To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: French Revolution.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'French Revolution'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'French Revolution.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Baker, Simon Richard. "Surrealism and the French Revolution." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.252062.
Full text
2
Sanders, Nathaniel A. "French Revolution as Felix Culpa?: Conceptions of Providence in the Wake of the French Revolution." Thesis, Boston College, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:109176.
Full text
3
Kafker, Frank Arthur. "The encyclopedists and the French Revolution /." Ann Arbor (Mich.) : U.M.I. dissertation information service, 1992. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb366560074.
Full text
4
Plassart, Anna. "The Scottish Enlightenment and the French Revolution." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252236.
Full text
5
Su-Hsien, Yang. "The British debate on the French Revolution." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.292574.
Full text
6
Simpson, Martin Crispin. "Confronting the revolution : French legitimists 1877-1893." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.367512.
Full textAbstract:
My subject is Legitimism in the Third Republic, focusing on the period 1877- 93, namely the period which witnessed both the stabilisation of the Republic and the decline and ultimate failure of Legitimism as a political movement. Legitimism can be read as a local phenomenon, which makes studying it in the local context an obvious approach. I have opted for a comparative study, selecting two contrasting departements in the Midi-Pyrenees, the Haute-Garonne and A veyron. I approach Legitimism as a political culture, examining the ideas and ideology that underpinned Legitimist activity. In particular I investigate the role of myths of the Revolution of 1789 within this political culture, given the context of the 'republican Republic' that took shape 1877-79 and drew explicitly on the Revolution to legitimate itself. I suggest that previous research on Legitimism has seriously underestimated the importance of these myths within the Legitimist movement. My study is centred on an examination of the struggles initiated by the advent of the 'republican Republic': the struggle for republican education, the struggle for republican politics and the struggle for republican symbolism. At all these levels the Legitimist conceptions of society and of the nature of France were challenged. Legitimist mobilisation in the face of these challenges revealed not only their social and political conceptions, but also raised questions about the political strength of Legitimism in the novel context of mass politics. I show the successes and the failures that ensued, the importance of the local dimension and discuss Legitimist engagement in broader reactionary politics, suggesting that standard studies of the French right in this period have neglected nondynastic clerical conservative politics. I conclude by offering a new perspective on the nature of Legitimism.
7
Barry, Marie Porterfield. "Lesson 15: Fragonard through the French Revolution." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2020. https://dc.etsu.edu/art-appreciation-oer/16.
Full text
8
Murphree, Patrick D. "Crisis and continuity comedy during the French Revolution /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3337264.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Theatre and Drama, 2008.Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Jul 28, 2009). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-12, Section: A, page: 4569. Adviser: Roger W. Herzel.
9
Mori, Jennifer. "William Pitt and the French Revolution, 1785-1795 /." New York : St. Martin's Press, 1997. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37516336p.
Full text
10
Shaw, Matthew John. "Time and the French Revolution 1789 - year XIV." Thesis, Boston Spa, U.K. : British Library Document Supply Centre, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.313766.
Full text
11
Larsson, Emma. "Den revolutionära historieläraren : En kvalitativ studie om gymnasielärarens undervisning av den amerikanska, franska och ryska revolutionen." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-147889.
Full textAbstract:
The aim for this study is to discern what Swedish history teachers and a few select text books view on history is and how they work around the planning and teaching surrounding political revolutions. The revolutions that have been studied for this thesis is the American, French and Russian revolutions, which have been picked for their magnitude and significance for Europe and the outside world in their respective time frame. The method chosen for the thesis is a qualitative content analysis, which has been applied onto both interviews that were held with four teachers of history, as well as onto an analysis of three different Swedish school books. The chosen theoretical framework was incorporated into the content analysis and is focused on views of history dependent on different historical perspectives on what has driven history forward. These views consist of: ideological/operator-driven, historical materialism, gender-based, ‘from-below’, ‘from-above’ and structural perspectives. The interviewed teachers claimed to operate after many different historical perspectives, and that their educational methods were mainly concerned with teaching the students to consider what their own perspectives were. The text books showed that they, at most times, operated after an ideological/operator-driven perspective with elements of historical materialism and structural perspectives. Both the teachers and text books spent the most time on the French revolution and the least amount of time on the Russian revolution.
12
Whaley, L. A. "The emergence of the Brissotins during the French Revolution." Thesis, University of York, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.234977.
Full text
13
Lo, Francis Richard. "Orientalism, empire and revolution, 1785-1810." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.360534.
Full text
14
Reboul, Juliette. "French emigration in Great Britain in response to the French revolution : memories, integrations, cultural transfers." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2014. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/8254/.
Full textAbstract:
From 1789 onwards, thousands of Frenchmen and women left France in response to the political, social, economical and cultural changes following the outbreak of the Revolution. A large number came to the British Isles. This dissertation focuses on the interrelation and interpenetration between the migrants and their host, confronted by circumstances to cohabit. Insofar as French and British populations were concerned, it questions the extent to which displacement, exchanges, and diverse interpretations of the exile defined the limits of each community. This thesis argues that evolving relations between the two groups pragmatically defined the political and social categories of émigré and refugee. Useful to the British State and the loyalist community, the French emigrant/refugee became a subject of propaganda against radicalism; forced to survive in a foreign environment, the emigrant group anticipated the expectations of its host by creating a public persona based on shared experiences of trauma. This discursive unity hid a financially, socially, politically and culturally divided population. As exile went on and the relations between London and Paris fluctuated, the limits of the emigrant public persona shrunk, to recentre around a core ultra-royalist group. This attempt at a histoire croisée of emigration in the British Isles combines traditional sources (contemporary and retrospective ego-documents, journalistic accounts, political publications) and innovative ones (classified adverts, passports, returns of the Aliens) to recreate the landscape of French and British encounters at a crucial moment in their history. Indeed, this dissertation aimed to open up a space for a research on emigrant-British cultural transfers by unearthing the situations, individuals and locations fundamental in the importation and reinterpretation of cultural objects in their own culture.
