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Journal articles on the topic 'French Prisoners'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 6 February 2022

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1

Mandhouj, Olfa, Henri-Jean Aubin, Ammar Amirouche, Nader Ali Perroud, and Philippe Huguelet. "Spirituality and Religion Among French Prisoners." International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology 58, no. 7 (June 18, 2013): 821–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306624x13491715.

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2

Herzog-Evans, Martine. "French early release: McProcedures and McRe-entry." European Journal of Probation 11, no. 3 (December 2019): 188–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2066220319897238.

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Before 2009, the main rationales of the French early release system were reinsertion and resocialisation; the prevention of reoffending, the interests of society; and the rights of victims. With the chronic prison overcrowding and the cost for public finances a radical change occurred with three law reforms (2009, 2014, 2019). The new main – if not unique – objective is to free as many prisoners as possible, this, as quickly as possible, without through the gate programmes that address prisoners’ release needs. As a research conducted from 2014 to 2016 shows ‘bad fast’ procedures are rejected by both reentry judges (they lack ‘moral alignment’) and with prisoners (they are perceived as unfair and unsupportive). This article will deal with these subjects by drawing upon theories of innovation diffusion and legitimacy of justice.

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3

Pazart, Lionel, Aurélie Godard-Marceau, Aline Chassagne, Aurore Vivot-Pugin, Elodie Cretin, Edouard Amzallag, and Regis Aubry. "Prevalence and characteristics of prisoners requiring end-of-life care: A prospective national survey." Palliative Medicine 32, no. 1 (August 8, 2017): 6–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0269216317721816.

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Background: Ensuring adequate end-of-life care for prisoners is a critical issue. In France, data investigating the impact of laws allowing release of seriously ill prisoners are lacking. Aim: To assess the number and characteristics of prisoners requiring palliative care in French prisons. Design: A prospective, national survey collecting data over a 3-month period. Setting/participants: All healthcare units ( n = 190) providing care for prisoners in France. The prison population was 66,698 during the study period. Data collection concerned prisoners requiring end-of-life care, that is, with serious, advanced, progressive, or terminal illness and life expectancy <1 year. Results: Estimated annual prevalence of ill prisoners requiring end-of-life care was 15.2 (confidence interval: 12.5–18.3) per 10,000 prisoners. The observed number of prisoners requiring palliative care ( n = 50) was twice as high as the expected age- and sex-standardized number based on the general population and similar to the expected number among persons 10 years older in the free community. In all, 41 of 44 (93%) of identified ill prisoners were eligible for temporary or permanent compassionate release, according to their practitioner. Only 33 of 48 (68%) of ill prisoners requested suspension or reduction in their sentence on medical grounds; half (16/33) received a positive answer. Conclusion: The proportion of prisoners requiring palliative care is higher than expected in the general population. The general frailty and co-existing conditions of prisoners before incarceration and the acceleration of these phenomena in prison could explain this increase in end-of-life situations among prisoners.

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4

Désesquelles, Aline, and Annie Kensey. "The death toll of French former prisoners." European Journal of Epidemiology 32, no. 10 (July 7, 2017): 939–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10654-017-0284-5.

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5

Paterson, Lorraine M. "Ethnoscapes of Exile: Political Prisoners from Indochina in a Colonial Asian World." International Review of Social History 63, S26 (June 14, 2018): 89–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859018000238.

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ABSTRACTDuring the French colonization of Indochina (1863–1954), approximately 8,000 prisoners – many of them convicted of political crimes – were exiled to twelve different geographical locations throughout the French empire. Many of these prisoners came from a Chinese background or a culturally Chinese world, and the sites to which they were exiled (even the penal colonies themselves) contained diasporic Chinese communities. Knowing Chinese might be their greatest asset, or being able to “pass” as Chinese the most valuable tool to facilitate escape. This article explores a group of political prisoners sent from French Indochina to French Guiana in 1913 and their subsequent escape, with the aid of Chinese residents. If exile is, in one sense, the ultimate exercise of colonial power – capable of moving bodies to distant locales – examining these lives through a Vietnamese lens reveals a very different story than the colonial archival record reflects.

