itself relies principally on the remarkable records generated by a tax on aliens resident in England, collected at various points between 1440 and 1487. Aliens emerge as a significant element in English society—sometimes chastised, sometimes subject to violence and other abuse, but also recognized clearly for their contribution to the economy. If immigrants were sometimes seen as a potentially disruptive presence, they were also understood to be a natural and permanent part of the social order.
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Kermes, Stephanie. "Failed Republicans: Images of the British and the French in New England, 1789-1820." International Journal of Interdisciplinary Social Sciences: Annual Review 2, no. 2 (2007): 297–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1833-1882/cgp/v02i02/52264.

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26

Adams, Michael. "Assimilation of French-Canadian Names into New England Speech: Notes from a Vermont Cemetery." Names 56, no. 2 (June 2008): 65–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/175622708x302340.

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27

Hakim, Carol. "The French Mandate in Lebanon." American Historical Review 124, no. 5 (December 1, 2019): 1689–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz1024.

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Abstract A century after the victorious Allied powers distributed their spoils of victory in 1919, the world still lives with the geopolitical consequences of the mandates system established by the League of Nations. The Covenant article authorizing the new imperial dispensation came cloaked in the old civilizationist discourse, entrusting sovereignty over “peoples not yet able to stand by themselves under the strenuous conditions of the modern world” to the “advanced nations” of Belgium, England, France, Japan, and South Africa. In this series of “reflections” on the mandates, ten scholars of Europe, Africa, the Middle East, Asia, and the international order consider the consequences of the new geopolitical order birthed by World War I. How did the reshuffling of imperial power in the immediate postwar period configure long-term struggles over minority rights, decolonization, and the shape of nation-states when the colonial era finally came to a close? How did the alleged beneficiaries—more often the victims—of this “sacred trust” grasp their own fates in a world that simultaneously promised and denied them the possibility of self-determination? From Palestine, to Namibia, to Kurdistan, and beyond, the legacies of the mandatory moment remain pressing questions today.
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Sokolova, Alla. "The Court Culture in France, Italy and England in 16-17th Centuries: Interaction and Mutual Influence." Journal of History Culture and Art Research 9, no. 4 (December 24, 2020): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.7596/taksad.v9i4.2958.

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<p>The article examines the traditions of French court ballet, which are rooted in early medieval Italian musical and theatrical performances, as well as the traditions of the medieval carnival. The functional features of the French court ballet are revealed. French ballet is viewed through the prism of a synthesized art form: dance, music, poetry and complex scenography. It is specified that French ballet as an independent genre was formed in the era of Queen Catherine de Medici.</p><p>It was revealed that thanks to the skill and professionalism of choreographers of both French and Italian descent, the French court ballet reached its peak in the first half of the seventeenth century.</p><p>It was determined that the court ballet was becoming a cultural and political instrument that raised the status of France in Europe, served to strengthen the authority of the French monarch, and was a means of uniting the French monarchy and the people. Despite significant financial costs, the political and cultural feasibility of staging court ballets exceeded the economic feasibility.</p><p>An analogy is drawn with the English court Мasque. It is substantiated that the English court Masque was based on the traditions of Italian intermedio and French court ballet. Thus, English stage designers adopted the experience of Italian stage designers. Dances of Italian origin were an integral part of Masque in England. Choreography in Masque was created by French and Italian choreographers.</p><p>It has been proven that English culture was influenced by continental culture, which contributed to the formation of a common cultural space.</p><p>It is substantiated that the genre of French ballet, Italian intermedio and English Masque were not a high art, but over time, having undergone a transformation, they evolved into new forms and genres.</p>
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Fraioli, Deborah. "Gail Orgelfinger, Joan of Arc in the English Imagination, 1429–1829. University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2019, 230 pp., 17 b/w ill." Mediaevistik 32, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 488–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2019.01.132.