15
Campbell, Tanya Lee Margaret. "Representations of slavery in French writing : from revolution to abolition." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.602452.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis seeks to explore the ways in which anxieties and ambivalences surrounding slavery were constructed, reflected and challenged in French writing from the period between the French Revolution and the abolition of slavery in 1848. It draws on historical and literary analyses, and an informed understanding of the sociopolitical currents of the early nineteenth century, to highlight the important role literature and journalism have to play in helping us to understand the multifarious complexities of slavery. It offers close analysis of a selection of key literary and journalistic texts from the period, including work by Olympe de Gouges, Marceline Desbordes-Valmore, Gabrielle de Paban, Sophie Doin, Jean-Baptiste Picquenard, Victor Hugo, Cyrille Charles Auguste Bissetteand Adolphe Granier de Cassagnac. This thesis contributes to a growing body of academic work on slavery by developing three broad perspectives on the institution: it examines the metaphorization of slavery in women's writing, and takes issue with the view that women necessarily privilege entertainment in their narratives; it considers the usefulness of a transactional model of violence as a framework through which to read early nineteenth-century men's revolutionary writing, interrogates the use of 'proportionality' as justification for the (il)legitimacy of violent acts, and investigates the (non-)representation of violence in texts; finally, it offers the first in-depth analysis of the slavery polemic that emerged between Bissette and Granier, and highlights how polarizing debates around slavery were mobilized in the press. This thesis therefore expands current research by demonstrating how the post-Revolutionary social and political conflicts, and racial prejudice cultivated under slavery, suffused nineteenth-century writing in both France and the French Caribbean.
16
Caiani, Ambrogio Antonio. "Court ceremony, Louis XVI and the French Revolution 1789-1792." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.611165.
Full text
17
Lees, James Christopher. "Clemens Wenzeslaus, German Catholicism, and the French Revolution, 1768-1792." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608113.
Full text
18
Kunka, Françoise. "French émigrés from the revolution of 1848 and British radicalism." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2014. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=226783.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis reassesses the presence of French émigrés from the 1848 revolution within a British context. In particular, it investigates their role in the transfer of the wide-ranging and often contradictory wealth of revolutionary concepts and political doctrines among the small but influential coterie of Victorian radicals and journalists who welcomed them and disseminated their ideologies. The part played by the transmission of these ideas within the 'continuity thesis' regarding radicalism in Britain is thus re-examined, challenging the premise that there was a complete political hiatus between the Chartism of the 1840s and the advent of socialism at the end of the nineteenth century. The varied transnational spaces within which revolutionary ideas were exchanged, debated and promoted are explored together with the vectors through which they were transmitted to a British public by figures as diverse as G.J. Harney, Ernest Jones, John Ludlow and Charles Bradlaugh. The thesis shows how these connections stimulated a new political language inspired by different strands of French socialism, secularism, republicanism and Freemasonry, and how this exposed both divisions of class and political direction within British radicalism while paradoxically encouraging a sense of patriotism. The quarante-huitards are here firmly located between the previous French migration to Britain beginning in the 1830s and the subsequent arrival of Communard refugees in 1870- 71, as well as within the wider continental émigré community. Through biography, the backgrounds and lives of certain figures within both groups are traced including Louis Blanc and other 'chiefs' in exile, as well as members whose years in Britain, like that of Jeanne Deroin, have until now been obscured. The impact of influential figures with whom they associated such as Mazzini and Marx are also considered, during a distinct period that was witnessing the decline of Chartism and ushering in a new spirit of commercial liberalism as reflected in the Great Exhibitions of 1851 and 1862.
19
Carpenter, Kirsty. "Refugees of the French Revolution : émigrés in London, 1789-1802 /." London : New York : MacMillan ; St. Martin's press, 1999. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37085304d.
Full text
20
Malecka, Joanna. "The ethics, aesthetics and politics of Thomas Carlyle's 'French Revolution'." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2017. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/8182/.
