Academic literature on the topic 'French from abroad'

The following observations result from eleven years of experience in the field, more specifically in France, a setting that raises particularly challenging and probing questions. France ranks high among the nations most resistant to deregulation as well as strong on cultural exception, endowed with a combative attitude about the supremacy of the French language, and nurtured by a checkered relationship with America and its hegemony: no two countries compete more earnestly in their respective attempts to influence the world. Some two million French students serve as interns as part of their education. No other European country comes anywhere near this statistic.

Recent work by Chang has shown that even at the very earliest stages of second language (L2) acquisition, the phonetic implementation of speakers’ native English phoneme categories is slightly modified by contact with L2 Korean, which is referred to as “phonetic drift.” This study investigates whether rapid phonetic drift generalizes to another pairing of languages. We examined naïve American English learners of French, who were recorded producing both American English and French vowels after one and six weeks of a study abroad program in Paris. In addition, the Study Abroad group is compared with proficient American English L1 speakers of French who have been residents of Paris for at least five years, to investigate the impact of long-term use of an L2 on the vowel categories of L1. Whereas the Study Abroad group showed no evidence of phonetic drift after six weeks, the Paris Residents’ American English vowel space shifted along F1 and several English vowels demonstrated clear movement toward French monolingual norms. A closer look at the high vowels provides insight into how phonetic categories are influenced both by drift and by a pressure to keep vowel categories distinct between the languages. The results are also discussed with respect to potential effects of the size of the vowel inventory and the amount of input required to cause phonetic drift.

Abstract Consulates, both in the 19th century and today, exist in a sort of hybrid space: Established by one sovereign entity in the territory of another, on the basis of exterritorial concessions, they depend on not one but two sets of legislation without being wholly defined by either one. This paper takes a local approach to a global phenomenon by considering the French consulate in Salonica (Thessaloniki) from the late 18th to the early 20th century from the perspective of a ›history of administrative reality‹. It shows how this consulate was located at the intersection of two state-building projects: those of France and the Ottoman Empire, both vying for control of the local space in which the consulate was active. While the French state strove to integrate its consulates into the internal logic of its expanding bureaucracy, and thus to extend its legal space beyond the borders of its own territory, the modernizing efforts of the Empire tended to reduce the immunities of exterritorial institutions with a view toward homogenizing and effectively controlling imperial space. The gaps and conflicts between the rival state-building agendas, as well as local factors beyond the control of either, created a local reality in which the consular personnel had the challenge and the opportunity to shape their own space of action. In this way, the consular district appears as a spatial entity somewhat resembling a state in miniature.

Americans have been studying “abroad” in Canada on a freelance basis for generations, and for many different reasons. Certain regions of Canada, for example, provide excellent, close-to-home opportunities to study French and/or to study in a French-speaking environment. Opportunities are available coast-to-coast for “foreign studies” in an English-speaking environment. Additionally, many students are interested in visiting cities or areas from which immediate family members or relatives emigrated to the United States. 
 Traditionally, many more Canadians have sought higher education degrees in the United States than the reverse. However, this is about to change. Tearing a creative page out of the American university admissions handbook, Canadian universities are aggressively recruiting in the United States with the up-front argument that a Canadian education is less expensive, and a more subtle argument that it is perhaps better.

The Agences de l’eau (Water Agencies) are well known abroad as the French attempt to develop integrated water management at river basin scale through the implementation of the Polluter Pays Principle (PPP). Yet, after 30 years of existence, environmental economists became aware that they were not implementing the PPP, and therefore were not aiming at reducing pollution through economic efficiency. Behind the purported success story, which still attracts visitors from abroad, a crisis has been recently growing. Initially based on the model of the German (rather than Dutch) waterboards, the French system always remained fragile and quasi-unconstitutional. It failed to choose between two legal, economic and institutional conceptions of river basin management. These principles differ on the definition of the PPP, and on the role of levies paid by water users. After presenting these two contrasting visions, the paper revisits the history of the French Agences, to show that, unwilling to modify the Constitution to make room for specific institutions to manage common pool resources, Parliament and administrative elites brought the system to levels of complexity and incoherence which might doom the experiment.

