To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: French Revolutionary War.
Journal articles on the topic 'French Revolutionary War'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'French Revolutionary War.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Saxby, Richard. "THE BLOCKADE OF BREST IN THE FRENCH REVOLUTIONARY WAR." Mariner's Mirror 78, no. 1 (January 1992): 25–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00253359.1992.10656383.
Full text
2
Rapport, Mike. "Atle L. Wold, Scotland and the French Revolutionary War, 1792–1802." Innes Review 69, no. 1 (May 2018): 108–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/inr.2018.0168.
Full text
3
PLASSART, ANNA. "SCOTTISH PERSPECTIVES ON WAR AND PATRIOTISM IN THE 1790s." Historical Journal 57, no. 1 (January 29, 2014): 107–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x13000265.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTThe article examines Scottish discussions surrounding the French revolutionary wars in the early and mid-1790s. It argues that these discussions were not built along the lines of the dispute that set Burke against the English radicals, because arguments about French ‘cosmopolitan’ love for mankind were largely irrelevant in the context of Smithian moral philosophy. The Scottish writers who observed French developments in the period (including the Edinburgh Moderates, James Mackintosh, John Millar, and Lord Lauderdale) were, however, particularly interested in what they interpreted as France's changing notion of patriotism, and built upon the heritage of Smithian moral philosophy in order to offer original and powerful commentaries of French national feeling and warfare. They identified the ‘enthusiastic’ nature of French national sentiment, and the replacement of traditional patriotism with a new form of relationship between the individual and the nation, as the most significant and dangerous element to come out of the French Revolution.
4
Walton, Charles. "Why the neglect? Social rights and French Revolutionary historiography." French History 33, no. 4 (December 2019): 503–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/crz089.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Despite the rise of ‘human rights’ histories in recent decades, the subset of social rights has been largely neglected. To the degree that social rights—to subsistence, work and education—are acknowledged, they tend to be treated as ‘second-generation rights’—as mid-twentieth-century additions to the corpus of civil and political rights stretching back to the eighteenth century. This article shows that debates over social rights also stretch back to that period. The author discusses why historians of the French Revolution have largely neglected social rights. One reason has to do with post-Cold War conceptions of human rights, which stress their liberal rather than socio-economic content. Another has to do with the recent tendency to subsume the ‘social’ within late eighteenth-century liberal political economy. In their effort to recast revolutionaries as ‘social liberals’—as espousing free markets and social welfare—historians have obscured deep tensions over social rights and the obligation, or ‘duty’, to finance them.
5
Oats, Lynne, and Pauline Sadler. "POLITICAL SUPPRESSION OR REVENUE RAISING? TAXING NEWSPAPERS DURING THE FRENCH REVOLUTIONARY WAR." Accounting Historians Journal 31, no. 1 (June 1, 2004): 93–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/0148-4184.31.1.93.
Full textAbstract:
In 1797 the Prime Minister of Great Britain announced a substantial increase in the stamp duty on newspapers. This increase, and indeed the tax itself, has been variously represented as an attack on press freedom and an act of suppression of the working classes. This paper reconsiders these representations by reference to primary sources and concludes that the increases in stamp duty were part of a revenue raising exercise in which taxes on a number of luxury items were increased, including newspapers which were not at the time viewed as being necessities.
6
Harris, Bob. "Scotland and the French Revolutionary War, 1792—1802, by Atle L. Wold." English Historical Review 132, no. 554 (February 2017): 160–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cew408.
Full text
7
Gordienko, Dmitry O. "«The Peninsular War»: The Anglo-French confrontation in the Pyrenees during the Second Hundred Years’ War (1689–1815)." Izvestiya of Saratov University. New Series. Series: History. International Relations 21, no. 1 (March 25, 2021): 60–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2021-21-1-60-66.
Full textAbstract:
The article shows the Anglo-French confrontation on the Iberian Peninsula as an important stage of the Second Hundred years’ War. The example of remote action of the British expeditionary force demonstrates the «English style» of war: the operation of army troops with the active support of the Royal Navy. The author comes to the conclusion that the Pyrenean wars of the beginning of the XIX century have a certain significance in the system of Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars.
8
CAMUS, RAOUL F. "The Inspector of Music Meets the French." Journal of the Society for American Music 8, no. 4 (November 2014): 479–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752196314000376.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractWhen the French military forces arrived in Newport in 1781, they brought with them not only music of a social nature, such as country-dances, but also music used in military ceremonies. Americans quickly adopted many French customs, melodies and traditions. A fife major's manuscript of 1781 is only one of many that evinces the importance of John Hiwell, the Continental Army Inspector of Music, in promoting this French influence on American military ceremonial music. This article also examines some aspects of fifes and drums in the Revolutionary War era.