Full textAbstract:
‘The Ethics, Aesthetics and Politics of Carlyle’s French Revolution’ examines the work of Thomas Carlyle as a crucial aesthetic intervention in the modern reception of the French Revolution in Europe. It interrogates the prevalent critical constructions of Carlyle’s work and finds them to proceed predominantly from the Whig historical agenda, structured around such key nineteenth-century concepts as utilitarianism and civilisational and moral progress. Within this critical framework, Carlyle’s largely conservative cultural stance and Christian spirituality are hardly allowed any creative potential and, ever since the famous fabrication of James Anthony Froude who depicted Carlyle as ‘a Calvinist without the theology’, they have been perceived as artistically-stunted, irrational, and out of touch with the nineteenth-century political, social and cultural realities. In examining Carlyle’s involvement with German Romanticism on the one hand, and with contemporary British periodical press on the other, this thesis proposes a more comprehensive reading of Carlyle’s politics, aesthetics and spirituality in an attempt to represent his radically open, catholic and indeed cosmopolitan artistic agenda which taps into the Scottish Enlightenment concept of rationality, Calvinist scepticism towards nineteenth-century progressivism and acute perception of evil in this world, and post-Burkean Romantic aesthetics of the sublime. We chart the aesthetic movement from Carlyle’s early dialogue with Schiller and Goethe to ‘The Diamond Necklace’, Carlyle’s first artistic rendition of the French pre-revolutionary scene, delivered as a (Gothic) moral tale and anticipating The French Revolution (a historical work that uniquely employs the Gothic genre within historical narrative, arguably unparalleled in British post-Burkean Romanticism). The critical reception of The French Revolution in Britain is examined, with special attention paid to the highly unfavourable review by Herman Merivale in The Edinburgh Review, in order to challenge the Whig line in Carlylean criticism and to expose the fundamental artistic, political and moral disagreement between Carlyle and Merivale. Carlyle’s Calvinist stance sees both Merivale’s and Thomas Babington Macaulay’s facile exorcism of the categories of good and evil from their historical agendas as irrational given the recent French terror (which, in Carlyle’s reading, released its demons precisely through such a botched ethical deal). Similarly, I highlight Carlyle’s close dialogue with John Stuart Mill both in their correspondence, and in the publications in the London and Westminster Review, while I argue that this intellectual exchange is crucial for the reading of The French Revolution as a text challenging Mill’s utilitarianism, and written within the institutional framework of the contemporary periodical press. Finally, Carlyle is seen to make capital of the concepts of Gothic and sublime, introduced by Edmund Burke and popularised by the Anti-Jacobin Review in Britain, by applying them directly to the French mob in search of a new spiritual tongue for his times (a move that even a nineteenth-century radical liberal thinker such as Mill sees as politically, if not artistically, far too subversive and revolutionary). Creative non-conclusiveness and playful deconstruction of the prevalent post-revolutionary narratives of 1789 characterise Carlyle’s deeply spiritual and artistically-sophisticated text, which, in an orthodox Christian reading, rejoices in the messy, dark and complex residue of human history, through which Christian providence acts in mysterious and unexpected ways that do not allow for any simple, de-mythologised reading.
21
Price, Munro. "The Court Nobility and the Origins of the French Revolution." Cambridge University Press, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/2884.
Full textAbstract:
NoThis original volume seeks to get behind the surface of political events and to identify the forces which shaped politics and culture from 1680 to 1840 in Germany, France and Great Britain. The contributors, all leading specialists in the field, explore critically how 'culture', defined in the widest sense, was exploited during the 'long eighteenth century' to buttress authority in all its forms and how politics infused culture. Individual essays explore topics ranging from the military culture of Central Europe through the political culture of Germany, France and Great Britain, music, court intrigue and diplomatic practice, religious conflict and political ideas, the role of the Enlightenment, to the very new dispensations which prevailed during and after the French Revolution and the Napoleonic watershed. The book will be essential reading for all scholars of eighteenth-century European history.
22
Francis, Catrin Mair. "The politics of appropriation in French Revolutionary theatre." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/9921.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the popularity of plays from the ancien régime in the theatre of the French Revolution. In spite of an influx of new plays, works dating from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were amongst the most frequently performed of the decade. Appropriation resulted in these tragedies and comedies becoming ‘Revolutionary’ and often overtly political in nature. In this thesis, I will establish how and why relatively obscure, neglected plays became both popular and Revolutionary at this time. I shall draw on eighteenth-century definitions of appropriation to guide my analysis of their success and adaptation, whilst the theoretical framework of pre-history and afterlives (as well as modern scholarship on exemplarity and the politicisation of the stage) will shape my research. To ensure that I investigate a representative selection of appropriated plays, I will look at five very different works, including two tragedies and three comedies, which pre-date the Revolution by at least thirty years. Voltaire’s Brutus enjoyed successive Revolutionary afterlives from 1789-1799, whereas Lemierre’s Guillaume Tell was only truly successful as political propaganda during the Terror. Meanwhile, Molière’s Misanthrope was subjected to censorship and Revolutionary alterations, but could not rival the extraordinary success of one of his lesser known comedies, Le Dépit amoureux, which suddenly became one of the most popular plays in the theatrical repertoire. Finally, Regnard’s Les Folies amoureuses became popular in the highly politicised theatre of the Revolution in spite of the fact that the comedy had no obvious connection to politics or republicanism. The power of appropriation was such that any play could become Revolutionary, as both audiences and the government used appropriation as a method of displaying their power, attacking their enemy, and supporting the progress of the French Revolution.
23
Browne, Rory Alexander Woodthorpe. "Court and crown : rivalry at the Court of Louis XVI and its importance in the formation of a pre-revolutionary aristocractic opposition." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.314934.
Full text
24
Shafer, David A. "Revolutionary insurgency and revolutionary republicanism : aspects of the French revolutionary tradition from the advent of the July Monarchy through the repression of the Paris Commune." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.282710.
Full text
25
Andress, David Robert. "Order and democracy in Paris from the oath of the clergy to the tricolour terror, January-August 1791." Thesis, University of York, 1994. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14000/.