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Reviews of Joan of Arc books often rightly begin by asking whether there is the need for yet another book on Joan of Arc. In the case of biographies, one is tempted to answer, no. The known facts have not changed over 600 years, and new angles from which her life can be approached do not emerge as often as do new biographies. Oddly, however, the kind of detailed comparative study of Joan’s afterlife in England through four centuries, which Gail Orgelfinger has accomplished in this vigorous new book, still needs to be done for French chronicles (no less) and much of her French afterlife.
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Kennedy, Kathleen E. "Prosopography of the Book and the Politics of Legal Language in Late Medieval England." Journal of British Studies 53, no. 3 (July 2014): 565–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2014.105.

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AbstractThis article explores the intersection of book history and prosopography. It uses several case studies of copies of the medieval parliamentary statutes translated into English, together with later copies of English statutes translated into French, to argue for both thick prosopographical study of individual volumes and large, statistically based studies of books drawn from the largest possible data sets. Together, these methods amount to a new “prosopograhy of the book.” The case studies analyzed here reveal a complicated politicized relationship not only between script and print but also between French and English in the early Tudor era.
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Wang, I.-Chun. "Geopolitics and Contesting Identities in Shakespeare’s The First Part of Henry VI." Interlitteraria 24, no. 1 (August 13, 2019): 54–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/il.2019.24.1.5.

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Histories always deal with the construction of cities, announcements of new eras, and strategies of reformations; human history also shows that the bitter human experience of struggles, disputes and wars involve shifting identities or rivalries over territories. Among Shakespeare’s war plays, The First Part of Henry VI is one of the most significant representations of the war between France and England; the play refers to the Treaty of Troyes, an Anglo- French Treaty in 1420, which recognizes Henry V as heir to the French throne, resulting in internal divisions and tremendous chaos in France. This play by Shakespeare refers to the intrigue, spatial contest, politics of kingship and spatial struggle between England and France. Calais had been an enclave of England in France before Henry V succeeded to the throne; securing Calais, Henry V, the warrior king of England, attempted to build up another enclave at Harfleur. With the Anglo-Burgundian alliance, the Dauphin Charles, and Joan of Arc faced two enemies, England and the Dukedom of Burgundy. England and Burgundy had been allies against France in the Hundred Years’ War since 1415. Burgundy, because of its geographical location, is to play the key role in the tug of war between the two forces. Geopolitics and contesting identities are two intertwining motifs in the First Part of Henry VI. Shakespeare portrays the conquest of France by England and represents diplomatic relations and shifting identities through geography and spatial politics as related to nationhood. This paper by examining the conflicts between France and England, will discuss geopolitics and contesting identities, the territorial disputes as well as spatial politics in an era when boundary politics was in flux.
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32

Larkosh, Christopher. "Je me souviens… aussi: Microethnicity and the Fragility of Memory in French-Canadian New England." TOPIA: Canadian Journal of Cultural Studies 16 (September 2006): 111–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/topia.16.111.

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Prokhorova, A. "DIPLOMATIC RELATIONSHIPS WITH LONDON AND PARIS DURING OF ANGLO-FRENCH WAR (60TH XI CENTURY)." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 136 (2018): 59–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2018.136.1.12.

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The article is dedicated to the diplomatic relationships between the British Kingdom and the Huguenots during the Anglo-French War of 1562-1564 and their influence on the foreign policy of England and France. The author analyzes the main directions of the diplomatic relations of the Elizabethan politicians with the French Protestants, finds out the factors and circumstances of the defeat of the Huguenots in the Battle of Dre and change the course of diplomatic relations between the countries. Also, author observes the course and results of the war of 1562-1564, and concludes that the defeat for England in this military conflict in the future had positive effects. For Elizabeth I became clear that it makes no sense to rely on the further assistance of Protestant forces from other states to the English case. The country could deviate from the policies that it was carrying out, and to re-evaluate its foreign-policy priorities, which contributed to a further new course of the country.
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Prévos, André. "The French-Canadian Heritage in New EnglandBrault, Gerard J. The French-Canadian Heritage in New England. Hanover and London: University Press of New England/Kingston and Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1986. Pp. xiii + 282. Illustrations. Bibliographie. Index. $12.95." Contemporary French Civilization 11, no. 2 (July 1987): 290–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/cfc.1987.11.2.028.

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35

HANKS, ROBERT K. "GEORGES CLEMENCEAU AND THE ENGLISH." Historical Journal 45, no. 1 (March 2002): 53–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x01002242.

