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Journal articles on the topic 'French Colonial Africa'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

OSBORN, EMILY LYNN. "‘CIRCLE OF IRON’: AFRICAN COLONIAL EMPLOYEES AND THE INTERPRETATION OF COLONIAL RULE IN FRENCH WEST AFRICA." Journal of African History 44, no. 1 (March 2003): 29–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853702008307.

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This article investigates the role of African colonial employees in the functioning of the colonial state in French West Africa. Case studies from the 1890s and early 1900s demonstrate that in the transition from conquest to occupation, low-level African colonial intermediaries continually shaped the localized meanings that colonialism acquired in practice. Well-placed African colonial intermediaries in the colonies of Guinée Française and Soudan Français often controlled the dissemination of information and knowledge in the interactions of French colonial officials with local elites and members of the general population. The contributions of these African employees to the daily operations of the French colonial state show that scholars have long overlooked a cadre of men who played a significant role in shaping colonial rule.

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2

Bigon, Liora, and Ambe J. Njoh. "Power and Social Control in Settler and Exploitation Colonies: The Experience of New France and French Colonial Africa." Journal of Asian and African Studies 53, no. 6 (March 23, 2018): 932–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909618762508.

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This paper analyzes strategies for articulating power and effectuating social control in the built environment by French colonial authorities in New France and colonial Africa. The former was a settler colony while the latter comprised colonies of economic exploitation. Despite their different colonial status, they shared much in common. In this regard, French colonial authorities recycled spatial control strategies they had employed in New France a century earlier for use in Africa. However some changes commensurate with the changing priorities and objectives of the French colonial project were instituted. In particular, recycled policies from New France were made more stringent, less tolerant and ostensibly oppressive in French colonial Africa.

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D'AVIGNON, ROBYN. "PRIMITIVE TECHNIQUES: FROM ‘CUSTOMARY’ TO ‘ARTISANAL’ MINING IN FRENCH WEST AFRICA." Journal of African History 59, no. 2 (July 2018): 179–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853718000361.

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AbstractSince the commodity boom of the early 2000s, the visibility of ‘artisanal’ or ‘small-scale’ mining has grown in media coverage and development policies focused on Africa. This article argues that the regulatory category of ‘artisanal’ mining in Africa originated during the colonial period as ‘customary mining’. I build this case through a regional case study of mining policies in the colonial federation of French West Africa, where a single decree accorded African subjects ‘customary rights’ to seasonally mine gold and rock salt in restricted areas. By contrast, colonial citizens, mostly Europeans, accessed stable mining titles. Customary mining rights never codified actual African mining ‘customs’, as colonial officials argued. Rather, this law marked the boundary between the technological status of French subjects and citizens. Core elements of this colonial legal framework have been incorporated into postcolonial policies governing the rights of citizens to mineral resources in Africa.

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Olukoju, Ayodeji. "‘King of West Africa’? Bernard Bourdillon and the Politics of the West African Governors' Conference, 1940–1942." Itinerario 30, no. 1 (March 2006): 17–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300012511.

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The outbreak of the Second World War in September 1939 and the collapse of French resistance to the German onslaught a year later were momentous events which had far-reaching implications for France, Britain, and their colonies. In West Africa, the war affected existing patterns of inter-state relations within and across the French/British imperial divides, which were further complicated for the British by the emergence of two blocs in the French colonial empire – Vichy and Free French. It was in this context that the West African Governors' Conference was created in 1940 to coordinate the war effort and to manage relations with the French colonies.

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5

Thomas, Martin. "France Accused: French North Africa before the United Nations, 1952–1962." Contemporary European History 10, no. 1 (March 2001): 91–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777301001059.

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In the decade after 1952 France faced sustained United Nations criticism of its colonial policies in north Africa. As membership of the UN General Assembly expanded, support for the non-aligned states of the Afro-Asian bloc increased. North African nationalist parties established their permanent offices in New York to press their case for independence. Tracing UN consideration of French North Africa from the first major General Assembly discussion of Tunisia in 1952 to the end of the Algerian war in 1962, this article considers the tactics employed on both sides of the colonial/anti-colonial divide to manipulate the UN Charter's ambiguities over the rights of colonial powers and the jurisdiction of the General Assembly in colonial disputes.

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Griffiths, Claire H. "Colonial subjects: race and gender in French West Africa." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 26, no. 11/12 (November 1, 2006): 449–594. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/01443330610710278.