Full textAbstract:
The first chapters of this thesis explore the picture of eighteenth-century Parisian popular culture emerging from recent research, and suggest how it may be incorporated into a history of Parisian popular disturbances in 1789. Developing themes from this, the thesis explores the interaction in 1791 between popular perceptions of the revolutionary situation and the perceptions of popular activity by the authorities and other opinion-forming groups, notably the press and the popular societies. The picture which emerges from comparison of police records with press and administrative reports is one of near-paranoid suspicion. Suspicion focused on the conception that popular discontent over socio-economic and political issues was necessarily the product of ignorance coupled with rabble-rousing by agents of aristocratic factions. In a situation of rising political tensions, stimulated by dissent amongst the clergy and royal reluctance to approve the new settlement, records show popular concerns over these events falling into spirals of growing alarm, as the press reflected back to the people the fears that their activities were provoking. Confusion over the identity of alleged seditious elements, coupled with social prejudices continuing from the ancien regime, made this process chronically destabilising, and eventually led to the Champ de Mars Massacre. The thesis concludes that individuals at all social levels appear to have had a meaningful engagement with the issues of freedom and equality raised by the promises of the Revolution, but that attempts to express these independently by members of the lower classes led to conflict and repression. It further suggests a path from this position to a new hypothesis on the formation of the sans-culottes under the Republic.
26
Reed, Kristopher Guy. "VISIONING THE NATION: CLASSICAL IMAGES AS ALLEGORY DURING THE FRENCH REVOLUTION." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2007. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4008.
Full textAbstract:
In the latter half of the Eighteenth Century, France experienced a seismic shift in the nature of political culture. The king gave way to the nation at the center of political life as the location of sovereignty transferred to the people. While the French Revolution changed the structure of France's government, it also changed the allegorical representations of the nation. At the Revolution's onset, the monarchy embodied both the state and nation as equated ideas. During the Revolutionary Decade and through the reign of Napoleon different governments experienced the need to reorient these symbols away from the person of the king to the national community. Following the king's execution, the Committee government invented connections to the ancient past in order to build legitimacy for their rule in addition to extricating the monarchy's symbols from political life. During the rule of Napoleon, he used classical symbols to associate himself with Roman Emperors to embody the nation in his person. Through an examination of the different types of classical symbols that each government illustrates the different ways that attempted to symbolically document this important shift in the location of sovereignty away from the body of the king to the nation.M.A.
Department of History
Arts and Humanities
History MA
27
Blamires, C. P. "Three critiques of the French Revolution : Maistre, Bonald and Saint-Simon." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.371599.
Full text
28
Underwood, Scott V. "A revolutionary atmosphere : England in the aftermath of the French revolution." Virtual Press, 1990. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/722223.
Full textAbstract:
This study is a cross-examination of the theory of revolution and the historical view of English society and politics in the late eighteenth century. Historical research focused upon the most respected (if not the most recent) works containing theory and information about the effects of the French Revolution on English society and politics. Research into the theory of revolution was basically a selection process whereby a few of the most extensive and reasonable theories were chosen for use.The cross-study of the two fields revealed that, although historians view it as politically conservative and generally complacent, English society, fettered by antiquated political institutions and keenly aware of the recent French Revolution, contained all the elements conducive to rebellion listed by the theorists of revolution. In the final analysis, research indicated revolution did not occur in England because of the confluence of political, military and social events in England and France.Department of History
29
Wang, Tsai-Yeh. "British women’s travel writings in the era of the French Revolution." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2010. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1029/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis intends to investigate how educated British women travellers challenged conventional female roles and how they participated in the political culture in the Revolutionary and Napoleonic era. Part One will discuss those who tried hard to challenge or to correct traditionally-defined femininity and to prove themselves useful in their society. Many of them negotiated with and broadened the traditionally defined femininity in this age. Part Two will take Burke and Wollstonecraft’s debate as the central theme in order to discuss chronologically the British women travellers’ political responses to the Revolution controversy. When the Revolution degenerated into Terror and wars, the Burkean view became the main strand of British women travellers’ political thinking. Under the threat of Revolutionary France and during the Napoleonic Wars, a popular conservatism and patriotism developed in Britain. Part Three will use the travel journals of the women who went to France during the Amiens Truce and after the fall of Napoleon in 1814 to analyse the formation of British national identity and nationalism in this period. In the end, these educated British women both stimulated and contributed to the formation of British political and cultural identity at the turn of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
30
Richardson, Emily Jane. "Unlikely citizens? : the manufacturers of Sèvres porcelain and the French Revolution." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2007. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1445032/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis aims to reintegrates the history of the manufactory of Sevres porcelain with that of the French Revolution, in the hope of better understanding them both. Realistically the two cannot be detached, though accounts of this decade in the manufactory's existence often belie this by omitting the events of the period from their narrative. Yet the revolution did not happen at arms-length from the manufactory but in and around it and, as I will argue, the Sevrian's relationship with events was two-way, involved and dynamic. Thus as well as exploring the impact that the revolution had on the manufactory (precipitating the collapse of the luxury industries and prompting the emigration of their primarily aristocratic clientele), I will examine the strategies deployed by Sevres' administration to cope with and adapt to changed circumstances. I will also argue that, despite their pedigree as employees of a manufacture royale, Sevres' workforce met the challenges of the period pro-actively, embracing the revolution in words and actions that will be analysed here. Sevres' production of (and the market for) revolutionary porcelain will also be discussed at length. Yet all this precludes that the manufactory survived in the first place, which could not have been assumed. Aside from the financial difficulties the revolution caused them, the intensely hostile climate to all things regal, all things luxurious and privileged could presuppose their swift demise. As such, the manufactory's negotiation of the period is remarkable, and their continued existence under a regime that publicly aspired to Spartan values and aesthetics not untouched by paradox. Why revolutionary governments representing values diametrically opposed to those embodied by Sevres nevertheless exempted it from annihilation will be questioned. Similarly, the reasons they subsequently supported the manufactory, whose products maintained many of their trademark characteristics and were of little practical use to them, will be investigated.