The paper deals with the analysis of value markers of French speakers living both in France and abroad. The relevance of this problem is explained by the anthropocentric orientation of modern linguistic science, by the study of linguistic facts in close connection with the facts of culture and their mutual influence, as well as by the lack of special research papers on the comparison of value markers of different speakers of the multinational French language. The purpose of this research is to identify the basic values of representatives of different French-speaking countries on the basis of thematically organized proverbial material presented in lexicographical sources. In the course of this research methods of comparative, statistical analysis were used, the material was obtained through continuous sampling from the specialized dictionary of French proverbs and sayings and amounted to 2041 units. The research has revealed that all French speakers living both in France and abroad are more likely to be oriented towards material rather than spiritual values. The peculiarities of French proverbs in each country reflect ethnically specific historical, geographical and sociolinguistic factors and conditions.

This paper uses census data to examine the impact on the French labor market of the 900,000 people repatriated from Algeria in 1962. Repatriates settled in regions culturally and climatically similar to Algeria, and represented 1.6% of the total French labor force in 1968. Estimates indicate that the repatriates increased the 1968 unemployment of non-repatriates by at most 0.3 percentage points. Average annual salaries were lower by at most 1.3% in 1967 due to their arrival. No evidence is found that potential immigrants from abroad and migrants within France were discouraged from moving to areas with many repatriates.

La constitution des Français de l’étranger comme catégorie politique est étudiée en décloisonnant les perspectives entre histoire, droit, science politique, et en les confrontant à l’approche anthropologique. Ces Français et leurs élus sont appréhendés sous les angles matériel et idéel. L’étude des institutions au travail, exécutif et législatif, éclaire le rôle des crises, des guerres mondiales à la globalisation. L’horizon territorial national y est relativisé.Pour résoudre les antagonismes entre nationalité et résidence hors du territoire national, ces Français expriment les liens qu’ils ont avec leur pays d’origine, en combinant pratiques locales et transnationales. La projection du système de représentation français hors des frontières, avec des règles spécifiques, fait que les élus, pour remplir la dimension transnationale de leur fonction et leur rôle en France, combinent pratiques réelles et virtuelles. Ils sont porteurs d’innovations institutionnelles, dont les limites sont l’objet même du débat, pour traduire le principe d’égalité de leurs électeurs devant la loi en égalité de droits.Ces Français sont un élément de l’altérité, nécessaire à la construction nationale. La forme du système politique en place, droit de vote et représentation, témoigne de la plasticité institutionnelle et de ses limites pour réduire des contraintes contradictoires. Dans un monde globalisé faire entrer cette nouvelle localité dans la vie sociale et politique permet d’intégrer à la fois le dépassement du territoire et l’autoperpétuation de l’Etat<br>The construction of the French from abroad as a political category is studied by confronting historical, legal and political sciences perspectives with an anthropological approach. The French from abroad and their representatives are examined from ideal and material points of view. The review of the legislative and executive powers demonstrates the preponderant role played by crises, from the two world wars to globalization. Through these crises the conceptual framework of the nation as a territorial entity is put into perspective.To solve the antagonisms between nationality and residence outside of France, they express their connection with their homeland through local and transnational practices. As the French political representation system is projected abroad their elected representatives combine real world and virtual practices to fulfil their transnational mission and their functions in France. They activate institutional innovations to translate the principle of equality before the French law for their constituents into equality in rights. The limits of the proposals are the keystone of the debates.These French are an element of alterity, crucial to the national construction. The shape of the current political system, right to vote and to elect representatives, demonstrates the institutional plasticity, and its limits, in addressing contradictory constraints. In a globalized world, integrating this new locality into social and political life is a way to combine the overtaking of the territory and the auto perpetuation of the State

