Academic literature on the topic 'French Revolution, 1789-1799'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'French Revolution, 1789-1799.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "French Revolution, 1789-1799"
1
Andress, D. "The French Revolution, 1789-1799." French History 16, no. 3 (September 1, 2002): 371–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/16.3.371.
Full text
2
Arnold, Eric A. "French Society in Revolution, 1789–1799." History: Reviews of New Books 28, no. 1 (January 1999): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1999.10527759.
Full text
3
Plack, N. "Review: The French Revolution: 1789-1799." French Studies 56, no. 4 (October 1, 2002): 531–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/56.4.531.
Full text
4
DOYLE, WILLIAM. "THE FRENCH REVOLUTION BETWEEN BICENTENARIES." Historical Journal 40, no. 4 (December 1997): 1123–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x97007589.
Full textAbstract:
The revolution in provincial France. Aquitaine, 1789–1799. By A. Forrest. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996. Pp. vi+377. £45.Fair shares for all. Jacobin egalitarianism in practice. By J.-P. Gross. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. Pp. xv+255. £30.Europe under Napoleon, 1799–1815. By M. Broers. London: Edward Arnold, 1996. Pp. xii+291. £15.99.
5
Cattaneo, Massimo. "La letteratura controrivoluzionaria italiana (1789-1799)." PASSATO E PRESENTE, no. 78 (October 2009): 139–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2009-078008.
Full textAbstract:
- Italian counter-revolutionary literature (1789-1799) analyzes Luciano Guerci's recent book (A spectacle never seen again in the world. The French Revolution as a unique, upside down event, for Italian counter-revolutionary writers 1789-1799, Turin, 2008). This is the first analytical study of the major texts, which display common elements. The Revolution is seen by these Italian writers as a unique historical phenomenon and interpreted as a complete overthrow of ancien régime society and Christian religion. The protagonists, whose articles appeared in the «Ecclesiastical Journal of Rome» are, among others, ex-Jesuits, still influential in the Curia, for whom the Revolution was begotten by the "heretical" culturer of the previous centuries, from the Protestant reform to jansenism, the Enlightenment and freemasonry. This original contribution adds to what has become a new field of studies on the Counter-revolution in Italy, France and elsewhere in Europe.Keywords: Counter-revolution, Italy 1796-1799, Jansenism, Jesuits.Parole chiave: Controrivoluzione, Italia 1789-1799, giansenismo, gesuiti.
6
Andreeva, Irina. "Transformation of the French police during the French Revolution (1789-1799)." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 09 (September 1, 2020): 248–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202009statyi30.
Full text
7
Robertson, John. "ENLIGHTENMENT AND REVOLUTION: NAPLES 1799." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 10 (December 2000): 17–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440100000025.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractTWO hundred years ago today, on 22 January 1799, French troops forced their way into the city of Naples. In doing so, they confirmed the authority of the Neapolitan Republic which had been proclaimed, one and indivisible, the day before by a group of patriots who had taken control of the Castel Sant'Elmo, the fortress on the hill immediately above the centre of the city. Thus began the last of the revolutions which can be regarded as the offspring of the great French Revolution of 1789. There is no denying that the Neapolitan Revolution, like its predecessors in northern Italy and elsewhere, depended on French military intervention. The patriots were not in control of the city before 22 January, and needed the French to quell the popular violence and disorder which had swept the city for the previous week. And when, after three months, the French withdrew their forces, the republicans' hold on the city was too precarious to last more than a few weeks.
8
Haskins, Katherine. "FRENCH CARICATURE AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, 1789–1799. James Cuno." Art Documentation: Journal of the Art Libraries Society of North America 8, no. 3 (October 1989): 157–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/adx.8.3.27948107.
Full text
9
Sibalis, Michael David. "Parisian Labour During the French Revolution." Historical Papers 21, no. 1 (April 26, 2006): 11–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/030945ar.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Workers in revolutionary Paris did not show the class consciousness nor, with certain exceptions, the organizational skills of the workers' movement after 1830. Nevertheless, an analysis of eighty-five recorded labour disputes proves labour protest to have been a significant form of protest in the capital between 1789 and 1799. Sans-culotte unity has been exaggerated, and wage-earners articulated demands (principally for higher wages) that set them apart from the master-craftsmen and shopkeepers who directed the sans-culotte movement. The response of the authorities to labour unrest was often hesitant and contradictory, and the repressive Le Chapelier law of 1791 was in fact rarely invoked.