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Georges Clemenceau has traditionally been portrayed as a narrow-minded French nationalist. In spite of this reputation, he had many personal friends in England and was widely considered during his lifetime to be France's most eminent anglophile. Although his biographers briefly mention these ties, no one has systematically explored their political and diplomatic implications. Making use of new archival and journalistic evidence, this article will examine Clemenceau's relationships with several English upper-class mavericks: the positivist Frederic Harrison, the head-strong and opinionated Maxse family, and the idiosyncratic social democratic leader Henry M. Hyndman. Their influence encouraged in him an attitude toward England which blended sincere anglophilia with a deep-rooted distrust of its governing classes. Only by exploring this paradox can we understand the roots of Clemenceau's ultimate disillusionment with England.
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Porter, S. J., J. P. Chadwick, M. G. Owen, and S. J. Page. "Evaluation of seven ultrasonic machines for estimating carcase composition in live bulls." Proceedings of the British Society of Animal Production (1972) 1988 (March 1988): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0308229600016846.

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The application of ultrasonics to the evaluation of live cattle has been carried out in bull performance testing for several years. The machine used for this was the Scanogram. The fact that this machine is no longer being produced and the emergence of several new machines has prompted this trial to evaluate seven ultrasonic machines.A total of 49 bulls, 27 Limousin x Friesian and 22 Charolais x Friesian, were evaluated and slaughtered in four batches of approximately equal size, over four weeks. Each batch was of one breed.Age, live weight at evaluation and subjective assessments of fatness and conformation were recorded together with fat and muscle measurements by the Delphi (Delphi Instruments Ltd, New Zealand), Meritronics (Merit, Lowson and French, England), Scanogram (Ithaco Incorporated, USA), Vetscan (Company no longer in existence), Kaijo Denki (Medata Systems Ltd, England), Velocity of Sound (Prototype developed at IFR-Bristol, England) and Warren (Prototype developed by J Warren) ultrasonic machines.
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Ridolfi, Leonardo, and Alessandro Nuvolari. "L’histoire immobile? A reappraisal of French economic growth using the demand-side approach, 1280–1850." European Review of Economic History 25, no. 3 (June 15, 2021): 405–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ereh/heab012.

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ABSTRACT We construct a new series of GDP per capita for France for the period 1280–1850 using the demand-side approach. Our estimates point to a long-run stability of the French economy with a very gradual acceleration toward modern economic growth. In comparative perspective, our new estimates suggest that England and France were characterized by similar levels of economic performance until the second half of the seventeenth century. It is only after that period that the English economy “forges ahead” in a consistent way.
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Cook, Peter. "“A King in Every Countrey”: English and French Encounters with Indigenous Leaders in Sixteenth-Century America." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 24, no. 2 (May 15, 2014): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1025073ar.

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Beginning with Columbus’ 1493 report of kings among the “Indians,” European expeditionaries regularly perceived Indigenous leaders as kings during the first century of colonialism in the Americas. English and French narratives of the sixteenth century, following the models of early Spanish and Portuguese accounts, brought to light the existence of Aboriginal monarchs throughout the Americas, from the Arctic to Brazil and from New England to California. Popular compilations of travel accounts only cemented the trope in the European imagination. The ubiquity of such kings in early English and French colonial writing reveals the conceptual frameworks through which colonizers perceived the New World and the logic of the strategies they devised to conquer it. Toward the end of the sixteenth century, English and French views diverged, with the latter demonstrating a general reluctance to use the term “king” for Native American leaders. By contrast, English sources would continue to employ the vocabulary of kingship for this purpose into the nineteenth century.
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39

Violette. "Plans and Priorities: Multifamily Housing Types and French Canadian Builders in Northern New England, 1890–1950." Buildings & Landscapes: Journal of the Vernacular Architecture Forum 26, no. 2 (2019): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5749/buildland.26.2.0017.

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40

Norri, Juhani. "Translation from Latin and French as a Source of New Medical Terms in Late Medieval England." Romance Philology 71, no. 2 (September 2017): 563–622. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.rph.5.114789.