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PurposeThe purpose of this monograph is to present the first English translation of a unique French colonial report on women living under colonial rule in West Africa.Design/methodology/approachThe issue begins with a discussion of the contribution this report makes to the history of social development policy in Africa, and how it serves the on‐going critique of colonisation. This is followed by the English translation of the original report held in the National Archives of Senegal. The translation is accompanied by explanatory notes, translator’s comments, a glossary of African and technical terms, and a bibliography.FindingsThe discussion highlights contemporary social development policies and practices which featured in identical or similar forms in French colonial social policy.Practical implicationsAs the report demonstrates, access to basic education and improving maternal/infant health care have dominated the social development agenda for women in sub‐Saharan Africa for over a century, and will continue to do so in the foreseeable future in the Millennium Development Goals which define the international community’s agenda for social development to 2015. The parallels between colonial and post‐colonial social policies in Africa raise questions about the philosophical and cultural foundations of contemporary social development policy in Africa and the direction policy is following in the 21st century.Originality/valueThough the discussion adopts a consciously postcolonial perspective, the report that follows presents a consciously colonial view of the “Other”. Given the parallels identified here between contemporary and colonial policy‐making, this can only add to the value of the document in exploring the values that underpin contemporary social development practice.

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COQUERY-VIDROVITCH, CATHERINE. "NATIONALITÉ ET CITOYENNETÉ EN AFRIQUE OCCIDENTALE FRANÇAIS: ORIGINAIRES ET CITOYENS DANS LE SÉNÉGAL COLONIAL." Journal of African History 42, no. 2 (July 2001): 285–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853701007770.

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The French in West Africa remained deeply ambivalent in regard to applying naturalization policies to their African subjects. Applying a distinction between ‘citizenship’ and ‘nationality’, this article traces the history of French colonial policy from 1789 through decolonization in the 1950s. Apart from the originaires of the four communes of Senegal, who had ill-defined rights of French citizenship without ever being considered French nationals, naturalization policy in West Africa became so restrictive that no more than sixteen individuals were granted French citizenship each year between 1935 and 1949. This article uses dossiers of naturalization cases from French West Africa.

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8

Akinyeye, Yomi. "The Air Factor in West Africa's Colonial Defence 1920–1945: A Neglected Theme." Itinerario 25, no. 1 (March 2001): 9–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300005544.

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The colonial military history of British and French West Africa has received copious attention from historians and soldiers. The role of the region in the two world wars has also been discussed in one way or the other. However, in the discussion of West Africa's colonial military history and the role of the colonies in the two world wars, hardly any reference is made to the air factor. While discussions of colonial military history concentrate on infantry and naval exploits, those on the role of the colonies in the world wars concentrate on their importance as sources of raw materials and manpower for British and French war efforts in other theatres of the wars. The wrong impressions thus given are that the air factor was alien to West Africa's colonial defence and that the region was largely outside the strategic manoeuvres of the two world wars. This is understandable in that the Maxim gun and the gunboat had largely been responsible for the conquest and policing of West Africa. Moreover, while infantry and naval warfare had been the mode of combat in all societies from time immemorial the air as a factor of warfare is largely a phenomenon of the twentieth century. Lastly, strategists in British West Africa ignored the air factor for a very long time because of its capital intensity.

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9

Sanko, Hélène. "Considering Molière in Oyônô-Mbia's Three Suitors: One Husband." Theatre Research International 21, no. 3 (1996): 239–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883300015352.

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Juxtaposed these quotations, which are separated by three centuries and two continents, suggest that seventeenth-century classical French drama serves as a model for African theatre of the early post-colonial period. The first quotation is, of course, from Moliere, the Old Regime's brilliant comic writer. The second is taken from a play by Oyônô-Mbia, a contemporary dramatist from Cameroon. Given the powerful grip France held over its colonies, it is not surprising to find residual influence of France's theatrical culture on African drama. By the end of World War One, French authority in sub-Saharan Africa extended from Cape Verde to the Congo river. The Third Republic established French schools in the larger colonial towns which attracted the children of well-to-do urban families. France therefore held strong political and cultural sway over the development of African leaders and writers.

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Dimier, Veronique. "For a New Start: Resettling French Colonial Administrators in the Prefectoral Corps." Itinerario 28, no. 1 (March 2004): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300019124.

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This could be considered as the ‘swan song’ of a French colonial administrator in Tropical Africa. Between 1958 and 1961, most of these colonial administrators had to leave what was soon to be considered one of the major sins committed by France in the twentieth century: the Empire. For some of them it was a real shock, from which they never recovered. Of course, it was the normal outcome of the very process they had prepared: to teach the African peoples how to rule themselves. But: ‘Did it not come too early leaving the new African elite insufficiently prepared?’ If this were so, was ‘the great sin of France not to colonise but to decolonise too quickly?’