La distinction de l’ami et de l’ennemi comme facteur déterminant du politique – théorie de Carl Schmitt – a été développée par son élève, traducteur et introducteur Julien Freund, qui précisa « l’essence du politique » par deux autres facteurs : les distinctions du commandant et du commandé, du public et du privé. Le moment de fondation ou de refondation du politique (le kairos grec) est la « situation exceptionnelle » dont la qualification est l’œuvre du souverain. Freund apporte à cette conception schmitienne deux éléments objectifs : la guerre civile et la guerre étrangère faisant de la crise politique la mise en danger de mort de la collectivité, soit la conjugaison du péril intérieur et de l’insécurité extérieure. Correspondent seules à cette définition la Grande Révolution et la Révolution nationale. Le retour en France de l’ennemi (non de la guerre) est la « reprise » (Kierkegaard : la chose du passé surgissant telle qu’en elle-même l’a changée la nouvelle situation) du conflit à la fois étranger et civil de 1954-1962, conflit qui amena la réforme de la loi fondamentale (référendum d’octobre 1958), la décision de la situation exceptionnelle (application de l’article 16, permettant l’incarnation du commandement pour la première fois depuis 1944) et l’installation du régime (référendum d’octobre 1962). L’assimilation de l’Epuration à la « Terreur jacobine » occulte la remise en vigueur des lois révolutionnaires par l’État français, des lois de la Restauration par le pouvoir gaullo-communiste. Tandis que les auteurs contre-révolutionnaires avaient décrit dans la Révolution une œuvre providentielle de régénération nationale, les théories politiques subversives d’illustres « révolutionnaires » et leur mise en pratique (par leurs eux-mêmes) contredisent l’action et le bilan du jacobinisme illibéral : patriotisme de Brissot, fédéralisme de Cloots, communisme de Babeuf. Une dialectique révolutionnaire-conservatrice (réaliste) rencontre donc en miroir une dialectique réactionnaire-progressiste, impolitique en ce sens que son but est le dépassement, l’anéantissement ou l’implosion d’une collectivité politique donnée, la Nation. Robespierre, sous cet angle, incarna donc la tendance conservatrice de la Révolution. La victoire inaugurale de l’oligarchie par un coup de force parlementaire (Thermidor) passe par la délégation du pouvoir souverain, de la députation vers l’armée (stratocratie). Au bout d’une génération, la monarchie de Juillet consacre l’alliance structurelle de l’Ordre et du Mouvement. C’est le coup d’État de 1851 qui ressuscite le suffrage universel ; puis le second Empire reviendra sur l’héritage libéral de 1789 au temporel (abolition des corporations, interdiction des coalitions) comme au spirituel (constitution civile du clergé) en dotant l’Église et en autorisant les syndicats (1864). S’institutionnalise après la guerre étrangère (franco-prussienne) puis civile (Commune) un « nouvel Ancien régime » (Pierre Leroux) dont la gauche constituera l’aile active ; la droite, l’aile passive. En 1939, le gouvernement décidant de la guerre contre l’avis du Parlement, ce qui restait de République est renversé de fait ; le congrès réuni à Vichy, par son vote du 10 juillet 1940, reconquiert paradoxalement la souveraineté en la déléguant. L’histoire du régime de Vichy doit donc être revue à cette lumière, comme celle du gaullisme (dissidence de la Tradition) et de la résistance communiste (dissidence de la Révolution) ; ces deux dernières forces, réunies à partir de 1941, reconstitueront le mouvement réactionnaire-progressiste. Les mémoires de la Révolution française et de la Révolution nationale sont battues en brèche sous les coups d’un libéralisme toujours plus hégémonique, altérant le Peuple, la Constitution, le politique lui-même. Le régime libéral renvoie dos à dos jacobinisme et maurrassisme dans le même enfer mémoriel<br>The distinction of the friend and the enemy as the determining factor of politics – a theory of Carl Schmidt – has been developped by his pupil, translator and introducer Julien Freund who indicated besides two other factors of the "essence of politics" : the distinction of the commanding one and the commanded one and that of the public sphere and the private sphere. The act of fundation or refundation of politics (the greek kairos) is the ‘exceptional situation’ and its qualification is the sovereign’s task. Freund adds to this Schmittian approach two objective elements : civil war and foreign war changing the political crisis into the danger of death for the collectivity, that is the combination of the internal threat with that from abroad. The only events in the History of France that do correspond to this definition are the Great Revolution and the National Revolution. The enemy coming back in France (and not war coming back) is the ‘resumption’ (Kierkegaard : the thing from the past appearing as the situation changed it in itself) of the internal and external conflict of 1954-1962, a conflict that led to the reform of the fundamental law (referundum of October 1958), the decision to decree the exceptional situation (application of section 16 of the Constitution enabling the incarnation of the command for the first time since 1944) and the installation of the regime (referendum of October 1962). The assimilation of the épuration légale (French : “legal purge”) to the "Jacobin Terror" hides the reinstatement of revolutionary laws by the French State and that of the laws of the Bourbon Restoration by the Gaullo-communist power. While counterrevolutionary authors had described in the Revolution a providential work of national regeneration, the subversive political theories of illustrious "Revolutionaries" and their application (by themselves) contradict the action and the results of illiberal Jacobinism: Brissot’s patriotism, Cloots’ federalism, Babeuf’s communism. A revolutionary-conservative (realist) dialectic thus meets in mirror a reactionary-progressive dialectic which can only be impolitic in the sense that its goal is the overcoming, the annihilation or the implosion of a given political community, the Nation. Robespierre, from this angle, thus embodied the conservative tendency of the Revolution. The inaugural victory of the oligarchy by a parliamentary coup (Thermidor) involves the delegation of the sovereign power from deputyship to the army (stratocracy). At the end of a generation, the July monarchy consecrates the structural alliance of the Order and the Movement. It was the coup d'etat of 1851 that revived universal suffrage; the Second Empire was then to reconsider the liberal heritage of 1789 in the temporal field (abolition of fund, prohibition of coalitions) as well as in the spiritual field (civil constitution of the clergy) by endowing the Church and authorizing labor unions (1864). After the foreign (Franco-Prussian) and then civil (Commune) wars, a "new Ancien Regime" (Pierre Leroux) was institutionalised, with the left as active wing and the right as the passive wing. In 1939, as the government declared war against the opinion of Parliament, what remained of the Republic was overthrown de facto; the congress at Vichy, by its vote of July 10, 1940, paradoxically reconquered sovereignty by delegating it. The history of the Vichy regime must therefore be reviewed in this light, like that of Gaullism (dissent of Tradition) and communist resistance (dissent of the Revolution); these last two forces, united from 1941, would reconstitute the reactionary-progressive movement. The memories of the French Revolution and the National Revolution are undermined by the blows of an ever more hegemonic liberalism altering the People, the Constitution, politics itself. The liberal regime refers back to back Jacobinism and Maurrassism in the same memorial hell