31
Dallara, Anais. "The "femme-homme" of the French Revolution| Gender boundaries and masculinization." Thesis, California State University, Long Beach, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10255098.
Full textAbstract:
The overall image that emerges from the literature on gender and the French Revolution is that of revolutionary women transgressing traditional gender boundaries by actively participating in the Revolution. This study will show that with few exceptions, most revolutionary women did not attempt to transgress their gender boundaries; instead, they attempted to redefine their sphere of action on the basis of a new ideology born during the Revolution: that of the larger family of the Republic. This study investigates the contradiction between the eighteenth-century idea of the femme idéale and the reality of revolutionary women activism and argues that these women justified entering the public space as part of their duties as patriotic mothers. On the other hand, this study also shows how revolutionary men increasingly started to marginalize all revolutionary women as “femme-hommes” to ultimately exclude them from the public sphere in 1793. While many historians focused on the way women were sexualized and feminized during the Revolution, this paper argues that most revolutionary leaders considered women who attempted to play men’s roles to be women who were becoming men and thus losing their maternal and motherly duties.
32
Turrentine, Herbert Charles. "Johann Schobert and French clavier music from 1700 to the Revolution /." Ann Arbor : UMI, 2000. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb370598509.
Full textAbstract:
Diss.--Philosophie--Iowa City, Iowa, 1962.Contient la musique de 3 sonates pour clavecin op. 7, n °3 (avec acc. de 2 violons et violoncelle), op. 16, n °2 (avec acc. de violon et violoncelle), op. 17, n °4 (avec acc. de violon). Bibliogr. p. 346-364.
33
Mortimore, Alexander G. "The response of Johann Wolfgang von Goethe to the French Revolution." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:092157cb-3844-4fa8-a6f2-5e7e79b84278.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis seeks to explain the reasons behind Johann Wolfgang von Goethe's critical response to the French Revolution, and to identify his broader political views. It casts Goethe as a reform-minded conservative, who strove to advance civilisation and law-abiding liberty, and deplored tyranny, whether of the few or of the many. He deemed the Revolution politically and socially destructive, as it countered Enlightenment values of reason, tolerance, independent thought, and self-cultivation. While acknowledging the faults of the traditional ruling elite of the monarchy and aristocracy, Goethe also recognised the inherently flawed nature of human beings. This led him to support modest changes to redress specific grievances, rather than to overturn an entire political system in the utopian hope of realising a vice-ridden 'brotherhood of Man'. The fictional works indicate an author who favoured clearly definable freedoms over an abstract 'universal' freedom, who believed that BÃ1⁄4rger should develop their intellect and find an occupation best suited to their personal attributes, and that the most temperate and politically astute among them should influence government by co-operating with aristocrats. Goethe also portrays the fall of the ancien régime as largely self-inflicted, presenting many selfish and gullible courtiers, and incompetent kings. He appears to lament its demise, however, and not wish for a repeat in Germany, as the insurgent Bürger-dominated and/or republican regimes seem even more reckless. The advocates of 'liberté, égalité, fraternité' generally come across as perilously naïve or fraudulent, often using altruistic rhetoric to conceal egocentric and vindictive aims. The best cure for a flagging regime is (sometimes considerable) reform, not revolution. Political power should be treated with humility and self-restraint, and the relationship between rulers and subjects should be as intimate as possible. Above all, no part of the social hierarchy should suffer oppression from another, and people should be free to express various opinions, and criticise their government. For Goethe, the Revolution thwarted such principles.
34
Ackroyd, Marcus Lowell. "Constitution and revolution : political debate in France, 1795-1800." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.319055.
Full text
35
Michaelis, R. W. J. "The secular clergy of the Ille-et-Vilaine 1789-1804." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.313560.
Full text
36
Hall, Daniel James Alan. "Gothic fiction in France and Germany (1790-1800)." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324030.