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NAKAO, Seiji. "The Recognition of Islam and Its Application in French Colonial Administration." Journal of African Studies 2016, no. 90 (2016): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.11619/africa.2016.90_1.

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12

Miles, William F. S. "Postcolonial Borderland Legacies of Anglo–French Partition in West Africa." African Studies Review 58, no. 3 (November 23, 2015): 191–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2015.71.

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Abstract:More than five decades after independence, Africa still struggles with the legacies of colonial partition. On the territorial frontiers between the postcolonial inheritors of the two major colonial powers, Great Britain and France, the continuing impact of European colonialism remains most acute. On the one hand, the splitting of erstwhile homogeneous ethnic groups into British and French camps gave rise to new national identities; on the other hand, it circumvented any possibility of sovereignty via ethnic solidarity. To date, however, there has been no comprehensive assessment of the ethnic groups that were divided between English- and French-speaking states in West Africa, let alone the African continent writ large. This article joins postcolonial ethnography to the emerging field of comparative borderland studies. It argues that, although norms of state-based identity have been internalized in the Anglophone–Francophone borderlands, indigenous bases of association and behavior continue to define life along the West African frontier in ways that undermine state sovereignty. Although social scientists tend to focus on national- and sub-national-level analyses, and increasingly on the effects of globalization on institutional change, study of the African borderlands highlights the continuing importance of colonial legacies and grassroots-derived research.

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13

Heaton, Matthew M. "ALIENS IN THE ASYLUM: IMMIGRATION AND MADNESS IN GOLD COAST." Journal of African History 54, no. 3 (November 2013): 373–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853713000522.

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AbstractThis article examines the experiences of immigrants from British and French West African colonies in the Accra lunatic asylum in the first half of the twentieth century. Placing particular emphasis on how immigrants got into and out of the asylum, the article argues that immigrants were marginalized and manipulated by colonial psychiatric institutions to a greater extent than non-migrant colonial subjects in Gold Coast. In making this argument, the article argues for the value of adding colonial origin and subjecthood to the racial and gendered perspectives that have dominated the history of health and medicine in Africa to date.

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14

Velmet, Aro, and Rachel Kantrowitz. "Book Reviews." French Politics, Culture & Society 36, no. 3 (September 1, 2018): 170–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2018.360310.

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Richard C. Parks, Medical Imperialism in French North Africa: Regenerating the Jewish Community of Colonial Tunis (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2017).Harry Gamble, Contesting French West Africa: Battles over Schools and the Colonial Order, 1900–1950 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press: 2017).

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15

Berinzon, Maya, and Ryan C. Briggs. "Measuring and explaining formal institutional persistence in French West Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 57, no. 2 (June 2019): 183–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x19000077.

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AbstractColonial institutions are thought to be highly persistent, but measuring that persistence is difficult. Using a text analysis method that allows us to measure similarity between bodies of text, we examine the extent to which one formal institution – the penal code – has retained colonial language in seven West African countries. We find that the contemporary penal codes of most countries retain little colonial language. Additionally, we find that it is not meaningful to speak of institutional divergence across the unit of French West Africa, as there is wide variation in the legislative post-coloniality of individual countries. We present preliminary analyses explaining this variation and show that the amount of time that a colony spent under colonisation correlates with more persistent colonial institutions.

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Willemot, Yves. "De Gaulles “Communaute”. Een Brug van Kolonialisme Naar Paternalisme in Afrika." Afrika Focus 4, no. 3-4 (January 15, 1988): 119–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-0040304004.