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6

Galli, Serena, Wiebke Bretschneider, Bernice Simone Elger, Violet Handtke, and David Shaw. "Aging Prisoners’ Views on Healthcare Services in Swiss Prisons." Journal of Applied Gerontology 38, no. 3 (November 29, 2016): 365–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0733464816681150.

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Objective: Due to the higher morbidity prevalent in the increasing older population, prisons are facing new challenges on a structural, ethical, and financial level. This study’s goal was to explore older prisoners’ views and experiences regarding the quality of medical services. Method: In this qualitative study, 35 semi-structured interviews were conducted with older inmates aged 50 years and above in 12 different prisons in the German-speaking (23 interviews) and the French-speaking parts (12 interviews) of Switzerland. Results: The majority of older prisoners in this sample expressed concerns about quality of treatment throughout incarceration. Topics addressed reached from quality of the entrance to routine examinations, quality of the treatment received, and delays in care and services provided. Conclusion: This study’s findings suggest that healthcare in prison is often perceived as insufficient and inadequate by older inmates.

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7

Briot, Danielle. "From a closed world to the infinite Universe: Astronomy in prisons." Proceedings of the International Astronomical Union 5, S260 (January 2009): 475–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743921311002699.

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AbstractFor over a decade, some French astronomers visit prisons to talk and discuss about astronomy with prisoners. First we note the paradoxes which exist in the juxtaposition of the words “astronomy” and “prisons”. The importance and interests of these talks are reviewed, as well as the specificities of the audiences. Some material details about the organisation and a brief review of actions done in France today are given. As a conclusion, we emphasize the interest and the utility of these astronomy lectures and discussions.

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8

Scheck, R. "Nazi Propaganda toward French Muslim Prisoners of War." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 26, no. 3 (December 1, 2012): 447–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcs060.

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9

Guse, John C. "Polo Beyris: A Forgotten Internment Camp in France, 1939–47." Journal of Contemporary History 54, no. 2 (February 5, 2018): 368–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417712113.

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Polo Beyris is a virtually unexplored example of internment under French and German authorities. From 1939 to 1947 the camp of Polo Beyris in Bayonne held successively: Spanish Civil War refugees, French colonial prisoners of war, suspected ‘collaborators’ and German prisoners of war. Despite having up to 8600 prisoners at one time, the large camp and its numerous satellite work detachments were literally ‘forgotten’ for decades. Although similar to other camps in its improvised nature, wretched living conditions, lack of food and constant movement of prisoners, Polo Beyris was also unique: located in a dense urban area, within the wartime Occupied Zone and close to the Spanish frontier. Its civil and military administrators were faced with constantly changing, and often chaotic, political and military circumstances. Not a waystation in the Holocaust, Polo Beyris has been lost from the sight of historians. It provides an additional dimension to the complex history of internment in twentieth century France.

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10

Gaïffas, Anne, Cédric Galéra, Virginie Mandon, and Manuel P. Bouvard. "Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder in Young French Male Prisoners." Journal of Forensic Sciences 59, no. 4 (February 20, 2014): 1016–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1556-4029.12444.

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11

Combalbert, Nicolas, Valérie Pennequin, Claude Ferrand, Moussa Keita, and Brigitte Geffray. "Effect of age, time spent in prison and level of education on the perceived health and quality of life of elderly prisoners." International Journal of Prisoner Health 15, no. 2 (June 10, 2019): 168–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijph-09-2018-0048.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to assess the level of perceived health and quality of life of elderly prisoners in France, and to see whether there is a link between aging, time spent in prison and level of education and scores for perceived health and quality of life. Design/methodology/approach The authors’ recruited 138 male prisoners aged 50 and over in seven French prisons. The research protocol comprised a semi-structured interview and two scales. Findings The results revealed low levels of perceived health and quality of life among the elderly inmates. They also showed that age was not statistically associated with most of the dimensions of perceived health on the Nottingham Health Profile (NHP), with the exception of poor mobility. By contrast, age was statistically associated with most of the dimensions of quality of life on the WHOQOL-Bref. Time spent in prison was only associated negatively with the “sleep” dimension of the NHP. Emotional reactions were perceived most positively by the inmates with the highest level of education. Practical implications It seems particularly important to assess the perceived health and quality of life of elderly prisoners in order to ensure their appropriate treatment and management. Originality/value Very few studies have examined the perceived health and quality of life of prisoners, even though this population is particularly vulnerable in terms of physical and mental health.