10
Bossenga, Gail, and Malcolm Crook. "Elections in the French Revolution: An Apprenticeship in Democracy, 1789-1799." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 28, no. 2 (1997): 278. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206423.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "French Revolution, 1789-1799"
1
Sido, Anna E. "Making History: How Art Museums in the French Revolution Crafted a National Identity, 1789-1799." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/663.
Full textAbstract:
This paper compares two art museums, both created during the French Revolution, that fostered national unity by promoting a cultural identity. By analyzing the use of preexisting architecture from the ancien régime, innovative displays of art and redefinitions of the museum visitor as an Enlightened citizen, this thesis explores the application of eighteenth-century philosophy to the formation of two museums. The first is the Musée Central des Arts in the Louvre and the second is the Musée des Monuments Français, both housed in buildings taken over by the Revolutionary government and present the seized property of the royal family and Catholic Church. Created in a violent and unstable political climate, these museums were an effective means of presenting the First Republic as a guardian of national property and protector of French identity.
2
Kim, Minchul. "Democracy and representation in the French Directory, 1795-1799." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/15874.
Full textAbstract:
Democracy was no more than a marginal force during the eighteenth century, unanimously denounced as a chimerical form of government unfit for passionate human beings living in commercial societies. Placed in this context this thesis studies the concept of ‘representative democracy' during the French Revolution, particularly under the Directory (1795–1799). At the time the term was an oxymoron. It was a neologism strategically coined by the democrats at a time when ‘representative government' and ‘democracy' were understood to be diametrically opposed to each other. In this thesis the democrats' political thought is simultaneously placed in several contexts. One is the rapidly changing political, economic and international circumstances of the French First Republic at war. Another is the anxiety about democratic decline emanating from the long-established intellectual traditions that regarded the history of Greece and Rome as proof that democracy and popular government inevitably led to anarchy, despotism and military government. Due to this anxiety the ruling republicans' answer during the Directory to the predicament—how to avoid the return of the Terror, win the war, and stabilize the Republic without inviting military government—was crystalized in the notion of ‘representative government', which defined a modern republic based on a firm rejection of ‘democratic' politics. Condorcet is important at this juncture because he directly challenged the given notions of his own period (such as that democracy inevitably fosters military government). Building on this context of debate, the arguments for democracy put forth by Antonelle, Chaussard, Français de Nantes and others are analysed. These democrats devised plans to steer France and Europe to what they regarded as the correct way of genuinely ending the Revolution: the democratic republic. The findings of this thesis elucidate the elements of continuity and those of rupture between the Enlightenment and the French Revolution.
3
Ritz, Olivier. "Les métaphores naturelles dans le débat sur la Révolution de 1789 à 1815." Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040134.
Full textAbstract:
En étudiant les textes du débat sur la Révolution française qui ont été publiés entre 1789 et 1815, cette thèse montre comment les métaphores naturelles ont servi à configurer des relations nouvelles entre la politique, la science et la littérature.La première partie étudie les métaphores naturelles en tant qu’instruments du débat sur la Révolution, envisageant successivement quatre fonctions rhétoriques : non seulement émouvoir et argumenter, mais aussi faire connaître et faire agir. La seconde partie étudie les relations entre les sciences de la nature et la politique. Elle porte sur les tentatives d’établir une véritable science politique à partir du modèle des sciences naturelles, sur les liens entre Révolution française et révolution scientifique ainsi que sur les stratégies discursives de promotion de la figure du savant. La troisième partie traite du débat sur la littérature qui se développe au cœur du débat sur la Révolution. Si les métaphores naturelles y sont remarquables pour leur force rhétorique et parce qu’elles mettent la littérature en tension avec la science et la politique, elles sont aussi des marqueurs littéraires : à travers elles, les écrivains légitiment leur œuvre, définissent leur rôle et s’inscrivent dans des traditions poétiques. Deux chapitres étudient spécifiquement les premières histoires de la Révolution.L’invention de la littérature comme usage fondamentalement esthétique du langage écrit est le résultat paradoxal de cette période où les liens entre la littérature, la politique et les sciences ont été particulièrement richesBy studying a series of texts that debate the French Revolution between 1789 and 1815, this thesis aims to show how natural metaphors played a part in creating new relationships between politics, science and literature.The first part focuses on the rhetorical uses of natural metaphors in the debate. It studies how they were used not only to arouse emotions and to convince the reader, but also to produce knowledge and drive people to action. The second part deals with the relationships between the natural sciences and politics: first examining the attempt to create a new political science based on the model of the natural sciences, then analysing the relationship between the French Revolution and the scientific revolution, before finally considering the textual strategies used to create and promote the new figure of the scientist. The third part studies the debate about literature that developed at the centre of the debate on the French Revolution. In this context, natural metaphors are interesting not only because of their rhetorical power or because they create tensions between literature, science and politics, but also because they are used as indications of literariness: by using natural metaphors, writers legitimized their works, defined their social function and took their place in a literary tradition. Two chapters focus specifically on the first written histories of the French Revolution.The idea of literature as an essentially aesthetic use of written language is the paradoxical result of this period of deep and intensive interaction between literature, politics and sciences
4
Scotto, Benito Pablo. "Los orígenes del derecho al trabajo en Francia (1789-1848)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/668066.