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De Gaulles “Communaute”. A Bridge from Colonialism to Paternalism in Afrika. The importance of the French-African Communauté is more than just historical. Indeed, the present French-African relationship is not completely understandable without a knowledge of the Community, which was created by the constitution of the fifth French Republic (1958). President de Gaulle, who was its inspirator, realised that in the changing world the relationship between France and its colonial territories had to be adapted. The French-African Community was a federal structure in which the French-speaking territories south of the Sahara became autonomous republics. Yet their autonomy was substantially restricted: foreign affairs, defense, the economic and financial policy, justice, higher education, the policy concerning raw materials (e.g. uranium and oil), and the organisation of international transport and telecommunication were reserved for the federal institutions. Although four institutions were created within the Community (the Presidency, the Executive Board, the Senate and the Court of Arbitration), only the Presidency had real power: the exclusive legislative and executive competence in all Community matters. The function of Community President was reserved for the French President. Therefore it can undoubtedly be said that the French-African Community was not a genuine federal structure, but merely a constitutional arrangement which ensured France the exclusive control over its former African colonies. The African political leaders were also aware of this and claimed the abolition of the French-African Community. Using the possibility for change, provided by the 78th article of the constitution, they demanded independence by the transfer of all reserved competences (1960). In order to avoid any rupture, France accepted on the condition that bilateral cooperation agreements would be signed simultaneously. These agreements, which were revised halfway the seventies and which are still in force today, provide France with an unique position in Africa. No former metropole has a comparable influence in Africa. Besides, the French-African Conference, which is organised anually since 1973, gives France an excellent forum to influence and control the policy of African states. At this Conference almost every former French colonie in Africa is present, some Belgian, British, Spanish and Portuguese territories participate as well. Moreover, the cooperation agreements explicitly allow France to maintain large troups in Africa and to give support by military intervention whenever it is necessary. France's strict control over one of the most important attributes of state sovereignity, namely defense, increases largely the already acuted dependency on Paris. Yet, the economic position of most of the former French colonies and territories in Africa is the best illustration of their present dependence. Still today more than 40% of their trade is realised with the former metropole (export: raw materials; import: finished goods). Moreover, most of them are members of the so-called “zone franc”, a monetary zone which is completely controlled by the French authorities. The good relationship between France and Africa remained as a result of which extensive bilateral cooperation agreements could be signed within the framework of the French-African Community. This continuity has always been one of the main characteristics of the French policy in Africa.

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Calhoun, Doyle. "Colonial collectors: missionaries’ botanical and linguistic prospecting in French colonial Africa." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 52, no. 2 (May 4, 2018): 205–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2018.1483834.

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18

Nasiali, Minayo. "An Inconvenient Expertise." French Politics, Culture & Society 37, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 117–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2019.370107.

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In the 1950s, French shipping companies began to replace their old fleet of steamships with new diesel ships. They also began to lay off sailors from French Africa, claiming that the changing technology rendered their labor obsolete. The industry asserted that African sailors did not have the aptitude to do other, more skilled jobs aboard diesel vessels. But unemployed colonial sailors argued differently, claiming that they were both able and skilled. This article explores how unemployed sailors from French Africa cast themselves as experts, capable of producing technological knowledge about shipping. In so doing, they shaped racialized and gendered notions about labor and skill within the French empire. The arguments they made were inconvenient, I argue, because colonial sailors called into question hegemonic ideas about who could be modern and who had the right to participate in discourse about expertise.

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Maderspacher, Alois. "The National Archives of Cameroon in Yaoundé and Buea." History in Africa 36 (2009): 453–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2010.0009.

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Even in learned journals on African and imperial history, few references have been made to the records contained in the archives in Cameroon, West Africa. Kamerun was a German colony (Schutzgebiet) from 1884-1916/19. In 1911, the Germans took over New Cameroon (Neu Kamerun), 295,000 km2 of land of French Equatorial Africa, ceded during the second Morocco Crisis. After World War I this transaction was reversed and the German colony was separated into French and British League of Nations Mandates in 1919. These mandates were transformed into United Nations Trusteeships in 1946. Finally, French Cameroun became independent in 1960, and after a plebiscite in 1961, one part of the British Cameroons joined Nigeria and the other part reunited with the formerly French part, now the independent Federal Republic of Cameroon.Due to the involvement of three colonial powers in Cameroon, the national archives in Yaoundé and Buea are an excellent source for the colonial history of West Africa, allowing for a simultaneous analysis of German, French, and British files. Whereas the colonial files in the European archives mainly give us the point of view of high politics, the archives in Cameroon offer a different dimension. The files reveal the intricacies of the colonial system on the ground, and the problems with which the colonial administrator had to cope in the bush: How did one introduce European legal tender in a territory never touched by Europeans before? How did one cope with the colonial rivals, who were couching at the frontiers to take over the territory? How did one attempt to win peoples' hearts and minds day in and day out? What happened when the new colonial power took over a territory with an already developed administration from another colonial power, as it took place in Cameroon in 1911 and 1916/19? The national archives of Cameroon contain potential answers to these questions. Hence this paper will focus on the sources that are available for the colonial period in these archives.

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Martin, Phyllis M. "Contesting Clothes in Colonial Brazzaville." Journal of African History 35, no. 3 (November 1994): 401–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700026773.