Full text
37
Davidson, Paul Scott. "Capturing the whirlwind : Paris depicted through the medium of Revolutionary Prints." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2013. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/8474.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is the product of an Arts and Humanities Research Council Collaborative Doctoral Award, the result of which was the production of a catalogue of the Tableaux de la Révolution. Made up of some 500 prints, presented in four nineteenth century bound volumes, the Tableaux de la Révolution is part of the Rothschild Collection held at Waddesdon Manor, Buckinghamshire. One of the key goals of the project was to create an online resource that is now publicly accessible by internet. The initial cataloguing was split between Claire Trévien, also a recipient of and AHRC CDA, which she held in the French Department at the University of Warwick and myself. We ‘tombstone catalogued’ some 250 prints each, analysing the following: date, the identification of printing method and style, identification of subject and theme, a description of the image, translation and description of the text, as well as the construction of a theme-based search engine. My own contribution was the first and fourth of the large volumes in which the prints are kept (accession numbers: 4232.1 and 4222). Additional background research has also been conducted for each print, extended upon in the final in-depth analyses of circa 30 prints on my part. The items which received this treatment under my individual care were acc. nos: 4222.7.4, 4222.9.8, 4222.10.11, 4222.13.16, 4222.14.17, 4222.21.27, 4222.35.44, 4222.47.61, 4232.1.13.27, 4232.1.19.40, 4232.1.23.46, 4232.1.42.83, 4232.1.43.85, 4232.1.43.86, 4232.1.46.92, 4232.1.48.96, 4232.1.52.104, 4232.1.52.107, 4232.1.57.113, 4232.1.69.142, 4232.1.70.144, 4232.1.80.164, 4232.1.83.170, 4232.1.84.171, 4232.2.24.38, 4232.2.31.50, 4232.2.31.51, 4232.2.35.61 and 4232.2.47.80 (http://www.waddesdon.org.uk/collection/special-projects/tableaux-paul). The work done at Waddesdon Manor also proved invaluable vis-à-vis my thesis. The study of the prints laid the groundwork for me to broaden my knowledge of prints as a visual medium. In addition to this, an exhibition of the Tableaux de la Révolution was held at Waddesdon Manor in summer 2011. Part of the impact of the final catalogue also included a public lecture and ‘hands-on’ session, which I co-hosted with Claire Trévien. The catalogue of the Tableaux de la Révolution may be consulted on the Waddesdon website at: http://waddesdon.org.uk/collection/special-projects/tableau.
38
Jackson, Owen David. "Receiving revolution : the newspaper press, revolutionary ideology and politics in Britain, 1789-1848." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/1c1f67cb-2a3a-4287-8ffb-2fb7b56d3d50.
Full textAbstract:
Through a close reading of Bristol newspapers this thesis considers the intrusion of revolutionary idioms into the English language. This was a far more hesitant and nuanced process than the 'logocide' argued for by Burke whose notion of a 'linguistic terror' is overly dramatic. In adopting a longer term perspective and considering the revolutionary examples of 1830 and 1848, the violence of Burke's model is replaced by a more nuanced understanding of the range of idiomatic choices presented to British politics by the French experience. A brief introductory section addresses key historiographical and methodological issues. Chapter one explores the development of revolutionary reporting in the Bristol newspapers between 1792 and 1848. The first half of the chapter examines the subtle combination of idioms and rhetorical devices evident in the five Bristol titles for 1792. Reports on French and British affairs operated within a consciously circular discourse founded on the interchangeability of 'signified' and 'referent'. In this way the revolutionary example was fictionalised, demonised and emptied of any political value. The second half of the chapter then focuses on the decline of this discursive loyalism over the period to 1848. Later chapters concentrate upon the trajectory of specific terms into British political discourse. Chapter two addresses two inter-related questions. Firstly, how did the polarised discursive structure identified in chapter one incorporate examples of British interaction with, and sympathy for, revolutionary France? Secondly, how did the revolutionary notion of fraternite interact with, and influence, existing British idioms of inclusion and exclusion? Chapter three explores the revolutionary signifier, egalite, and the associated concepts of democracy, meritocracy, socialism and communism. Finally, chapter four examines the interplay of an egalitarian, revolutionary liberte with older British conceptions of liberty, liberties, privilege, property, and patriarchy. In examining the interplay of liberte and egalite with analogous British terms both chapters suggest that by 1848 British political discourse owed more to the French paradigm than the editors of the Bristol press cared to admit
39
Price, Munro. "Lafayette, the Lameths and 'republican monarchy'." Virginia University Press, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/17578.
Full text
40
Dine, Philip Douglas. "French literary images of the Algerian war : an ideological analysis." Thesis, University of Stirling, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/3544.
Full textAbstract:
The Algerian war of 1954 to 1962 is generally acknowledged to have been the apogee of France's uniquely traumatic retreat from overseas empire. Yet, despite the war's rapid establishment as the focus for a vast body of literature in the broadest sense, the experience of those years is only now beginning to be acknowledged by the French nation in anything like a balanced way. The present study seeks to contribute to the continuing elucidation of this historical failure of assimilation by considering the specific role played by prose fiction in contemporary and subsequent perceptions of the relevant events. Previous research into this aspect of the Franco-Algerian relationship has tended either to approach it as a minor element in a larger conceptual whole or to attach insufficient importance to its fundamentally political nature. This thesis is conceived as an analysis of the images of the Algerian war communicated in a representative sample of French literature produced both during and after the conflict itself. The method adopted is an ideological one, with particular attention being given in each of the seven constituent chapters to the selected texts' depiction of one of the principal parties to the conflict, together with their attendant political mythologies. This reading is primarily informed by the Barthesian model of semiosis, which is drawn upon to explain the linguistic foundations of the systematic literary obfuscation of this period of colonial history. By analysing points of ideological tension in the fictional imaging of the war, we are able to identify and to evaluate examples of both artistic mystification and demystifying art. It is argued in conclusion that the former category of narrative has never ceased to predominate, thus enabling French public opinion to continue to avoid its ultimate responsibility for the war and its conduct.
41
Yang, Suxian. "The British debate on the French Revolution : Edmund Burke and his critics." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/24447.