Full textAbstract:
El derecho al trabajo, que forma parte de la teoría socialista de Charles Fourier, adquiere en 1848 un nuevo sentido. Louis Blanc, el principal representante del socialismo jacobino del XIX francés, hace entonces una interpretación de ese derecho que conecta con el programa de economía política popular teorizado por Robespierre durante la Revolución Francesa. En ambos casos, la limitación de las grandes concentraciones de propiedad se considera una condición indispensable para avanzar hacia una sociedad en la que todos puedan trabajar en libertad y vivir con dignidad.The right to work, which is part of Charles Fourier's socialist theory, acquires a new meaning in 1848. Louis Blanc, the main figure of French Jacobin socialism in the 19th century, makes then an interpretation of this right that recalls the popular political economy programme theorized by Robespierre during the French Revolution. In both cases, the limitation of large concentrations of property is an indispensable condition for moving towards a society in which everyone is able to work in freedom and to live with dignity.
5
Marle, Anne. "Du monastére à l’errance : les Bénédictins de Saint-Maur de Normandie et de la province de France de 1750 a 1802 et l’émigration bénédictine en Westphalie." Thesis, Paris 4, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA040206.
Full textAbstract:
La congrégation de Saint Maur, fleuron de l’érudition monastique au XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles vécut 172 ans Si la vie quotidienne et l’observance tinrent compte de la Règle originelle de saint Benoît, sa constitution et son orientation intellectuelle furent novatrices mais la condamnèrent : Ses membres toujours à l’affût d’idées nouvelles trouvèrent d’abord dans le jansénisme matière à manifester leurs tendances à la chicane et à la polémique que l’esprit du Siècle des Lumières exacerba jusqu’en 1789. La Révolution mit brutalement fin à tous les conflits et les religieux, libérés du joug cénobite, se trouvèrent démunis devant leur nouvelle liberté. Certains en échange du serment à la Constitution civile du clergé obtinrent la sécurité d’une cure, ou bien se lancèrent dans le tourbillon des idées révolutionnaires, d’autres refusèrent toute compromission et se fondirent dans la clandestinité ou émigrèrent. La famille bénédictine de Normandie et de la Province de France opta pour l’Angleterre, la Belgique, parfois la Suisse, avant de s’installer pour une « concession de séjour » dans une Westphalie accueillanteThe congregation of Saint Maur, renowed for its high level of monastic scholarship in the XVIIth and XVIIIth centuries lasted for 172 years. While the daily life was based on the original benedictine rule, its constitution and its intellectual orientation were innovative but condamned it. Its members always looking for news ideas, found at first through the jansenism a good way of sowing their tendency to argue. Tendency that the spirit of Age of enlightenment intensified until 1789. The Revolution put an abrupt end to all their conflicts and the monks, freed from the cenobite’s yoke, found themselves helpless in their new freedom. Some, in exchange for allegiance to the Civil Constitution of the clergy, obtain the security of a parish or followed the new revolutionary ideas. Others refused all compromise and went underground or emigrated. The benedictine family and of the Province of France opted for England, Belgium, Switzerland sometimes, before settling for a « concession of staying » a welcoming Westphalia
6
Xilakis, Eleni. "La Déclaration de 1789 en Grande-Bretagne (1789-1795)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA010542/document.