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41

Lebedinski, Ester. "The travels of a tune: Purcell’s ‘If love’s a sweet passion’ and the cultural translation of 17th-century English music." Early Music 48, no. 1 (February 2020): 75–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/em/caaa003.

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Abstract The travels of a tune: Purcell’s ‘If love’s a sweet passion’ and the cultural translation of 17th-century English music This article discusses Henry Purcell’s theatre song ‘If love’s a sweet passion’ (from The Fairy Queen, 1692) and its journey into various contexts in England and abroad. The article analyses the song’s appearance in printed songbooks, broadside ballads and single-sheet engravings, and in the Dutch manuscript songbook Finspång 9096:7 (now in Norrköping, Sweden), to show how the song was adapted to various contexts and conventions. The appearance of ‘If love’s a sweet passion’ in Finspång 9096:7 further suggests that there was greater reciprocity in the exchanges between England and continental Europe than hitherto thought. I nuance this claim by arguing that such exchanges were dependent on translation and mediation by musicians such as John Abell (1653–after 1716) or translators such as Abel Boyer (?1667–1729). Boyer used ‘If love’s a sweet passion’ in his Compleat French-Master (1694) and his French lyrics appear in Finspång 9096:7. The article shows the variety of uses and adaptations of ‘If love’s a sweet passion’ in English and French-language contexts. This both challenges notions of ‘elite’ and ‘popular’ music as entirely separate, and invites scholars and performers to imagine Purcell’s theatre songs performed and consumed in new ways.
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Chintiroglou, Chariton Charles, and Dominique Doumenc. "Isanthus Homolophilussp. nov. (Isanthidae: Actiniaria: Anthozoa) from French Polynesia." Journal of the Marine Biological Association of the United Kingdom 78, no. 3 (August 1998): 829–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025315400044817.

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A new deep-water Actiniaria species,Isanthus homolophilussp. nov. is described from the French Polynesia. Morphological and ecological differences between the new species and the other known species of the genusIsanthusare discussed. The distinct morphological characteristics that distinguishI. homolophilus, are the presence of a tentaculated columnar margin, the tentacle number (84–96), and its cnida biometry. A further ecological characteristic is the distinct symbiotic relationship that the anemone exhibits towards the decapodHypsophiys inflata.During the biological researches of the ‘Service Mixte de Contrôle Biologique’ (SMCB) in French Polynesia (1986–1990) at depths ranging from 100 to 1120 m, a symbiotic association between a deep-water homolid crab,Hypsophrys inflataGuinot & Richer de Forges, 1981 and a sea anemone of the genusIsanthus(Actiniaria: Isanthidae) was collected. Even though this association was described by Guinot et al. (1995) and Chintiroglou et al. (1996), no concise description of the anemone is given. Thus, the goal of the present study was to provide a detailed description of the new anemone species and compare it with other species of the Isanthidae Carlgren, 1938 family.The methodology followed in our investigation was that of Doumenc & Foubert (1984) and Doumenc et al. (1985). Nematocyst nomenclature used was as proposed by England (1991). Abbreviations: MNHN (Museum National d'Histoire Naturelle Paris).
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Baldwin, Eric. "“The Devil Begins to Roar”: Opposition to Early Methodists in New England." Church History 75, no. 1 (March 2006): 94–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964070008834x.

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In the several decades after their arrival in the New England states in the late 1780s, Methodists were the objects of a wide variety of attacks, some of them mutually contradictory. Their preachers were accused of being pickpockets, horse thieves, and sexual predators, while on the other hand some converts were mocked for their excessive moral seriousness. They were suspected alternatively of being agents of the English crown, spies for the French government, and Jeffersonian radicals. Further, to some it seemed that their episcopal form of government and ecclesiastical tribunals functioned as a sort of shadow government undermining the political institutions of the nation. They were attacked for their Arminian theology, in defense of which they vigorously condemned Calvinist doctrine. They were mocked as enthusiasts and fanatics whose preachers, pretending to an immediate divine calling, inflamed the passions of their listeners and whose gatherings degenerated into bedlams of disorder, confusion, and moral scandal. They were disturbers of churches, transgressing parochial boundaries, sowing disorder, and fracturing the covenant relationship between minister and flock, all of which recalled memories of the upheaval accompanying the awakenings of the 1740s. They were unlearned rustics not fit to instruct people in divinity, but they were also sly enough to worm their way into the hearts and minds of people by shrewdly hiding their true intentions and prejudicing their hearers against the standing ministers.
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Laffin, Martin. "Explaining reforms: post-New Public Management myths or political realities? Social housing delivery in England and France." International Review of Administrative Sciences 85, no. 1 (February 20, 2018): 45–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852317746223.