Cette thèse fait état de l’impact d’une réforme de financement des établissements de santé appelé paiement à la qualité, ou paiement à la performance (P4P). Ce nouveau mode de financement consiste à inciter les fournisseurs de soins à améliorer la qualité des soins en distribuant des bonus financiers en fonction de leurs résultats à un certain nombre d’indicateurs de qualité. Ce paiement s’est largement diffusé ces dix dernières années dans les systèmes de santé des pays développés sans que la preuve de son impact n’ait pu être démontrée. Ce travail de thèse avait ainsi pour objectif d’analyser les effets du P4P dans le cadre de l’expérimentation française conduite au sein d’établissements de médecine, chirurgie et obstétrique. En s’intéressant aux usages, nous avons pu décrire les processus d’implémentation au sein des établissements de santé expérimentateurs. Les résultats obtenus montraient que, malgré des réactions positives, ce nouveau mode de paiement n’avait pu amorcer de changements profonds dans les pratiques d’amélioration de la qualité en interne. Nous avons toutefois pu observer que les établissements répondaient au signal envoyé par cette incitation en se conformant à ce modèle, afin d’assurer leur légitimité vis-à-vis des tutelles. Nous avons alors pu mettre en avant des phénomènes de découplage des modes d’organisation de l’hôpital mis en place de manière implicite par les directions d’établissement. Au travers de cette expérimentation, nous avons alors réfléchi aux perspectives du paiement à la qualité ainsi qu’à la place qu’il peut avoir aux côtés de nouveaux modes de paiement des établissements de santé et avons pu décrire leurs modalités d’évaluation<br>This thesis studies the impact of a payment reform for hospitals called quality-based payment, or pay-for-performance (P4P). This new funding approach encourages healthcare providers to improve the quality of care by distributing financial bonuses based on their performance on a number of quality indicators. This payment has spread widely over the last ten years within the health systems of developed countries without strong empirical evidence of its impact. The aim of this work was thus to analyze the effects of P4P based on the French experiment conducted within acute care hospitals. By looking closely at the uses, we were able to describe the implementation processes within the enrolled hospitals. The results showed that, despite positive feedback from healthcare professionals, this new payment method had not been able to initiate significant changes in internal quality improvement practices. However, we were able to observe that the organizations responded to the signal sent by this financial incentive by conforming to this model, in order to ensure their legitimacy vis-à-vis the ministry of health. We were then able to highlight the phenomena of decoupling of hospital organization methods implicitly implemented by hospital management. Through this experimentation, we then reflected on the future of quality-based payment as well as the place it can have alongside new payment methods for healthcare organizations and were able to describe the preferred evaluation methods