Full textAbstract:
En traçant le fameux débat britannique sur la Révolution française, nous explorons le sens et analysons le texte de la Déclaration des Droits de l'Homme de 89, pour faire apparaître les significations diverses que peut prendre ce texte. Le regard britannique pourrait-il finalement élargir notre vision des affaires françaises, loin du tourbillon révolutionnaire dans lequel le texte déclaratoire devient l'emblème sacré de la liberté et de l'égalité ? C'est le défi que nous avons tenté de relever, afin d'examiner celui-ci sous différents angles et dévoiler ainsi sa plasticité. Car, même si la portée de la Déclaration semble incontestable, sa teneur est susceptible de diverses interprétations. C'est cette équivocité qu'il s'agit de mettre en évidence.Nos protagonistes sont Richard Price, qui provoqua la rage de'Edmund Burke ; dans cette violente discussion de principes et de politique, nous avons choisi les défenseurs des affaires françaises les plus pertinents, à savoir Mary Wollstonecraft, Thomas Paine, James Mackintosh et Jeremy Bentham. Nous avons recensé les arguments issus de leurs discours politiques, notamment autour de la Révolution, en tant que réactivation du contrat social. Par cette étude, il apparaît clairement que le texte, lui-même fondateur d'une nouvelle ère politique en France, est susceptible d'adopter des différents visages, selon son observateur.En effet, le texte de la Déclaration de 89 fait d'emblée l'objet d'un litige. Et finalement, il apparaît que cette même plasticité du texte déclaratoire a contribué à sa transhistoricité et a confirmé son universalité jusqu'à nos jours – une universalité, donc, congénitalement litigieuseTrace the famous British debate on the French Revolution, to explore the meaning and analize the text of the Declaration of Human Rights 89, to show the different meanings that this text can take. Could the British look broaden our vision of French affairs, far from revolutionary whirlwind in which the declaration text becomes the sacred emblem of freedom and equality ? This is the challenge that we have tried to meet to discuss from different angles and thus reveal its plasticity. Because, although the scope of the Declaration seems indisputable, its content is subject to various interpretations. It is this ambiguity that is highlighted.Our protagonists are Richard Price, who provoked the rage of Edmund Burke ; in this violent discussion of principles and politics, we chose the defendants French affairs most relevant, namely Mary Wollstonecraft, Thomas Paine, James Mackintosh and Jeremy Bentham. We are identified the arguments from their political discourse, particularly around the Revolution, as reactivation as the social contract. Through this study, it is clear that the text itself founder of a new political era in France, may adopt different faces, depending on its observer.Indeed, the text of the Declaration of 89 is at once the subject of a dispute. And finally, it appears that this same plasticity of its text helped her transhistoricity and confirmed its universality to the present day – a universality, therefore, congenitally issue
7
Hayworth, Jordan R. "Conquering the Natural Frontier: French Expansion to the Rhine River During the War of the First Coalition, 1792-1797." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2015. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc822845/.
Full textAbstract:
After conquering Belgium and the Rhineland in 1794, the French Army of the Sambre and Meuse faced severe logistical, disciplinary, and morale problems that signaled the erosion of its capabilities. The army’s degeneration resulted from a revolution in French foreign policy designed to conquer the natural frontiers, a policy often falsely portrayed as a diplomatic tradition of the French monarchy. In fact, the natural frontiers policy – expansion to the Rhine, the Pyrenees, and the Alps – emerged only after the start of the War of the First Coalition in 1792. Moreover, the pursuit of natural frontiers caused more controversy than previously understood. No less a figure than Lazare Carnot – the Organizer of Victory – viewed French expansion to the Rhine as impractical and likely to perpetuate war. While the war of conquest provided the French state with the resources to survive, it entailed numerous unforeseen consequences. Most notably, the Revolutionary armies became isolated from the nation and displayed more loyalty to their commanders than to the civilian authorities. In 1797, the Sambre and Meuse Army became a political tool of General Lazare Hoche, who sought control over the Rhineland by supporting the creation of a Cisrhenan Republic. Ultimately, troops from Hoche’s army removed Carnot from the French Directory in the coup d’état of 18 fructidor, a crucial benchmark in the militarization of French politics two years before Napoleon Bonaparte’s seizure of power. Accordingly, the conquest of the Rhine frontier contributed to the erosion of democratic governance in Revolutionary France.
8
Lewis, Erik Braeden. "The Countess of Counter-revolution: Madame du Barry and the 1791 Theft of Her Jewelry." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2015. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc822775/.