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12

MacDonald, Mairi S. "Guinea's Political Prisoners: Colonial Models, Postcolonial Innovation." Comparative Studies in Society and History 54, no. 4 (September 20, 2012): 890–913. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041751200045x.

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AbstractMuch postcolonial theory assumes a continuity of both behavior and representation between colonial rule and what has succeeded it across sub-Saharan Africa. The maltreatment of political prisoners in Guinea in the wake of its brief invasion by Portuguese troops in November 1970 provides a challenging but ultimately fruitful empirical record against which to test this theory. I use an analytical approach informed by history, law, anthropology, and communications theory to explore continuities between the legal practices of French colonial and contemporary revolutionary regimes, on one hand, and Guinea's pursuit of supposed traitors, on the other. Though there is more discontinuity than direct inheritance in the administration of justice, the article argues that the representation of Guinea's colonial heritage was a central part of how President Sékou Touré legitimized his state and his own rule. I suggest that the colonial legacy operated more as a benchmark of what behavior might be acceptable in a postcolonial revolutionary state such as Guinea than as a linear precedent from French colonial rule to the Guinean revolution. The regime's representation of its colonial legacy also helps to explain the form, medium, and content of the political prisoners' broadcast confessions.

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13

Bacchin, Elena. "Political Prisoners of the Italian Mezzogiorno: A Transnational Question of the Nineteenth Century." European History Quarterly 50, no. 4 (October 2020): 625–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691420960378.

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Through a case study of a group of Neapolitan political activists incarcerated in Naples after the 1848 Revolution, this article aims to rescue the Italian convicts’ experience from its subsidiary status, presenting the prisons as a site of struggle and in particular highlighting the international, European dimension of political imprisonment in the nineteenth century. I argue that together with the exiled, political prisoners also acted as transnational actors of the Risorgimento; they aroused the interest of both public opinion and the world of diplomacy and were perceived as a humanitarian cause. Neapolitan political prisoners became spokespersons of their national and political cause abroad, had a clear agency and exploited European public opinion. This study will thus explore the dynamics of the Risorgimento from a transnational perspective, as well as in relation to British and French imperialistic policies in the Mediterranean, the international de-legitimization of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, and more generally in terms of foreign humanitarian interventions in the nineteenth century and the role of political prisoners. The Neapolitan dungeons were not significantly different from those of other European states; however, they became the target of international diplomacy showing how Naples was considered somewhat in between European and non-European states.

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14

Robinson, Paul. "Fidelio and the French Revolution." Cambridge Opera Journal 3, no. 1 (March 1991): 23–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954586700003359.

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Fidelio has always posed difficulties for operatic interpreters. On the literal level it is straight-forward enough, much more so, certainly, than its great Mozartian predecessor, The Magic Flute. All three of its versions tell the unproblematical story of a wife, Leonore, who disguises herself as a boy in order to rescue her unjustly imprisoned husband. In the prison she obtains a job with the jailor, Rocco, whose daughter proceeds to fall in love with her (in spite of being promised to the prison gatekeeper). The central action is triggered when the governor of the prison, Don Pizarro, learns that the Minister (representing the central monarchy) has set out to visit the prison, suspecting that it harbours several ‘victims of arbitrary force’. Pizarro is terrified that the Minister will discover one particular inmate, Florestan, who had threatened to expose his crimes and whom the Minister believes to be dead (we, of course, have no difficulty recognising him as Leonore's husband). Pizarro thus resolves to murder Florestan. In the second act Rocco and Leonore precede Pizarro into the dungeon to dig the victim's grave, and there Leonore ascertains that the condemned prisoner is indeed her husband. When Pizarro descends for the kill, he is confronted by Leonore, who tells him he will have to kill Florestan's wife first, and pulls a gun on him. At exactly this moment, a trumpet call announces the Minister, whose arrival dissolves the dramatic situation with breathtaking suddenness: Florestan is rescued, husband and wife are reunited, and Pizarro's tyranny is broken. In the final scene all the prisoners are liberated, Pizarro is banished (presumably to face imprisonment himself), and the Minister, learning that his friend Florestan has been saved by his wife's courage, invites her to unlock his chains. The opera ends with a choral tribute to wifely devotion.