Full textAbstract:
This study seeks to explore the British response to the French Revolution through an investigation of the debate between Burke and his critics on the subject. The dissertation is divided into two major parts: first, a comprehensive analysis of Burke's critique of the French Revolution and, secondly, an extensive examination of the reaction of his critics to his arguments. Edmund Burke approached the French Revolution with a shrewd discernment. He took up his pen against France because he was aware that her Revolution, since, in his opinion, it was of a universal nature, would prove dangerous to the old order of the whole of Europe. But how did the Revolution happen? What had made it so formidable? Burke traced the origins of the French Revolution to the economic, social and intellectual changes that had previously taken place in French society. It was a revolution led by the militant middle class and propelled by Jacobinism. To prevent Jaobinism from undermining European civilisation, Burke devoted himself to a long crusade against the French Revolution. At the same time, Burke, who had previously been regarded as a reformer, was obliged to defend his own political consistency which was challenged because of his attack on the French Revolution. He endeavoured to relate his politics to the tradition of the 1688 Revolution and he defended the integrity of his present action on the principles of the old Whigs whose politics, in his opinion, had always been to assert Britain's mixed and balanced constitution. Burke's critics, on the other hand, generally welcomed the Revolution in France as a great triumph of liberty over despotism. Most of those who opposed Burke were ideologically inclined to embrace the doctrine of popular sovereignty based on the radical theory of the natural rights of man; and their acceptance of this doctrine had rendered them politically hostile to the old order. From such an intellectual framework, these radicals ventured, from various aspects, to vindicate the French Revolution. This dissertation undertakes to explore their perception of its universal implication, their interpretation of its origins, their justification of its necessity, their apologia for its defects, their defence of its leaders, and their conviction of its ability to achieve perfection in the future. The whole seems to form both a vigorous answer to Burke and an active justification of the French Revolution. The critics of Burke, in vindicating the French Revolution, were also defending their own radical politics at home. The establishment of freedom in France encouraged them to press for change in Britain. Parliament and the established church formed the main objects in their programme of reform. The British reformers, generally speaking, did not argue in support of a violent revolution at home. It was their opinion, however, that without a timely reform, Britain could be heading in that direction.
42
Malidin, Florian. "Implementing the Third Industrial Revolution : a case study of a French example." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/98999.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis: S.M. in Management Research, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Sloan School of Management, 2015.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 56-58).
Economic growth is now stalling in Europe and at the same time unemployment has remained at high levels for a long time. On the other hand, the United-States are posting record growth rates and enjoy low unemployment, in great part thanks to their exploitation of shale oil and gas that has provided a surge of economic activity in the sector and has benefited to the whole economy through cheaper energy. Europe cannot rely on such natural resources to restart its economy and is facing difficult times since the financial crisis. However, this problematic situation might be in fact an opportunity to renew its economic system and impulse a new wave of healthy economic activity by choosing the path of an energy transition. The underlying assumption of this thesis is that, beyond any environmental considerations, the energy transition represents an unparalleled opportunity to restore economic activity and cope with the challenges of this century. However, as beneficial as a new energy system might appear to be upfront, it definitely implies ambitious and complex transformations. This thesis explores practical ways, best practices and shortfalls to avoid to implement the energy transition by focusing on the case study of the Third Industrial Revolution (TIR) Master Plan developed in collaboration with Jeremy Rifkin in the Nord Pas-de-Calais region in France. This region has decided to implement an energy transition plan for some obvious environmental motivations, but mostly for economic and employment-related ones. The thesis explains and reviews the concept of TIR, but it mostly spends time analyzing the NPDC Master Plan itself to explore the ways it has decided to implement its energy transition. The goal is to identify best practices and successes but also mistakes and failures on the path to making the TIR a reality. Hopefully, it will be useful for other projects of this kind, with the same ambitions for other regions of the world.
by Florian Malidin.
S.M. in Management Research
43
Bell, Frances. "Native Citizens and French Refugees: Exploring the Aftermath of the Haitian Revolution." W&M ScholarWorks, 2017. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1516639576.
Full textAbstract:
“Native Citizens!” Citizenship, Family, and Governance During the Haitian Revolution, 1789-1806 Given the upheaval of the Haitian Revolution, and first head-of-state Jean-Jacques Dessalines’s insistence on divesting Haiti from all French influence, it is unsurprising that many historians have depicted Dessalines’s rule as a dramatic rupture; the end of an old state, and the beginning of a new one. However, despite Dessalines’s stated desire to divest from French influence, he continued to use the language of citizenship in legal texts, speeches, and proclamations, despite its strong association with French republicanism. By examining legislative texts and proclamations from 1793 to 1806, I argue that Dessalines used the language of citizenship as a shorthand for duty, obedience, and unity, in order to ensure the security both of the nation, and of his own authority. In doing so, he continued a trend set by pre-independence administrators, who used citizenship rhetoric in their attempts to establish order after the proclamation of emancipation in 1793. “Thrown into this Hospitable Land:” French Refugees in Virginia, 1793-1810 I explore the experiences of French refugees from the Haitian Revolution in Virginia, tracing several members of one refugee household in order to understand how refugees negotiated the opportunities and limitations that they faced upon arrival in the state. French refugees were received in the state with a combination of enthusiasm and suspicion, with the latter being particularly directed towards enslaved refugees, who were feared to carry the “contagion” of slave revolt. By piecing together the archival traces left by two members of the Burot family – planter Alexander Burot, and enslaved domestic Julia Ann Burot – and their immediate relatives, I speculate on the ways in which they addressed the obstacles they faced in Virginia, and argue that their ability to exploit personal and professional relationships, together with sheer good fortune, was instrumental to their achieving some level of socio-economic success in the state.