Full textAbstract:
Jeanne Bécu, an illegitimate child from the Vaucouleurs area in France, ascended the ranks of the Ancien régime to become the Countess du Barry and take her place as Royal Mistress of Louis XV. During her tenure as Royal Mistress, Jeanne amassed a jewel collection that rivaled all private collections. During the course of the French Revolution, more specifically the Reign of Terror, Jeanne was forced to hatch a plot to secure the remainder of her wealth as she lost a significant portion of her revenue on the night of 4 August 1789. To protect her wealth, Jeanne enlisted Nathaniel Parker Forth, a British spy, to help her plan a fake jewel theft at Louveciennes so that she could remove her economic capital from France while also reducing her total wealth and capital with the intent of reducing her tax payments. As a result of the theft, her jewelry was transported to London, where she would travel four times during the French Revolution on the pretext of recovering her jewelry. This thesis examines her actions while abroad during the Revolution and her culpability in the plot. While traveling to and from London, Jeanne was able to move information, money, and people out of France. Jeanne was arrested and charged with aiding the counter-revolution, for which the Revolutionary Tribunal sentenced her to death. Madame du Barry represented the extravagance and waste of Versailles and of Bourbon absolutism, and this symbolic representation of waste was what eventually inhibited Jeanne’s success.
9
Odore, Angelo. "Il GIS e la storia (GisSto) : il caso di studio di Marsiglia al tempo della Rivoluzione Francese (1789-1792)." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020EHES0133.
Full textAbstract:
La thèse "Marseille pendant la Révolution française (1789-1792): essai de cartographie historique à partir d’un système d’information géographique" propose une relecture spatiale et cartographique des principaux événements qui se sont déroulés dans la ville phocéenne entre 1789 et 1792.Dans cette recherche, les outils traditionnels de l’historiographie, tels que l'étude des sources archivistiques et bibliographiques, intégrés à l'utilisation de la technologie SIG et à l'analyse spatiale, offrent une lecture innovante des événements les plus importants de la Révolution; il reconstitue la vitalité commerciale de la ville, le rôle militaire des patrouilles bourgeoises, le poids politique des fédérés marseillaises et les différentes insurrections qui ont marquées la ville pendant les deux premières années de la Révolution françaiseThe thesis “Marseille during the French Revolution (1789-1792). Historical mapping test from GIS” provides a spatial and cartographic reinterpretation of the main events that took place in the Phocean city between 1789 and 1792. In this research, the traditional tools of historiography, such as the study of archival and bibliographical sources, integrated with the use of GIS technology and spatial analysis, offer an innovative approach to the most important events of the Revolution; it reconstructs the commercial vitality of the city, the military role of the bourgeois patrols, the political weight of the Marseilles federalists and the various insurrections that marked the city during the first two years of the French Revolution
La tesi “Il GIS e la storia (GisSto). Il caso di studio di Marsiglia al tempo della Rivoluzione Francese (1789-1792)” fornisce una rilettura spaziale e cartografica dei principali avvenimenti avvenuti nella città focese tra il 1789 eil 1792. Nell’elaborato, gli strumenti di ricerca storiografica tradizionali, come lo studio di fonti archivistiche e bibliografiche, integrate con l’utilizzo della tecnologia GIS e dell’analisi spaziale permettono di fornire un’innovativa lettura degli avvenimenti più importanti della Rivoluzione; si ricostruisce la vitalità commerciale cittadina, il ruolo militare delle pattuglie borghesi, il peso politico dei federati marsigliesi e le varie insurrezioni che investirono la città nel primo biennio rivoluzionario
10
Parent, Hélène. "Modernes Cicéron : la romanité des orateurs d’assemblée de la Révolution française et de l’Empire (1789-1807)." Thesis, Paris 10, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020PA100063.