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15

Durand, Yves, and Sarah Fishman. "We Will Wait. Wifes of French Prisoners of War 1940-1945." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, no. 36 (October 1992): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3769111.

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16

Offen, Karen, and Sarah Fishman. "We Will Wait: Wives of French Prisoners of War, 1940-1945." American Historical Review 98, no. 2 (April 1993): 512. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2166907.

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17

Dzanic, Dzavid. "Between fanaticism and loyalty: Algerian prisoners within the French Mediterranean Empire." Journal of North African Studies 20, no. 2 (June 25, 2014): 204–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2014.928209.

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18

DALY, GAVIN. "Napoleon's Lost Legions: French Prisoners of War in Britain, 1803-1814." History 89, no. 295 (July 2004): 361–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.2004.00304.x.

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19

Thomas, M. C. "The Vichy Government and French Colonial Prisoners of War, 1940-1944." French Historical Studies 25, no. 4 (October 1, 2002): 657–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-25-4-657.

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20

Bißmann, Daniel. "Soviet Prisoners of War in the French Resistance Movement. Research Perspectives." Historical Courier, no. 3 (June 28, 2021): 9–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.31518/2618-9100-2021-3-1.

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21

Bespalova, K. A. "French Prisoners of War in South of Soviet Russia in Spring and Summer of 1919." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 6 (June 24, 2021): 317–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2021-6-317-331.

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The article examines the plot about the stay of French servicemen in captivity in the south of Russia at the end of the intervention of the Entente countries (spring-summer 1919). The relevance of the study is due to the need to revise the point of view established in Russian historiography about the voluntary and massive transition of the French military to the side of the Bolsheviks. The author dwells on the circumstances of captivity and the period of detention of foreigners. Particular attention is paid to the attempt by the Bolsheviks to spread the ideas of the left movement and attract prisoners to the ranks of the Red Army. This activity was carried out through the creation of communist groups at the Foreign Collegium in Odessa. Using the example of the work of the French Communist Group employees, it was possible to identify agitation and propaganda methods of persuading the compatriots to the side of the Bolsheviks. The novelty of the study is seen in the fact that for the reconstruction of the methods of campaigning, the author involved materials from the archives of the French Ministry of Defense, which make it possible to determine the circle of agitators and concretize methods of recruiting foreigners. The author proved that there was no mass transition to the side of the Bolsheviks, the agitators managed to persuade only a few prisoners of the French and most of the servicemen remained faithful to this oath.

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22

Herzog-Evans, Martine. "French third sector participation in probation and reentry: Complementary or competitive?" European Journal of Probation 6, no. 1 (April 2014): 42–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2066220314523228.

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In France, the third sector is virtually in sole charge of pre-sentence reports, prisoners’ resettlement, and prisoners’ families and victims’ support. It is increasingly in charge of supporting offenders’ reentry and rehabilitation in the community, of community work, of France’s equivalent of approved premises or half-way houses, of treatment programmes, and, in certain cases, of supervision itself. Unlike in England and Wales, there has not been a deliberate privatisation agenda in this jurisdiction; the third sector has simply gradually been forced to undertake the social work that state probation services have progressively forsaken. The French third sector today has little in common with its 19th century origins: it has become much more professionalised. However, it has kept its deep-seated community roots intact and is more innovative and flexible than the prison-imbedded state probation services. For these reasons, it is a much appreciated partner for the judiciary and local authorities. However, on a par with state probation, the third sector is yet to undergo an evidence-based practices revolution and policy-makers do not seem to be concerned by the outcome of their actions.

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23

Şakul, Kahraman. "What happened to Pouqueville’s Frenchmen? Ottoman treatment of the French prisoners during the War of the Second Coalition (1798-1802)." Turkish Historical Review 3, no. 2 (2012): 168–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462x00302005.

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This essay is about the Ottoman treatment of war prisoners at the end of the eighteenth century. It questions the common assumption of Ottoman fanaticism and ignorance of European military norms in the treatment of captives. Pouqueville’s memoirs of captivity played a crucial role in the emergence of this view, but a comparison of his testimony and Ottoman documents shows that there is a discrepancy between the two accounts. While there were many differences in practice, the Ottomans shared a legalistic view of the treatment of war prisoners, based on the concept of reciprocity.