The diplomatic origins of the French Revolution remain controversial. Just as foreign and military factors imposed heavy burdens on the French budget before 1789, so did constraints on the French budget severely limit the options of French foreign/military policy makers. The contradictions already present in the policies of the foreign minister Vergennes were realized in 1787, and later under his successor Montmorin. The price of Montmorin’s peace was not only a further decline in France’s prestige abroad, but also a sense of imminent vulnerability to foreign invasion at a time when it was believed that the French government was being subverted from within by unfriendly foreign powers, and that the most immediate problem of the Old Regime—state bankruptcy—was a product of that subversion. Only by examining the interface between foreign and domestic developments can the diplomatic origins of the French Revolution can be fully appreciated.

This chapter analyzes how French public policy approaches have studied the influence of European integration on France’s domestic public policies. Starting from a review of the general literature on Europeanization, the chapter presents three periods in the study of Europeanization that characterize French and francophone research from the 1990s to the beginning of the 2000s: the discovery of European integration as factor of domestic change; the period where research imported comparative Europeanization questions from abroad; and, finally, the emancipation of French Europeanization research. The chapter stresses that while Europeanization research emerged concurrently in the French and international realms, part of the French approach, embedded in a cognitive framework, best subsumed under the heading of “réferentiel,” has gradually started to influence debates at the international level.

The Jesuits devoted themselves to preaching the word of God, administering the sacraments, and spreading the faith by missions in both Europe and newly discovered lands abroad. But, in 1773, under intense pressure from the monarchs of Europe, the papacy suppressed the Society of Jesus, an act that reverberated from Europe to the Americas and Southeast Asia. This book argues that Reform Catholicism, not a secular Enlightenment, provided the justification for Catholic kings to suppress a society instituted by the papacy. Spanning the years from the mid-sixteenth century to the onset of the French Revolution, and the Jesuit presence from China to Brazil, this is the only single volume in English to make coherent sense of the series of expulsions that add up to what was arguably the most important religious event in Europe of the time, resulting in the secularization of tens of thousands of Jesuits.

The eighteenth-century English novel was influenced by earlier prose fiction from the Continent; the English improved what others had invented. Individual novels from the Continent were imitated by British novelists; particular genres first developed abroad were adapted by them as well. Spanish novels like Don Quixote and the picaresque preceded and influenced novels of Defoe, Fielding, Smollett, and Sterne. Seventeenth-century French romances influenced novels of amorous intrigue by Behn, Manley, and Haywood. These in turn provoked the novel of women’s virtuous resistance created by Richardson. Earlier prose fiction from the Continent was translated into English and widely read throughout the eighteenth century. The transnational traffic in fiction flowed in the other direction as well. Rousseau’s enthusiastic embrace of Richardson popularized the transnational genre of the sentimental novel. From the 1770s onwards German fiction became influential in England, and German-derived tales of terror came to dominate the popular British market.

The important role played by Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette in the radicalization of the early phase of the French Revolution has never been in doubt. Most histories continue to focus on the regal couple’s real, and supposed, role in fomenting counter-revolution at home and especially abroad. This chapter engages with the complex question of the dwindling fortunes of Louis XVI’s monarchy from a more domestic angle. It focuses on that neglected, though crucial, year of 1790 which witnessed the failure to erect a viable constitutional settlement. It became impossible to accommodate both Crown and assembly in a viable working relationship. Essentially, the king’s distrust for the deputies, who had little by little arrogated his remaining powers, proved insurmountable. The monarchy’s passive resistance to the revolution’s early reform programme and political culture became increasingly unpopular. This created a radicalized and tension-filled atmosphere which pushed the revolution into hitherto unexpected directions.