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This article examines the assumption that recent reforms in social and public services can be understood as a transition from New Public Management to post-New Public Management. English and French social housing delivery are selected as two cases in which to test out this assumption, for ostensibly these delivery structures share significant cross-national, post-NPM similarities – a movement towards a more ‘enabling’ or steering role for central government, the creation of coordinating agencies, ‘decentralization’ initiatives, the extensive use of public–private arrangements to finance social housing and the involvement of a wide range of extra- and semi-governmental organizations. However, further investigation reveals that these reforms of delivery structures have not been predominantly driven by an unfolding post-NPM managerial or governance logic as the thesis assumes. Rather the reforms have been driven by the partisan electoral and ideological goals of central government policymakers within the context of institutional legacies and entrenched social values. Points for practitioners New Public Management and post-New Public Management have become the conventional wisdom on administrative reforms particularly in a comparative context. This article argues that these ideas reflect an impoverished understanding of public administration given that they assume that change occurs predominantly through the unfolding of managerial and/or governance logics. These logics exclude the critical role of the political parties and other socio-political factors, such as urban unrest, in driving change. This Anglo-French analysis of social housing delivery demonstrates the significance of these political factors in how policymakers define social problems, re-design and implement social housing service delivery systems.
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45

Mackillop, Andrew. "Accessing Empire: Scotland, Europe, Britain, and the Asia Trade, 1695–c. 1750." Itinerario 29, no. 3 (November 2005): 7–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300010457.

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The close, reciprocal relationship between overseas expansion and domestic state formation in early modern Western Europe has long been understood. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries Portugal, the Netherlands, and England used the resources arising from their Atlantic colonies and Asia trades to defend themselves against their respective Spanish and French enemies. Creating and sustaining a territorial or trading empire, therefore, enabled polities not only to survive but also to enhance their standing with-i n the hierarchy of European states. The proposition that success overseas facilitated state development at home points however to the opposite logic, that where kingdoms failed as colonial powers they might well suffer from inhibited state formation. Indeed, if the example of England demonstrated how empire augmented a kingdom's power, then the experience of its neigh-bour, Scotland, seemed to reveal one possible outcome for a country unable to access colonial expansion. In 1707 Scotland negotiated away its political sovereignty and entered into an incorporating union with England. The new British framework enabled the Scots to access English markets (both domestic and colonial) previously closed to them. This does not mean that the 1707 union was simply an exchange of Scottish sovereignty for involvement in England's economy. Pressing political concerns, not least the Hanoverian succession played an equal if not more important role in the making of the British union. The question of political causation notwithstanding, the prevailing historiography of 1707 still places Scotland in a dichotomous framework of declining continental markets on the one hand and the lure of more expansive trade with England' domestic and overseas outlets on the other.
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46

Bene, Krisztián. "A Szabad Francia Légierő tevékenysége Afrikában." Afrika Tanulmányok / Hungarian Journal of African Studies 12, no. 1-3. (October 30, 2018): 117–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/at.2018.12.1-3.7.