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The significance of dress in mediating social relations was deeply rooted in the Central African experience. In pre-colonial times, clothing, jewellery and insignia conveyed identity, status, values and a sense of occasion. Those with access to European trade cloth and second-hand clothes integrated them into their dress. Central Africans had a strong sense of the “politics of costume” long before new sources and ideas of clothing arrived with colonialism.Brazzaville, the capital of French Equatorial Africa, then became the scene of opportunity, experimentation and choice. Foreign workers from West Africa, the French Antilles and the Central African coastal regions pioneered new styles which were quickly appropriated and adapted by other townspeople. Europeans, in their attire, also seemed to confirm the importance of dress and were a model for those who considered themselves évolués. In handing out clothing, European employers and missionaries had their own agenda, which was rejected by many townspeople as an autonomous fashion sense developed in Bacongo and Poto-Poto, the African districts of Brazzaville. With an entrenched monetary economy, cloth and clothing became widely available to all with cash. Styles, costs and values became issues of contention. Clothing not only symbolized change but became a vehicle for change.In the late colonial period, the sources allow a deeper understanding of the relationship of dress to controversial social issues. Clothing became an arena for contesting and asserting class, gender and generational roles.

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Jennings, Lawrence C., and Martin A. Klein. "Slavery and Colonial Rule in French West Africa." Canadian Journal of African Studies 34, no. 2 (2000): 467. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/486435.

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Gray, Christopher, and Gloria D. Westfall. "French Colonial Africa: A Guide to Official Sources." African Studies Review 37, no. 2 (September 1994): 186. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/524785.

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Webb, James L. A., and Martin Klein. "Slavery and Colonial Rule in French West Africa." African Studies Review 42, no. 2 (September 1999): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/525374.

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Kanya-Forstner, A. S., and Gloria D. Westfall. "French Colonial Africa: A Guide to Official Sources." International Journal of African Historical Studies 26, no. 3 (1993): 681. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220505.

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Sanneh, Lamin, and Martin A. Klein. "Slavery and Colonial Rule in French West Africa." American Historical Review 106, no. 3 (June 2001): 1102. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2692528.

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HARGREAVES, JOHN D. "French Colonial Africa: A guide to official sources." African Affairs 92, no. 369 (October 1993): 629–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098681.

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KIRK-GREENE, A. H. M. "French Colonial Africa: A Guide to Official Sources." African Affairs 93, no. 372 (July 1994): 456–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098741.

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Sow, Alioune. "Biography and Colonial Discourse in ‘French West Africa’." Social Dynamics 30, no. 1 (June 2004): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02533950408628662.

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Gomez, Michael A., and Martin A. Klein. "Slavery and Colonial Rule in French West Africa." International Journal of African Historical Studies 32, no. 1 (1999): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220833.

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Njoh, Ambe J. "Toponymic Inscription as an Instrument of Power in Africa: The case of colonial and post-colonial Dakar and Nairobi." Journal of Asian and African Studies 52, no. 8 (June 28, 2016): 1174–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909616651295.

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This study analyses toponymic inscription, the exercise of street/place naming, as a tool for articulating power in Anglophone and Francophone Africa. The focus is on Dakar, Senegal and Nairobi, Kenya, which were respectively indispensable for the colonial projects of France and Britain in Africa. Dakar was for France’s West African Federation what Nairobi was for Britain’s colonial East Africa. It is shown that toponymic inscription was used with equal zeal by French and British colonial authorities to express power in built space. Thus, both authorities used the occasion to christen streets and places as an opportunity to project Western power in Africa. With the demise of colonialism, indigenous authorities in Kenya inherited the Western vocabulary of spatiality but speedily moved to supplant Eurocentric with Afrocentric street/place-names. In contrast, post-colonial authorities in Senegal remain wedded to the colonial tradition of drawing most important street- and place-names from the Eurocentric cultural lexicon. Consequently, although the vocabulary of spatiality in Nairobi projects African nationalism and power, that of Dakar continues to express mainly Western power.

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Oualdi, M’hamed. "Imperial Legacies: The Historical Layers of a Maghrebi Society (1860 – 1930)." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 72, no. 4 (December 2017): 671–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ahsse.2021.7.

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A close study of the trans-Mediterranean legal conflicts prompted by the death of a former Tunisian minister in Florence in 1887, this article calls for a new interpretation of the history of modern North Africa. Rather than focusing on a close reading of colonial primary sources or depending on a single colonial temporality, this new interpretation must incorporate other analytical frameworks. It must also consider the overlap of French and Ottoman imperial temporalities that persisted across the Mediterranean until the 1920s, as well as the increasing number of litigations initiated before the French colonization of Tunisia—legal cases that were still influencing the rationales of North Africans during the colonial period. Analyzing these litigations not only in terms of their colonial context but also according to other temporalities, as well as diversifying our sources, allows us to nuance the commonplace, often reiterated in scholarly works on colonial North Africa, that there is a dearth of so-called “local” documentation. North African men and women involved in litigations contributed alongside Europeans to the writing of a huge amount of legal evidence and literary tracts, including in Arabic. Such sources were not always filed in the colonial archive. They are, however, of paramount importance for conceiving the modern history of North Africa in new ways.