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24

DALY, GAVIN. "NAPOLEON AND THE ‘CITY OF SMUGGLERS’, 1810–1814." Historical Journal 50, no. 2 (May 9, 2007): 333–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x07006097.

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In the final years of the Napoleonic Wars, Napoleon allowed English smugglers entry into the French ports of Dunkirk and Gravelines, encouraging them to run contraband back and forth across the Channel. Gravelines catered for up to 300 English smugglers, housed in a specially constructed compound known as the ‘city of smugglers’. Napoleon used the smugglers in the war against Britain. The smugglers arrived on the French coast with escaped French prisoners of war, gold guineas, and English newspapers; and returned to England laden with French textiles, brandy, and gin. Smuggling remains a neglected historical subject, and this episode in particular – the relationship between English smugglers and the Napoleonic state between 1810 and 1814 – has attracted little scholarly interest. Yet it provides a rich historical source, illuminating not only the history of Anglo-French Channel smuggling during the early nineteenth century, but offering insights into the economic, social, and maritime history of the Napoleonic Wars.

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25

Michel, Laurent, M. Patrizia Carrieri, and Alex Wodak. "Harm reduction and equity of access to care for French prisoners: a review." Harm Reduction Journal 5, no. 1 (2008): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/1477-7517-5-17.

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26

Goudard, Anaïs, Laure Lalande, Camille Bertin, Marie Sautereau, Marc Le Borgne, and Delphine Cabelguenne. "Sleep Disorders and Therapeutic Management: A Survey in a French Population of Prisoners." Journal of Correctional Health Care 23, no. 2 (April 1, 2017): 193–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078345817700163.

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27

Steiner, Eva. "Early Release for Seriously Ill and Elderly Prisoners: Should French Practice be Followed?" Probation Journal 50, no. 3 (September 2003): 267–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0264550503503013.

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28

Fuchs, Rachel G. "We Will Wait: Wives of French Prisoners of War, 1940-1945. Sarah Fishman." Journal of Modern History 66, no. 3 (September 1994): 627–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/244915.

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29

Monnery, Benjamin. "The determinants of recidivism among ex-prisoners: a survival analysis on French data." European Journal of Law and Economics 39, no. 1 (May 15, 2014): 37–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10657-014-9442-3.

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30

Monnier and Seoane. "Challenging the Jihadi Narrative: Interviews of French Prisoners Held in Syria." Journal for the Study of Radicalism 15, no. 1 (2021): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/jstudradi.15.1.0137.

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31

MORIEUX, RENAUD. "FRENCH PRISONERS OF WAR, CONFLICTS OF HONOUR, AND SOCIAL INVERSIONS IN ENGLAND, 1744–1783." Historical Journal 56, no. 1 (February 1, 2013): 55–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x12000544.

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ABSTRACTDuring the wars of the eighteenth century, French prisoners on parole in Britain were placed in a paradoxical situation of captives with privileges. Instead of studying these men as if they dwelt in a world apart, this article focuses on captivity zones as a social laboratory, where people of different status would socialize. These spaces accordingly provide a lens through which to glimpse the repercussions of international conflicts at the level of local communities. The disputes which opposed these captives to the English population, which were the object of letters of complaints sent by the French prisoners to the authorities, shed light on the normative and moral resources which were used by eighteenth-century Englishmen and Frenchmen to legitimize themselves in situations of social conflict. As a configuration characterized by shifting social relations, the parole zone brought together local, national, and international issues, intertwined primarily in the rhetoric of honour. In these incidents, there was no systematic alignment of class and national discourses and actions, while the precise standing of these Frenchmen on the social ladder was constantly challenged and debated. The resulting quarrels therefore reveal a series of social inversions: dominant groups in France were in many respects dominated in England. Rather than being a mere reflection of pre-existing social hierarchies, such micro-incidents reinvented them.

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Kuon, Peter. "Lo sguardo sugli Ebrei, lo sguardo degli Ebrei nelle testimonianze di sopravvissuti al campo di concentramento di Mauthausen." Literaturwissenschaftliches Jahrbuch 61, no. 1 (October 1, 2020): 253–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/ljb.61.1.253.