Full textAbstract:
L’« anticomanie », tout particulièrement romaine, des orateurs d’assemblée de la période révolutionnaire constitue un lieu commun qui se construit dès le lendemain de Thermidor et perdure jusqu’à nos jours, contribuant à faire de l’éloquence révolutionnaire un objet rebutant, tant sur le plan esthétique – elle resterait attachée aux formes d’une rhétorique classique jugée dépassée – que sur le plan politique et moral – elle aurait contribué à légitimer la violence. Cette étude propose de réexaminer la romanité de ces orateurs et les analyses qui ont pu en être faites par le passé, en s’intéressant notamment à la régénération de la figure de l’orateur politique. Le corpus sur lequel s’appuie cette thèse, constitué de 329 discours prononcés par 168 orateurs au cours de la période allant de la création de l’Assemblée constituante (1789) à la suppression du Tribunat par Napoléon Bonaparte (1807), permet de montrer que, grâce à la position de vir bonus dicendi peritus qu’il assume dans la cité, suivant le modèle défini par Cicéron, l'orateur politique est un creuset capable de recevoir un imaginaire collectif, de le transformer, puis de le transmettre et de le diffuser. À ce titre, il est un élément-clé dans la circulation des représentations culturelles qui fondent l'époque moderne, et participe à la construction d'une communauté nationale imaginée. Ainsi la romanité révolutionnaire, loin d’être un simple ornement rhétorique, et considérée à la fois comme une langue, un ethos et un ensemble de motifs textuels, devient le matériau d'un récit des origines de la nation moderne, de tonalité épique, qui sera réinvesti par les historiens et écrivains durant tout le XIXe siècleThe cult of Antiquity, especially about Ancient Rome, among the speakers of the assemblies during the French Revolution, is a commonplace which was built as early as Thermidor and which is enduring as far as today. This fact contributes to the idea that the revolutionary eloquence is off-putting, from the aesthetic point of view – because it would remain committed to the patterns of a classical rhetoric deemed to be out-dated – as well as from the political and moral points of view – because it would have contributed to legitimate the violence. This study proposes a revaluation of these speakers’ romanity and of the analyses which were done about it in the past, with particular attention paid to the regeneration of the figure of the political speaker. The working corpus is composed of 329 speeches made by 168 speakers during the period from the beginning of the constituent assembly (1789) to the removal of the Tribunate by Napoleon Bonaparte (1807). This corpus enables to show that, thanks to the position of vir bonus dicendi peritus that he must assume in the city, according to the model drawn up by Cicero, the political speaker is a king of melting-pot which is able to receive a collective imagination, to transform it, then to convey and disseminate it. For this reason, he is a key element of the circulation of cultural representations establishing the modern age, and it takes part in the building of a national imagined community. Therefore, the revolutionary romanity, far from being a simple rhetoric ornament, and if it is regarded as a simultaneous language, ethos and set of textual patterns, becomes the material of a story of the modern nation’s origins, told and written in an epical register, which will be reinvested by the historians and writers during all the XIXth century
Books on the topic "French Revolution, 1789-1799"
1
McPhee, Peter. The French Revolution, 1789-1799. Oxford [England]: Oxford University Press, 2002.
Find full text
2
Peter, McPhee. Living the French Revolution, 1789-1799. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.
Find full text
3
Peter, McPhee. Living the French Revolution, 1789-1799. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.
Find full text
5
Stewart, Ross. The French revolution. Austin, Tex: Raintree Steck-Vaughn Publishers, 2003.
Find full text
10
Hibbert, Christopher. The days of the French Revolution. New York: William Morrow, 1999.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "French Revolution, 1789-1799"
1
Ben-Amos, Avner. "The French Revolution and the Emergence of Republican State Funerals 1789–1799." In Funerals, Politics, and Memory in Modern France, 1789–1996, 16–53. Oxford University Press, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203285.003.0002.
Full text
2
Berry, Jason. "City of Migrants." In City of a Million Dreams, 61–77. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469647142.003.0004.
Full textAbstract:
The French Revolution in 1789 affected all of France’s colonies. As slave revolts broke out on Saint-Domingue, New Orleans became a sanctuary from the Caribbean island war. In New Orleans, Creole descendants of the Bienville era had to negotiate between their French identity and their loyalty to the king of Spain. The new governor, Francois Louis Héctor, baron de Carondelet, expanded military operations and cracked down on potential slave revolts. The Catholic Church in New Orleans had its own upheavals. Antonio de Sedella returned to New Orleans in 1795 and Cirilo of Barcelona was later sent back to Spain. The Black community in New Orleans had a rich religious and ceremonial culture, especially slaves from the Catholic, African nation of Kongo. Music and dancing crossed racial divides. After coming to power in 1799, Napoleon Bonaparte bargained with Carlos IV for the return of Louisiana, sealing the deal in a secret treaty in 1801. Napoleon invaded Saint-Dominigue, hoping to return the island to slavery, while negotiations between the U.S. and France for New Orleans were underway. Napoleon ultimately lost Saint-Domingue, which became the Republic of Haiti. The Louisiana purchase was signed on April 30, 1803, giving New Orleans to the U.S.
3
"3. Revolutionary Symbolism under the Sign of the Bastille, 1789-1799: A Prime Example of the Self-Mystification of the French Revolution." In The Bastille, 79–204. Duke University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780822382751-007.
Full textConference papers on the topic "French Revolution, 1789-1799"
1
Dzholos, S. V. "THE POLITICAL AND LEGAL LESSONS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1789–1799." In LEGAL SCIENCE, LEGISLATION AND LAW ENFORCEMENT PRACTICE: REGULARITIES AND DEVELOPMENT TRENDS. Baltija Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-588-92-1-5.
Full text