The world-famous French singer Édith Piaf (1915-63) was never just a singer. Dozens of biographies of her, of variable quality, have seldom got beyond the well known and usually contested ‘facts’ of her life. This book suggests new ways of understanding her. A ‘cultural history’ of Piaf means exploring her cultural, social and political significance as a national and international icon, looking at her shifting meanings over time, at home and abroad. How did she become a star and a myth? What did she come to mean in life and in death? What is her place in popular music yesterday and today? At the centenary of her birth and more than fifty years after her passing, why do we still remember her work and commemorate her through the work of others, from Claude Nougaro and Elton John to Ben Harper and Zaz, as well as in films, musicals, documentaries and tribute acts around the world? What does she mean today?

Between the Ottomans and the Entente is the first social history of the First World War written from the perspective of the Arab diasporas in the United States, Brazil, and Argentina. The war between the Ottoman Empire and the Entente Powers placed the half million Syrian, Lebanese, and Palestinian migrants living abroad in a complicated geopolitical predicament. As Ottoman citizens living in a pro-Entente hemisphere, Arab migrants faced new demands for loyalty by their host societies; simultaneously, they confronted a multiplying legal regime of migration restriction, passport control, and nationality disputes designed to claim Syrian migrants while also controlling their movements. This work tracks the politics and activism of Syrian migrants from the 1908 Young Turk Revolution through the early French Mandate period in the 1920s. It argues that Syrian migrant activists opposed Ottoman rule from the diaspora, collaborating with the Entente powers because they believed this war work would bolster the cause of Syria’s liberation from Unionist rule. Instead, the Entente Powers used support from Syrian migrant communities to bolster colonial claims on a post-Ottoman Levant. This work captures a series of state projects to claim Syrian migrants for the purposes of nation-building in the Arab Middle East, and the efforts of Syrian migrants to resist the categorical schema of the homogenous nation-state and policies of partition and displacement.

This volume of essays arose from a conference which marked the 80th birthday of prizewinning British poet Tony Harrison on 30 April 2017 and with his agreement constitutes his ‘official’ Festschrift. The contributors include practising poets, playwrights, specialists in Classics, Theatre, Translation Studies, English and World Literature, and professionals in media (radio, newspapers, TV and film) where Harrison’s extensive work has been least researched. The aim of the volume is to open up new approaches to the understanding of the work of one of our most important poets. Although it is indeed intended to provide the substantial and sufficiently comprehensive contribution to Harrison scholarship that his official eight-decades-alive merit, and the Editor’s Introduction to the volume is sensitive to the needs of the reader in terms of bibliographical signposts, the four sections focus primarily on areas that have been hitherto little explored: (1) his more recent poems; (2) the continuation of his relationship with ancient theatre after the landmark Oresteia and Trackers of the 1980–1990 decade, his evolving dramatic relationship with Euripides, and with French authors (Hugo, Molière, Racine); (3) the international angle. This entails both the profound contribution made to his work by his periods of residence abroad, in Africa, North America, Moscow and Prague, and his popularity in French and Italian translation (both European translators have agreed to speak); (4) his extensive body of poems (about which almost nothing has been published) written specifically for delivery in the media of film, television and radio.

This book offers the narratives of a group of privileged women who were immersed in a French lycée and later rebelled and fought for independence, starting with France's occupation of Vietnam and continuing through US involvement and life after war ends in 1975. Tracing the lives of nine women, the book reveals these women's stories as they forsook safety and comfort to struggle for independence, and describes how they adapted to life in the jungle, whether facing bombing raids, malaria, deadly snakes, or other trials. How did they juggle double lives working for the resistance in Saigon? How could they endure having to rely on family members to raise their own children? Why, after being sent to study abroad by anxious parents, did several women choose to return to serve their country? How could they bear open-ended separation from their husbands? How did they cope with sending their children to villages to escape the bombings of Hanoi? In spite of the maelstrom of war, how did they forge careers? And how, in spite of dislocation and distrust following the end of the war in 1975, did these women find each other and rekindle their friendships? This book answers these questions and more in this powerful and personal approach to history.