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Njoh, Ambe J., and Esther P. Chie. "Vocabularies of Spatiality in French Colonial Urbanism: Some Covert Rationales of Street Names in Colonial Dakar, West Africa and Saigon, Indochina." Journal of Asian and African Studies 54, no. 8 (July 4, 2019): 1109–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909619860248.

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The study analyses toponymic practices in two colonial spaces on two continents. The colonial spaces, Dakar and Saigon, were capitals of the Federation of French West Africa and French Indochina, respectively. Toponymy is used as a tool to articulate socio-cultural and political power in both spaces; also, streets were christened after French military, politico-administrative and religious personalities. Two differences are noted. First, streets in colonial Saigon were named after French military heroes and clergymen, while streets in Dakar were named after French political luminaries. Second, post-colonial Saigon witnessed efforts to re-appropriate the city’s identity, but not so in Dakar.

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De Deckker, Paul. "Decolonisation Processes in the South Pacific Islands: A Comparative Analysis between Metropolitan Powers." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 26, no. 2 (May 1, 1996): 355. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v26i2.6172.

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The South Pacific islands came late, by comparison with Asia and Africa, to undertake the decolonising process. France was the first colonial power in the region to start off this process in accordance with the decision taken in Paris to pave the way to independence for African colonies. The Loi-cadre Defferre in 1957, voted in Parliament, was applied to French Polynesia and New Caledonia as it was to French Africa. Territorial governments were elected in both these Pacific colonies in 1957. They were abolished in 1963 after the return to power of General de Gaulle who decided to use Moruroa for French atomic testing. The status quo ante was then to prevail in New Caledonia and French Polynesia up to today amidst statutory crises. The political evolution of the French Pacific, including Wallis and Futuna, is analysed in this article. Great Britain, New Zealand and Australia were to conform to the 1960 United Nations' recommendations to either decolonise, integrate or provide to Pacific colonies self-government in free association with the metropolitan power. Great Britain granted constitutional independence to all of its colonies in the Pacific except Pitcairn. The facts underlying this drastic move are analysed in the British context of the 1970's, culminating in the difficult independence of Vanuatu in July 1980. New Zealand and Australia followed the UN recommendations and granted independence or self-government to their colonial territories. In the meantime, they reinforced their potential to dominate the South Pacific in the difficult geopolitical context of the 1980s. American Micronesia undertook statutory evolution within a strategic framework. What is at stake today within the Pacific Islands is no longer of a political nature; it is financial.

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BIGON, LIORA. "Urban planning, colonial doctrines and street naming in French Dakar and British Lagos, c. 1850–1930." Urban History 36, no. 3 (October 30, 2009): 426–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926809990125.

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ABSTRACT:The published literature that has thoroughly treated the history of European planning in sub-Saharan Africa is still rather scanty. This article examines French and British colonial policies for town planning and street naming in Dakar and Lagos, their chief lieux de colonisation in West Africa. It will trace the relationships between the physical and conceptual aspects of town planning and the colonial doctrines that produced these plans from the official establishment of these cities as colonial capitals in the mid-nineteenth century and up to the inter-war period. Whereas in Dakar these aspects reflected a Eurocentric meta-narrative that excluded African histories and identities, a glimpse at contemporary Lagos shows the opposite. This study is one of few that compares colonial doctrines of assimilation to doctrines of indirect rule as each affects urban planning.

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Bierwirth, Chris. "French Interests in the Levant and Their Impact on French Immigrant Policy in West Africa." Itinerario 26, no. 1 (March 2002): 9–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300004927.

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Prior to the Second World War, the French government had been highhanded in its administration of the Levantine Mandates and severe in the treatment of Levantine immigrants in its West African colonies. This imperious behaviour would change abruptly in 1944. As part of their effort to rebuild French power, General Charles de Gaulle and the Comité Français de la Liberation Nationak (CFLN) sought to maintain France's longstanding position of diplomatic and cultural influence in the Levant, even after promising Lebanese and Syrian independence. With this in mind, French authorities grew more sensitive to the immigrant connection between Damascus and Dakar. In particular, the CFLN began to understand that complaints by Levantine immigrants in Afrique Occidentale Française (AOF) regarding their treatment by colonial officials had immediate repercussions on the French ‘mission’ in Syria and Lebanon. As a result, in the last year of the war – and at the direct instigation of the CFLN's representative in the Levant – sweeping policy changes were instituted to mitigate the treatment of Levantine immigrants in West Africa in order to restore France's prestige and position in the Middle East.