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The Free French Air Forces were the air branch of the Free French Forces during the Second World War from 1940 to 1943 when they finally became part of the new regular French Air Forces. This study aims to present the activity of this special and little-known air force over the territory of Africa during this period.After the French defeat in June 1940 General Charles de Gaulle went to England to continue the fight against the Axis Forces and created the Free French Forces. Several airmen of the French Air Forces rallied to General de Gaulle which allowed the creation of the Free French Forces on 1st July 1940 under the command of Admiral Émile Muselier. The Free French commandment wanted to deploy their units during the reconquest of the French African colonies, so they were sent to participate in the occupation of French Equatorial Africa in 1940. Other flying units struggled in East and North Africa together with British troops against the invading Italian armies. These forces were reorganized in 1941 and continued the fight in the frame of fighter and bombing squadrons (groupes in French). Most of them (five of seven) were created and deployed in Africa as the Lorraine, the Alsace, the Bretagne, the Artois and the Picardie squadrons.From 1940 to 1943 5,000 men served in the ranks of the Free French Air Forces, which is a modest number if we compare with the power of the air forces of the other allied countries. At the same time, the presence and the activity of these forces were an important aid to Great Britain during a hard period of its history, so this contribution was appreciated by the British government in the end of the war at the political scene.
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47

Walker, Peter W. "The Bishop Controversy, the Imperial Crisis, and Religious Radicalism in New England, 1763-74: By arrangement with the Colonial Society of Massachusetts the Editors of the New England Quarterly are pleased to publish the winning essay of the 2016 Walter Muir Whitehill Prize in Early American History." New England Quarterly 90, no. 3 (September 2017): 306–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq_a_00623.

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This essay re-examines the “bishop controversy”, a dispute between Anglicans and Dissenters in the decade preceding the American Revolution. The controversy, it argues, was part of the imperial crisis caused by the Seven Years' War and the government's toleration of French Catholics in Quebec. This perspective highlights the Church of England's limited role in the empire and the unacknowledged radicalism of loyalist Anglicans.
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48

Prévos, André. "BRAULT, Gérard J., The French-Canadian Heritage in New England. Hanover and London, University Press of New England/Kingston and Montreal, McGill-Queen's University Press, 1986. xiii-282 p. 15,95 $." Revue d'histoire de l'Amérique française 40, no. 1 (1986): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/304429ar.

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49

Reid, Donald. "Industrial Paternalism: Discourse and Practice in Nineteenth-Century French Mining and Metallurgy." Comparative Studies in Society and History 27, no. 4 (October 1985): 579–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500011671.

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In recent years paternalism has become one of the most discussed concepts in social history. While historians of women invoke paternalism and patriarchy to help explain relations of male domination, Marxist historians have found paternalism useful in expanding their analyses of class consciousness. Eugene Genovese organized his interpretation of slavery in the American south around paternalism. For E. P. Thompson, the breakdown of the ideology and practice of rural paternalism underlay the development of “class struggle without class” in eighteenth-century England. Despite Genovese's warning that paternalism is an inappropriate concept for understanding industrial society, several recent studies have identified paternalism as an important factor in the history of industrial labor during the nineteenth century. Daniel Walkowitz and Tamara Haraven have analyzed paternalism in the textile industries of upstate New York and southern New Hampshire. Lawrence Schofer and David Crew have studied paternalism in nineteenth-century German heavy industry, and Patrick Joyce has recently argued for its centrality in the restructuring of class relations in the late Victorian textile industry.
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50

Appolloni, Letizia, and Daniela D’Alessandro. "Housing Spaces in Nine European Countries: A Comparison of Dimensional Requirements." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18, no. 8 (April 17, 2021): 4278. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18084278.

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Modern housing units must meet new needs and requirements; housing dimensions and functional characteristics are relevant issues, mainly considering population ageing and disability. The housing standards of nine European countries were compared to analyze their ability to satisfy new population need, in terms of size. The regulations were downloaded from the websites of the official channels of each country. A wide variability in room size was observed (e.g., single room: from 9 m2 in Italy to 7 m2 in France, to the absence of any limit in England and Wales, Germany-Hesse, and Denmark). Italian and French legislations define housing dimension considering the room destination and the number of people. The Swedish regulation provides performance requirements and functional indications but does not specify the minimum dimensions of habitable rooms. The rooms’ minimum heights vary between 2.70 m in Italy and Portugal and 2.60 m in the Netherlands, but no limits are established in England and Wales. A diverse approach among European countries regulations is observed: from a market-oriented logic one (e.g., England and Wales) in which room minimum dimensions are not defined to a prescriptive one (Italy) and one that is functionality-oriented (the Netherlands). However, considering the health, social, environmental, and economic trends, many of these standards should be revised.
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