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This article examines the self-perception of Jews and the perception by others in a concentration camp that was not built for the genocide of European Jews, but for the gradual extermination of domestic and foreign opponents of the regime through forced labour and malnutrition. How did the survivors remember the presence of Jews in a camp for political prisoners? Which factors determined positive and negative judgments? How did the Jews, who constantly feared being discovered and murdered, perceive themselves in relation to the majority of the others? The study is based on autobiographical texts in French by forty-eight French survivors of the Mauthausen concentration camp and five Eastern European Jews who emigrated to France after the war.

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33

Bragado Echevarría, Javier. "«Volver a casa»: la logística de los prisioneros de guerra en las guerras de Italia (1740-1748) = «Coming back Home»: The Logistics of Prisoners of War in the italian Wars (1740-1748)." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie IV, Historia Moderna, no. 33 (December 2, 2020): 269. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfiv.33.2020.23235.

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En este trabajo analizamos la logística desarrollada en torno a los prisioneros de guerra durante la Guerra de Sucesión Austríaca en sus campañas italianas, prestando especial atención a los años 1746, 1747 y 1748. En esos años se produjo la derrota del ejército franco-español en Piacenza (1746), y entre 1747 y 1748 tuvieron lugar los últimos intercambios de prisioneros de los ejércitos español, francés, sardo, austríaco e inglés como consecuencia de las negociaciones del Tratado de Aquisgrán. Para reconstruir este proceso se ha recurrido a estados de prisioneros, convenios de canje, correspondencia de comisarios de guerra y capitulaciones de plazas. Por lo tanto, se contextualiza una realidad social de la guerra menos conocida por la historiografía y se establece un punto de unión entre dos épocas para las que contamos con un mejor conocimiento de la cuestión: la Guerra de Sucesión y la Guerra de la Convención.AbstractIn this article we analyze the logistics developed for prisoners of war during the War of Austrian Succession in its different Italian campaigns, taking special consideration of the years 1746, 1747 and 1748: they include the defeat of the French-Spanish army in Piacenza (1746), and the last exchanges of prisoners of the Spanish, French, Sardinian, Austrian and English armies that took place between 1747 and 1748 as a result of the negotiations of the Treaty of Aachen. In order to reconstruct this historical process we have studied prisoners´ lists, their exchange agreements, war delegates´ letters and surrender agreements of military fortresses. Therefore, a social reality of war less known by historiography is contextualized in a period which connects the Spanish War of Succession and the War of the Convention, two contexts in which POWs are better known.

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Broch, Ludivine. "Colonial Subjects and Citizens in the French Internal Resistance, 1940-1944." French Politics, Culture & Society 37, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 6–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2019.370102.

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In recent decades historians have done a lot to reveal the social and political diversity of the people who participated in the French Resistance. But little has been said about non-white resisters who were among the 200,000 men and women from the colonies living in the French metropole during the Occupation. This article shows that many of them were entangled in the Resistance as early as the summer of 1940 and that they became involved in the most political and violent forms of defiance. Resistance, however, was not a “natural” decision for many of the colonial workers or prisoners, whose daily struggles could bring them into tension with the Free French as well as Vichy. So, if this study aims to rectify misconceptions of the Resistance as an entirely Eurocentric affair, it also probes the complicated relationship between colonial subjects and the metropole during the war.

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35

Shannon, Timothy J. "French and Indian Cruelty? The Fate of the Oswego Prisoners of War, 1756–1758." New York History 95, no. 3 (2014): 381–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nyh.2014.0014.

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36

Stacey Renee Davis. "Turning French Convicts into Colonists: The Second Empire's Political Prisoners in Algeria, 1852-1858." French Colonial History 2, no. 1 (2002): 93–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/fch.2011.0013.

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37

Pelissolo, Antoine, Pierre Ecochard, and Bruno Falissard. "Psychometric characteristics of Cloninger's criteria for personality disorder in a population of French prisoners." International Journal of Methods in Psychiatric Research 17, no. 1 (2008): 30–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/mpr.239.

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38

Echenberg, Myron. "‘Morts Pour La France’; The African Soldier in France during the Second World War." Journal of African History 26, no. 4 (October 1985): 363–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700028796.