44
Clure, Graham Thomas. "European Illusions: Political Economy and War From Rousseau to the French Revolution." Thesis, Harvard University, 2015. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:23845495.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation is about the impact on Enlightenment political thought of the elimination of Poland from the map of Europe. It is about how the partitions of Poland (1772-95) affected the thinking of every major European political theorist, from Rousseau to Kant and beyond, because Poland's destruction raised questions about how states could achieve the prosperity necessary to retain their independence while also respecting the independence of others.
The dissertation surveys the different theoretical approaches that were brought to bear on debates about how to implement reform in Poland and Russia. These ideas shaped subsequent discourses about the problems of international economic competition and constitutional government during the American and French Revolutions and into the nineteenth century. Rousseau's Considerations on the Government of Poland in particular had an important impact on later thinkers. The book represented a scaling-up of the Social Contract for a large state along lines that Rousseau planned to develop in his unfinished treatise, the Political Institutions.Government
45
Swanzy, David Paul. "The wind ensemble and its music during the French Revolution (1789-1795) /." Ann Arbor : UMI, 2000. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb370598520.
Full text
46
Taws, Richard John. "Currencies : circulation and spectatorship in the print culture of the French Revolution." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2005. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1446521/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the constitutive role of printed media in the formation of political identities during the French Revolution, placing particular emphasis on those areas of print production which have been conventionally and pejoratively marginalised as 'ephemeral', but which I argue are in fact central to the development of distinct and conflictual revolutionary positions. These objects demand a re-examination of the role of spectatorship during this period, and require an engagement with the role of reproduction and authenticity in the formation of individual subjectivities and modern nation states. The first chapter of my thesis addresses the role of assignats or revolutionary paper money, based on the value of confiscated church land, whose material facture became increasingly complicated in response to counterfeiting, part-sponsored by the British Government. The desire for increased transparency (literally, in terms of technological devices such as watermarking) paralleled Republican political morality, but was, I suggest, formulated in response to a range of counter-revolutionary actions. My second chapter examines printed representations of revolutionary festivals, and the problematics of memory, permanence and visuality associated with the representation of an ephemeral event. Chapter three analyses the representative role of the passport in the 1790s. Pre-photographic passports listed the physical characteristics of the bearer, to be compared to the subject at each checkpoint, a textual portrait which opened up a variety of narratives, both of an individual voyage, and, in the case of the politically disenfranchised, a narrative of exclusion centred on a spectatorial encounter. These are read against other spheres of representation, including 'honorific' certificates, portraiture and caricature. My final chapter looks at revolutionary games and other ludic material, and their multiple roles as signifiers of pedagogical truth or, in the case of trompe l'oeil of other prints, deception - all of which were dependent upon the attraction and direction of the gaze.
47
Hall, Cosby Williams. "French and Hessian Impressions: Foreign Soldiers' Views of America during the Revolution." W&M ScholarWorks, 2003. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626414.
Full text
48
Brunt, Liam. "New technology and labour productivity in English and French agriculture 1700-1850." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324812.
Full text
49
Townsend, John. "Seven contemporary French political thinkers : considerations of individualism, humanism and value pluralism." Thesis, Oxford Brookes University, 2001. https://radar.brookes.ac.uk/radar/items/826e3510-c0fd-4bbe-b78c-979e057f981a/1/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis focuses upon a significant body of contemporary French political thought which takes as its starting point a contention that both the monist and doctrinaire political precepts dating from the Revolution and the consequent Hegelian, Marxist and structuralist thinking linked to these precepts have become anachronistic and hence have little relevance in present-day France. The originality of this doctoral thesis lies in the analysis of the work of seven political thinkers. All of these thinkers, recognizing a break in the continuity of French political thought consequent upon the claim of François Furet that the "Revolution is complete", have sought to rationalize and reconcile the values of individualism, humanism and modernity in contemporary France. In contrast to the political thinkers of the Sartrean generation, whose work took little account of the actual practice of politics, in the seven thinkers seek to relate the philosophical problems inherent in considerations of individual and communal rights and values to the present-day political environment. Each of the seven has sought to rationalize a political situation, novel in France, of an acceptance of the concept of agreeing to differ on matters of substance and of a recognition that a modern democratic state is heteronomous and may contain a substantial range of incommensurable values . This amounts to an acceptance of agonistic value pluralism, that is, of the idea of political conflict which is constructive (by contrast with the destructive conflict of revolutionary-inspired doctrines) and which leads to the evolution of arguments broadly acceptable to a majority in situations in which there is a clash of values. Thus the practice of politics has become a succession of endeavours to arrive at optimum solutions to conflictual problems, rather than a search after chimerical, maxirnalist answers . Each of the seven has sought to rationalize a political situation, novel in France, of an acceptance of the concept of agreeing to differ on matters of substance and of a recognition that a modern democratic state is heteronomous and may contain a substantial range of incommensurable values. This amounts to an acceptance of agonistic value pluralism, that is, of the idea of political conflict which is constructive (by contrast with the destructive conflict of revolutionary-inspired doctrines) and which leads to the evolution of arguments broadly acceptable to a majority in situations in which there is a clash of values. Thus the practice of politics has become a succession of endeavours to arrive at optimum solutions to conflictual problems, rather than a search after chimerical, maxirnalist answers.
50
Cooper, Cyril. "The impact on the county of Kent of the French Revolution, 1789-1802." Thesis, University of Kent, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.413305.
Full text