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Lewis, James I. "Félix Eboué and Late French Colonial Ideology." Itinerario 26, no. 1 (March 2002): 127–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300004976.

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French Colonial Minister Paul Coste-Floret presided over the interment of the remains of Adolphe-Sylvestre-Félix Eboué in the Pantheon of the Republic on 20 May 1949. This singular honour accorded only sixty others in the two centuries since the Great Revolution of 1789 placed Eboué among the greatest heroes and cultural luminaries of modern France. He now rests with Rousseau and Voltaire, the great men of letters Victor Hugo and Emile Zola and the political heroes of Republican France Jean Jaurès and Jean Moulin. Félix Eboué, however, is the only black Frenchman among these great thinkers, writers and leaders of the Republic. His inclusion among the heroes of France in 1949 was indeed in recognition of acts of great personal courage. It was also an expression of French hopes and fears for the future at a time when vast populations of colour under French rule in Africa, in Asia and in the Americas were asserting themselves politically and culturally on an unprecedented scale. In death, Eboué became the symbol of those in France who were most determined to preserve French hegemony over the seventy million souls spread over the globe who formed the French Empire. His life as a French national, a man of African ancestry and as the man whose actions in 1940 helped transform Charles de Gaulle from an obscure Brigadier General into one of the most important leaders of the Second World War made Eboué this symbol.

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LYDON, GHISLAINE. "SAHARAN OCEANS AND BRIDGES, BARRIERS AND DIVIDES IN AFRICA'S HISTORIOGRAPHICAL LANDSCAPE." Journal of African History 56, no. 1 (January 30, 2015): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002185371400070x.

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AbstractBased on a broad assessment of the scholarship on North-Western Africa, this article examines Saharan historiography with a particular view towards understanding how and why historians have long represented the continent as being composed of two ‘Africas’. Starting with the earliest Arabic writings, and, much later, French colonial renderings, it traces the epistemological creation of a racial and geographic divide. Then, the article considers the field of African studies in North African universities and ends with a review of recent multidisciplinary research that embraces a trans-Saharan approach.

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Jones, William O. "Food-Crop Marketing Boards in Tropical Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 25, no. 3 (September 1987): 375–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00009903.

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Agricultural marketing boards in tropical Africa are heirlooms of the Great Depression and World War II, when colonial governments found their principal sources of revenue severely reduced and both European and African populations financially distressed. Marketing boards are of British origin, but similar efforts were made in French and Belgian Africa. The rationale for intervention is clouded; some of the principal reasons have faded into the past or were never openly expressed.1

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Müller-Crepon, Carl. "Continuity or Change? (In)direct Rule in British and French Colonial Africa." International Organization 74, no. 4 (2020): 707–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818320000211.

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AbstractCurrent political order in Africa is often linked to legacies of colonialism, in particular to legacies of indirect colonial rule. However, evidence about the application of indirect rule is scarce. In this paper I argue that empire-level characteristics interacted with precolonial institutions in shaping the indirectness of local rule. First, British governments ruled more indirectly than French administrations, which followed a comparatively centralized administrative blueprint, came with a transformative republican ideology, and had more administrative resources. Empirically, I find that French colonization led to the demise of the lines of succession of seven out of ten precolonial polities, twice as many as under British rule. Second, precolonial centralization was a crucial prerequisite for indirect rule. Local administrative data from eight British colonies show that British colonizers employed less administrative effort and devolved more power to native authorities where centralized institutions existed. Such a pattern did not exist in French colonies. Together, these findings improve our understanding of the long-term effects of precolonial institutions and draw attention to the interaction of characteristics of dominant and subordinate units in shaping local governance arrangements.

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Schmidt, Elizabeth. "Anticolonial Nationalism in French West Africa: What Made Guinea Unique?" African Studies Review 52, no. 2 (September 2009): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.0.0219.

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Abstract:In a 1958 constitutional referendum, Guinea was the only French territory to reject continued colonial subordination in favor of immediate independence. Why did Guinea alone reject the constitution that laid the foundations for France's Fifth Republic? What factors stimulated political parties in other territories to accept the prolongation of French tutelage, even as activists elsewhere on the continent were agitating for independence? Focusing on the eight territories of French West Africa, this article argues that the Guinean branch of the Rassemblement Démocratique Africain, which led the campaign for the “no” vote, differed from other dominant parties in French West Africa in several important ways. These differences, along with the relative power of the colonial chieftaincy, contributed to Guinea's unique stance in the 1958 referendum.