This chapter focuses on Syrian migrant activists who lobbied for American intervention and a US Mandate in Syria after the 1918 armistice. Calling themselves the “New Syrian” parties, activists in New York City, Boston, Buenos Aires, and Cairo petitioned for the United States to take guardianship of Syria as a bulwark against French colonialism in the region. The New Syrians were rejected by the 1919 Paris Peace Conference, which led them to promote their ideas through petitioning and mass meetings held in the mahjar. Examining a history of the Wilsonian moment from beyond the Paris petitions, the chapter argues that the conference engaged in the construction of a legal fiction: that the Syrian mahjar favored the French Mandate. Far from partners in empire, the diaspora Syrians and Lebanese presented the French with the difficult task of pacifying an extraterritorial subject population that could not be controlled through blunt military suppression.

This chapter consists of two manuscript case studies concerning Aberystwyth, National Library of Wales, MS 5667 and British Library Royal 20 D 1. The former is manuscript of the Tristan en prose that is confected from two parts, one made in France and one in Italy. The second is the earliest manuscript of the second redaction of the Histoire ancienne jusqu’à César, made in Naples but then moving from Italy to Spain and from Spain to France. Both artefacts, though in different ways, are the result of textual bricolage. We trace this bricolage in each instance and the movement of books that produce cultural networks.

This chapter connects northern Italy with networked vectors of transmission encompassing the Low Countries, Britain, France, and the eastern Mediterranean: Arthurian prose romance is a vehicle for, and an instrument of, a pan-European chivalric vision of the past, present, and future. This Christianizing interest in figures like Tristan and Guiron le Courtois connects Italy with the Low Countries and the eastern Mediterranean in particular. A key feature of the transmission of this material, and one that grows in importance by the fourteenth century, is compilation. The famous Arthurian compilation (c. 1270) of Rusticiaus de Pise gathers episodes from different romance traditions. Guiron le Courtois circulates in ever-expanding compilations between the Low Countries and Northern Italy.

This chapter pursues the theme of travel, focusing on how both the representation and, crucially, the non-representation of movements, travels, and networks become key to the retooling of some texts in transmission. In the first section of this chapter, we show how the prose Tristan is made to travel, indeed is relocated to the Mediterranean, through a prologue and lengthy prequel; the whole of British culture is thereby glossed as a dislocation of, and exile from, the holy East. The second section takes a well-known and much-studied manuscript, Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 264, and follows a textual (non-)thread via the Paon (Peacock) cycle of Alexander texts, to trace the career of a poet, Jean de le Mote, whose career exemplifies cultural networks that today are often overlooked.

Every year, around 120 students of French at the University of Manchester (UoM) prepare to go on their compulsory Year Abroad (YA). They are free to choose between different options: studying in France and the French-speaking world, working in diverse sectors throughout the French-speaking world, or becoming a language assistant. This wealth of choice can make pre-departure decisions difficult. Furthermore, once students are abroad, there seems to be a gap between their expectations and the reality of living abroad. This can result in anxiety and a lack of engagement with the target culture and language. This chapter presents the ways in which the Department of French Studies at UoM is helping students prepare for the YA by including specific activities and topics in its language module curriculum. It first examines the issues students encounter before and during their YA, then the solutions that have been implemented, and finally the impact of this programme.

The Year Abroad (YA) is one of the most valuable parts of our language degree programmes. Here we discuss some of the elements that constitute the assessment Nottingham Trent University students carry out to earn a YA diploma. More specifically we compare the two elements (blog and dossier) that we think contribute most to reflective practice, by analysing examples from students of French, German, and Spanish. Although at this point the analysis remains impressionistic, we compare which of these two elements helps students to reflect more deeply and meaningfully while achieving the YA objectives. The main findings indicate that both types of text help students to reflect on their experience and consequently to develop their Intercultural Communicative Competence (ICC). Notably, the use of the target language does not appear to determine the level of reflection while the intended audience plays an important part in the style and accessibility of students’ work.