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The involvement of African combatants in France from 1939 to 1945 probably surpassed the large mobilization of an earlier generation during the First World War. Carefully prepared ideologically and well received by the French public, Africans nevertheless paid a heavy price in lives and suffering as soldiers during the Battle of France and as prisoners of the Germans. Liberation brought a new set of tribulations, including discriminatory treatment from French authorities. These hardships culminated in a wave of African soldiers' protests in 1944–5, mainly in France, but including the most serious rising, the so-called mutiny at Thiaroye, outside Dakar, where thirty-five African soldiers were killed.The war's impact was ambiguous. Tragedies like Thiaroye sent shock waves throughout French West Africa, delegitimizing naked force as a political instrument in post-war politics and sweeping away an older form of paternalism. Yet while a militant minority were attracted to more radical forms of political and trade-union organization, most African veterans reaffirmed their loyalties to the French State, which ultimately paid their pensions.

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McGuire, Michael. "Cultures de Guerre in Picardy, 1917." Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 42, no. 3 (December 1, 2016): 29–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/hrrh.2016.420303.

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In 1917 French and foreign agents reconstructed sections of Picardy destroyed by Operation Alberich, a “scorched-earth” program implemented by departing Germans. The region’s unanticipated maltreatment led French Third Army forces to evaluate and assist Picardy’s devastated homesteads and refugee-residents. Under General Georges Humbert, the Third Army implemented juxtaposing reconstruction policies in Picardy. Along with inhabitants, bureaucrats, and German prisoners of war, the Third Army initiated “a regime of temporary aid” that repaired property and provisioned civilians. Humbert’s subordinates also evacuated residents judged too ill, infirm, treacherous, or indolent for massive reconstruction projects. When extemporized statist programs proved insufficient for Picardy’s civilians, French ministries invited American and British humanitarians to inaugurate complementary and supplementary rehabilitation schemes designed to revive rural society and commerce. The conflicting confluence of these individuals’ consensual, coercive, patriotic, and philanthropic cultures de guerre within Picardy helped residents “demobilize” as refugees and “remobilize” for continued participation in World War I.

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Kesselring, K. J. "R. Morieux, The Society of Prisoners: Anglo-French Wars and Incarceration in the Eighteenth Century." Canadian Journal of History 55, no. 1-2 (August 2020): 137–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh-55-1-2-br05.

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Steele, Ian K. "When Worlds Collide: The Fate of Canadian and French Prisoners Taken at Fort Niagara, 1759." Journal of Canadian Studies 39, no. 3 (August 2005): 9–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jcs.39.3.9.

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Moore, B. "Unruly Allies: British Problems with the French Treatment of Axis Prisoners of War, 1943–1945." War in History 7, no. 2 (April 1, 2000): 180–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/096834400669278756.

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Moore, Bob. "Unruly Allies: British Problems with the French Treatment of Axis Prisoners of War, 1943-1945." War in History 7, no. 2 (April 2000): 180–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096834450000700203.

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McCormack, Matthew. "The Society of Prisoners: Anglo-French Wars and Incarceration in the Eighteenth Century, by Renaud Morieux." English Historical Review 136, no. 579 (February 13, 2021): 435–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceab006.

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Zinoman, Peter. "Colonial Prisons and Anti-colonial Resistance in French Indochina: The Thai Nguyen Rebellion, 1917." Modern Asian Studies 34, no. 1 (January 2000): 57–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00003590.

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Between the pacification of Tonkin in the late 1880s and the Nghe-Tinh Soviet Movement of 1930–31, the Thai Nguyen Rebellion was the largest and most destructive anti-colonial uprising to occur in French Indochina. On August 31, 1917, an eclectic band of political prisoners, common criminals and mutinous prison guards seized the Thai Nguyen Penitentiary, the largest penal institution in northern Tonkin. From their base within the penitentiary, the rebels stormed the provincial arsenal and captured a large cache of weapons which they used to take control of the town. Anticipating a counterattack, the rebels fortified the perimeter of the town, executed French officials and Vietnamese collaborators and issued a proclamation calling for a general uprising against the colonial state. Although colonial forces retook the town following five days of intense fighting, mopping-up campaigns in the surrounding countryside stretched on for six months and led to hundreds of casualties on both sides.