9
Conway, Stephen. "British Mobilization in the War of American Independence*." Historical Research 72, no. 177 (February 1, 1999): 58–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00073.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This article argues that the mass arming in Britain during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars was not a wholly new phenomenon but the culmination of a long‐running process of greater mobilization of manpower. That process was significantly advanced in the American war, when more Britons and Irishmen went into uniform than in any earlier eighteenth‐century conflict, and when men from widely different social backgrounds participated in a military or naval capacity.
10
Carlson, Eric Stener. "The influence of french “Revolutionary War” ideology on the use of torture in Argentina's “Dirty War”." Human Rights Review 1, no. 4 (December 2000): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12142-000-1044-5.
Full text
11
Daly, Gavin. "Anglo-French Sieges, the Laws of War, and the Limits of Enmity in the Peninsular War, 1808–1814*." English Historical Review 135, no. 574 (June 2020): 572–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceaa190.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The many sieges of the Napoleonic Wars remain a relatively neglected area of historical study, especially in the context of the history of customary laws of war, where sieges played a central role. This article explores an important but largely forgotten episode in the infamous British storm and sack of the French-held Spanish towns of Ciudad Rodrigo, Badajoz and San Sebastián during the Peninsular War: mercy to the French garrisons, who, in obstinately defending against storming parties, had forfeited their protective rights under prevailing laws of war. Combining military, legal and cultural history, and drawing upon British soldiers’ letters, diaries and memoirs, the article focuses on three interrelated issues: siege capitulation and surrender rituals, attitudes to obstinate defences, and British mercy to the French garrisons. The article highlights sieges as a privileged site for examining laws of war, cultures of war, and moral sensibilities. In doing so, it sheds further light on historical debates about changes and continuities in practices and cultures of war over the long eighteenth century. There has been considerable recent interest in the history of atrocity, massacre and enmity during the French Revolutionary–Napoleonic Wars. Yet the Anglo-French case-studies examined here highlight the persistence of restraint, honour codes, civility and humanity between regular soldiers, even in the seemingly most barbarous of wartime theatres, and despite laws of war that sanctioned violence in these very circumstances.
12
SAVAGE, GARY. "FAVIER'S HEIRS: THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AND THE SECRET DU ROI." Historical Journal 41, no. 1 (March 1998): 225–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x97007711.
Full textAbstract:
In contrast to the prevailing historiographical consensus, this essay will seek to demonstrate that there was a widespread and persistent concern with foreign policy in the early years of the French Revolution, the product of the interplay between inherited diplomatic assumptions on the one hand and revolutionary politics and values on the other. In particular, it will show how and why public opinion in France after 1789 abandoned its pre-revolutionary concern with Britain, Russia, and the global balance of commercial power in favour of Austria, the émigrés, and the security of the frontiers. In this light, considerable attention will be given to the development of Austrophobia in the period. Rooted in traditional French distrust of the Habsburg dynasty and reinforced by widespread opposition to the Austrian alliance of 1756, this would find its most virulent expression in the popular myth of a sinister counter-revolutionary ‘Austrian committee’ headed by Marie-Antoinette. The argument of the essay will turn upon the links between the emergence of that myth and the popularization of the ideas of Louis XV's unofficial diplomacy – the secret du roi – and its outspoken apologist Jean-Louis Favier. Adopted by various disciples after his death in 1784, Favier's ideas gained in popularity as the menace of counter-revolutionary invasion – aroused in particular by the emperor's reoccupation of the Austrian Netherlands in July 1790 – began to dominate the popular forums of revolutionary politics. They would ultimately help to generate a political climate in which the Brissotins could engineer an almost universally popular declaration of war against Austria less than two years after the revolutionaries had declared peace and friendship to the entire world. From this perspective, the growth of Austrophobia between 1789 and 1792 and its profound influence on the development of revolutionary foreign policy might usefully be described as the triumph of ‘Favier's heirs’.
13
JONES, COLIN, and SIMON MACDONALD. "ROBESPIERRE, THE DUKE OF YORK, AND PISISTRATUS DURING THE FRENCH REVOLUTIONARY TERROR." Historical Journal 61, no. 3 (December 18, 2017): 643–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x17000267.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractMaximilien Robespierre was deposed on 27 July 1794/9 Thermidor Year II when the charge that he was a tyrant burst spectacularly into open political discussion in France. This article examines key aspects of how that charge had developed, and been discussed in veiled terms, over the preceding months. First, it analyses a war of words which unfolded between Robespierre and the duke of York, the commander of the British forces on the northern front. This involved allegations that Robespierre had used an assassination attempt against him in late May as a pretext for scapegoating the British – including the orchestration of a notorious government decree of 7 Prairial/26 May 1794 which banned the taking of British and Hanoverian prisoners of war. Second, the article explores how these developments fitted within a larger view of Robespierre as aiming for supreme power. In particular, they meshed closely with a reading of French politics which likened Robespierre to the ancient Athenian leader Pisistratus, a figure who had subverted the city's constitution – including posing as a victim of violent attacks – in order to establish his tyranny. Pisistratus's story, we argue, offered a powerful script for interpreting Robespierre's actions, and a cue for resistance.