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THOMAS, MARTIN. "ECONOMIC CONDITIONS AND THE LIMITS TO MOBILIZATION IN THE FRENCH EMPIRE, 1936–1939." Historical Journal 48, no. 2 (May 27, 2005): 471–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x05004474.

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By 1939 expectations in France of a major colonial contribution to the impending war effort were high. The idea of le salut par l'empire, literally ‘salvation by the empire’, even gained some currency among ministers, officials, and the wider public. This article examines the nature of the economic and military demands imposed on France's major overseas territories in the immediate pre-war years, focusing on the two pre-eminent colonial groupings of the empire: French North Africa and the Indochina federation. It suggests that colonial economies and working populations were poorly placed to meet French expectations of them. The colonies were severely affected by the economic depression of the early 1930s and slower to recover than metropolitan France. Structural economic difficulties imposed limits on the mobilization of colonial resources, a problem made appreciably worse by the earlier disagreements among ministers, colonial officials, and business leaders over the merits of colonial industrialization. The reversal of planned social and constitutional reforms after 1936 added to the political volatility and social divisions of colonial societies as war drew near.

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Levine Frader, Laura, Ian Merkel, Jessica Lynne Pearson, and Caroline Séquin. "Book Reviews." French Politics, Culture & Society 39, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 132–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2021.390107.

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Lisa Greenwald, Daughters of 1968: Redefining French Feminism and the Women's Liberation Movement (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 2018). Eric T. Jennings, Escape from Vichy: The Refugee Exodus to the French Caribbean (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2018). Kathleen Keller, Colonial Suspects: Suspicion, Imperial Rule, and Colonial Society in Interwar French West Africa (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 2018).

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Clancy-Smith, Julia. "Richard C. Keller.Colonial Madness: Psychiatry in French North Africa.:Colonial Madness: Psychiatry in French North Africa." American Historical Review 113, no. 3 (June 2008): 947–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.3.947.

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Kallmann, Deborah J., and Gail Paradise Kelly. "French Colonial Education: Essays on Vietnam and West Africa." International Journal of African Historical Studies 34, no. 2 (2001): 498. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3097543.

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Nguyen-Marshall, Van, Gail Paradise Kelly, and David H. Kelly. "French Colonial Education: Essays on Vietnam and West Africa." Pacific Affairs 75, no. 4 (2002): 640. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4127384.

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Wilder, Gary. "Colonial ethnology and political rationality in french west Africa." History and Anthropology 14, no. 3 (September 2003): 219–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0275720032000127949.

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Njoh, Ambe J. "The segregated city in British and French colonial Africa." Race & Class 49, no. 4 (April 2008): 87–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03063968080490040602.

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A number of different techniques and rationales were used by the French and British colonial authorities to racially segregate cities in Africa - from the use of planning by-laws requiring European building materials, to the requiring of fluency in European languages in specific areas of towns. Here, the ways in which town planning policies were used to segregate cities in Madagascar, Congo, Guinea, Sierra Leone and Nigeria are considered.

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Bigon, Liora, and Alain Sinou. "The Quest for Colonial Style in French West Africa." Journal of Urban History 39, no. 4 (January 18, 2013): 709–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144212470103.

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Hungerford, Hilary, and Sarah L. Smiley. "Comparing colonial water provision in British and French Africa." Journal of Historical Geography 52 (April 2016): 74–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jhg.2015.12.001.

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Kelly, Michael. "Emmanuel Mounier and the Awakening of Black Africa." French Cultural Studies 17, no. 2 (June 2006): 207–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957155806064442.

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Emmanuel Mounier, Director of the Catholic review Esprit, was a pioneering participant in criticising French colonial activities. The debates of the 1940s were strongly framed by France's ‘mission to civilise’ its colonies, which was supported by universal humanist aspirations but was also criticised as masking policies of exploitation and oppression. The resulting tensions are well demonstrated by Emmanuel Mounier's book L'Éveil de l'Afrique noire, published after a visit to several areas of French West Africa in the spring of 1947, at a crucial moment in France's relations with its colonies. This article focuses on the components published in Esprit, Combat, and Présence africaine, which outlined the positive roles that France could play in the region, but warned against the dangers if opportunities were missed, and recognised the particular difficulties confronting the rising African elites. A closer examination of the discursive strategies he deployed shows that Mounier's frame of reference remained within the paternalist paradigm of republican humanism, and that he saw France's role as a duty to guide the development of Africa. However, in the myths and metaphors he adopted, a more radical vision can be identified, which expressed an underlying anti-colonialism.

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