From the mid-sixteenth century, Catholics from Protestant jurisdictions established colleges for the education and formation of students in more hospitable Catholic territories abroad. The Irish, English and Scots colleges founded in France, Flanders, the Iberian peninsula, Rome and the Holy Roman Empire are the best known, but the phenomenon extended to Dutch and Scandinavian foundations in southern Flanders, the German lands and Poland, as well as to colleges founded in Rome and other Italian cities for a wide range of national communities, among whom the Maronites are a striking example from within the Ottoman Empire. The first colleges were founded in the 1550s and 1560s, and tens of thousands of students passed through them until their suppression in the 1790s. Only a handful survived the disruption of the French Revolutionary wars to re-emerge in the nineteenth century and a few endure today. Historians have long argued that these abroad colleges...

Like other Catholic communities under Protestant jurisdiction, the Irish, initially with Spanish assistance, provided itself with the means of educating at least some of its clergy and a small number of laity. Traditionally, the resulting Irish colleges’ network has been understood almost exclusively as the product of the religious reform of the sixteenth century and of the phased English conquest of the island. Unsurprisingly, this resulted in a narrow view of their significance. It concentrated largely on the priest-producing aspect of their activities, to the neglect of their social, economic and cultural roles. This narrowness of approach has been a concern for a new generation of historians. Conscious of the social function of these institutions, some have tried to reintegrate the colleges into comprehensive, source-based explorations of their originating and target communities. This is now yielding more satisfactory accounts of their significance. Of particular importance has been work on the various roles played by the colleges in facilitating Catholic migration to the continent and in maintaining a Catholic pastoral infrastructure in Ireland in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. More recent studies have revealed how the colleges’ role changed over time and varied geographically and socially. It is now becoming clear how much their continued existence depended on their capacity to respond to alterations in the geo-political contexts that originally brought them into being. The relative decline of Spain in the early seventeenth century, the dominance of France from the 1660s and, perhaps most importantly, the growth of the British Empire after the 1690s crucially influenced the nature and role of the colleges. So too did directives from continental hierarchies and from Rome, frequently issued in response to endless collegial infighting. Even more significant, however, was the rapidly changing economic and political status of the Catholic communities in Ireland, to which the colleges had been providing clergy, and other services, since the 1590s. In the second half of the eighteenth century the demands, needs and aspirations of the emergent Catholic interest in Ireland posed a challenge that eventually overawed college administrations. Although European secularization and the French Revolutionary Wars were the occasion for their closure, it was the altered relationship between Irish Catholics and the imperial government that rendered the traditional role of continental colleges redundant. With growing opportunities in the imperial armies, the European connection in general was relatively less important for Irish Catholics. At the same time, the freedom to establish domestic seminaries provided the Irish hierarchy with convenient alternatives to the continental colleges, which, even in their heyday, had often seemed more trouble that they were worth. Few continental colleges re-established themselves in the nineteenth century. Those that did were only shadows of their former selves.

The Grove City College (GCC) European Study Center (ESC) is a program that allows mechanical and electrical engineering students to study abroad in the junior and senior year fall semester, respectively, and graduate in four years. The ESC is activity partners with a local institution called Oniris, which specializes in food science engineering, and veterinary science (an affiliate with the French Ministry of Agriculture). Electrical engineering students that participate in the program carry out their yearlong capstone design project (Senior Experience in Electrical Design (SEED)) in partnership with Oniris. For the 2016–2017 academic year, participating electrical engineering students completed a project titled Ultra-Low-Cost Flexible Sensor Array, or “Low-Cost Array” (LCA), designed for commercial tunnel-style ovens. The LCA features low cost ($200), flexible programmability, and ease of use (based on the widely available Arduino). The purpose of the project was to develop a low-cost data-logger to operate inside tunnel-style ovens to record temperature from thermocouples (and other analog signals, i.e. heat flux) for thirty minutes in an environment up to 250 °C. This study evaluates the LCA compared to other data-logging systems, and its performance in high temperature environments by a series of experiments. In addition, an idea of its commercialization potential was explored by interviewing industrialists and academics on-site. Experimental results showed that: (1) data logged from the system were close to values recorded by current systems used for both temperature and heat flux measurements, and (2) the system performed well at 240 °C for thirty minutes (maximum temperature of oven). In addition, the interviews revealed that although most interest was in a tunnel-style oven data-logger, it seems feasible to incorporate changes to satisfy needs for other markets, especially those of a general-purpose data-logger.