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Lindemann, Thomas. "Agency (mis)recognition in international violence: the case of French jihadism." Review of International Studies 44, no. 5 (November 20, 2018): 922–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210518000360.

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AbstractThis contribution introduces a reconceptualisation of misrecognition that stresses ‘creative agency’ (gift, work, etc.) as a condition of self-consciousness. Drawing on Hegel’s The Phenomenology of Spirit, I argue that recognition struggles are often less motivated by the actors’ desire to have a special status than by the desire to make a ‘contribution’ to society, to ‘give’ something. The content of a socially valued contribution-gift (as per Marcel Mauss) varies from one society to another but it is linked to the very ability of actors to act on their ‘own’ and to shape their environment. Thus, subjects identifying with political units or social groups with little recognised agency, while imagining strong abilities to contribute to a given society, will easily feel slighted. It is impossible to be recognised as ‘subjects’ if one is denied in the ability to ‘contribute’ to a given society. I apply this perspective to the case of French jihadism, based on 13 interviews with prisoners in France suspected to belong to al-Qaeda or the Islamic State. These individuals experience ‘individual’ agency denial inside the ‘national’ community, but also agency denial of ‘Muslim sovereignty’ outside.

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Pousset, M., R. E. Tremblay, and B. Falissard. "Multivariate dependencies between difficult childhood, temperament and antisocial personality disorder in a population of French male prisoners." Revue d'Épidémiologie et de Santé Publique 59, no. 3 (June 2011): 169–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.respe.2011.01.004.

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Lukasiewicz, Michael, Lisa Blecha, Bruno Falissard, Xavier Neveu, Amine Benyamina, Michel Reynaud, and Isabelle Gasquet. "Dual Diagnosis: Prevalence, Risk Factors, and Relationship With Suicide Risk in a Nationwide Sample of French Prisoners." Alcoholism: Clinical and Experimental Research 33, no. 1 (January 2009): 160–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1530-0277.2008.00819.x.

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Didion, Philipp. "Zwischen Erinnerung und Verständigung: Der Racing Club de Strasbourg und die Wiederaufnahme der deutsch-französischen Fußballbeziehungen nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg." STADION 45, no. 1 (2021): 32–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0172-4029-2021-1-32.

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This article aims to analyse the role of the Alsatian football club Racing Club de Strasbourg throughout the re-establishment process of the French-German football relations after the Second World War. Because of its geographical location between France and Germany and due to the double annexation of the Alsace by the German Reich the club held a special position in the French football landscape. To examine the difficulties and conflicts that came along with the attempt to restore international sport relations between West Germany and France, the paper focuses on three aspects: German prisoners of war in France, efforts to organise football games between French and German top-level-clubs, and the re-establishment of international matches between the two countries. As a result, Racing’s attitude can be situated in a field of tension between hurtful wartime experiences on the one hand and sporting as well as financial benefits on the other hand. While the former was an argument held against an over-hasty spirit of understanding between the French and the German teams especially by the Alsatian Football Association, the latter were a reason for Racing to intensify its pragmatical efforts to re-establish sport relations with West German clubs. This ambivalence is further exemplified by the dualism between Aimé Gissy, secretary general of the Alsatian Football Association (1935-1939, 1945-1974), and Willy Scheuer, president of Racing Club de Strasbourg (1952-1960).

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Sienaert, M. "Aspekte van Lacaniaanse psigo-analise as kode by ’n semiotiese lesing van Breytenbach se ('yk')." Literator 12, no. 2 (May 6, 1991): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v12i2.756.

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As representative of Breyten Breytenbach’s more recent writings, the anthology of prison poems ('yk') appears to a great extent hermeneutically closed on a first reading. Recurring references to the poet’s position in his own discourse, as well as the expression of despairing feelings of depersonalisation experienced by prisoners in general, however provide the key to a possible reading of these poems, especially when analysed in terms of the French psycho-analyst Jacques Lacan’s theory of subjectivity. This article highlights relevant aspects of this theory, showing subjectivity to be a process which is always constituted in relation to discourse, and offers a reading of the poem "Nekra" to illustrate the way in which it elucidates the Breytenbach discourse.

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