14
Hesse, Carla. "Revolutionary Historiography after the Cold War: Arno Mayer's “Furies” in the French Context." Journal of Modern History 73, no. 4 (December 2001): 897–907. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/340149.
Full text
15
Beckett, John. "Responses to War: Nottingham in the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars, 1793-1815." Midland History 22, no. 1 (June 1997): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/mdh.1997.22.1.71.
Full text
16
Wahnich, Sophie, Alexander Dunlop, and Sylvia Schafer. "Class Struggle and Culture Wars in the Springtime of the French Revolution, Year II (1794)." History of the Present 10, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 209–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/21599785-8351832.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract In the spring of Year II (1794), the future of French society was uncertain. This article looks at the response to the uncertainty of three members of the Committee on Public Safety, who discussed the need to choose between a revolutionary political community and civil war, even as they disagreed about what form the future republic should take.
17
Caballero, Carlo. "Patriotism or Nationalism? Fauré and the Great War." Journal of the American Musicological Society 52, no. 3 (1999): 593–625. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/831793.
Full textAbstract:
Even though Gabriel Fauré's contemporaries championed his music as quintessentially French, Fauré distanced himself from policies of national exclusion in art, and his own construction of French musical style was cosmopolitan. This essay summarizes Fauré's political choices during the Great War, explains his motives, and indicates how some of his decisions affected French musical life. Fauré's outspoken preface to Georges Jean-Aubry's La Musique française d'aujourd'hui provides one key to the composer's position. Jean-Aubry, following Debussy, reckoned as authentically French only musical styles attached to pre-Revolutionary traditions. Fauré felt that such a narrow characterization of French music falsified the diversity of the historical record. His preface therefore takes issue with Jean-Aubry's book and insists that German composers had played an irrefutable role in the formation of modern French music. We may understand Fauré's-and other composers'-wartime decisions in terms of a distinction between patriotism and nationalism. Composers such as Fauré, Bruneau, and Ravel emerge as patriots. Debussy, who sought to purify French music of foreign contamination, emerges as a nationalist. Both nationalism and patriotism call on collective memory and experience, but nationalism exercises its power protectively and tends toward exclusion, while patriotism, favoring political over ethnic determination, tends toward inclusion. Fauré's patriotism emerges through the evidence of the preface; charitable activities; his refusal to sign a French declaration calling for a ban on contemporary German and Austrian music; and his attempt to unite the Société Nationale and the Société Musicale Indépendante. Fauré's wartime music, in contrast to his writings and activities, evades connections with historical events and raises methodological questions about perceived relations between political belief and artistic expression.
18
Ramón Solans, Francisco Javier. "Being Immortal in Paris: Violence and Prophecy during the French Revolution." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales (English edition) 71, no. 02 (June 2016): 217–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398568217000139.
Full textAbstract:
This article uses the case of Catherine Théot and her prophetic activity in late eighteenth-century Paris to reflect on the relationship between event and prophecy in the era of the French Revolution. Despite appearing fixed and immobile, Théot's prophecies were constantly changing and evolving, giving rise to hybrid discourses influenced by various currents including both Jansenism and revolutionary discourses. The Théot affair thus provides an occasion to reflect on contemporary supernatural interpretations of the French Revolution. In this context, her prophecies can be read as a response to the emotional needs triggered by political instability, the fear of war and political violence, and religious changes. In conclusion, the article points to a religious discourse that existed on the margins of the dialectic between revolution and counterrevolution, but was nevertheless closely linked to it though the effects of the Revolutionary Wars and the Terror.
19
François, Stéphane. "The New Knight: The French Far Right’s View of the Middle Ages." Journal of Illiberalism Studies 1, no. 1 (2021): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.53483/vcht2524.
Full textAbstract:
The far right has always taken an interest in the Middle Ages. For the French revolutionary far right, which shares an ideological matrix influenced by Julius Evola, fascination with the Middle Ages revolves around the image of the Holy Germanic Roman Empire as a political model for Europe opposed to the modern nation-state. The romantic image of the medieval knight also offers a watered-down way to celebrate and legitimize violence without having to allude to a taboo National Socialism. This obsession with the Middle Ages contrasts with the reality that these revolutionary far-right movements were rather pro-Arab during the Cold War decades. This shift reveals the transformation of their thinking and the new dominance of the Identitarian notion of ethnic withdrawal, with the knight as the symbol of a pure racial warrior defending his society against Muslim invasion.
20
Tombs, Robert. "Paris and the Rural Hordes: an Exploration of Myth and Reality in the French Civil War of 1871." Historical Journal 29, no. 4 (December 1986): 795–808. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00019051.
Full textAbstract:
On 2 April 1871, soon after the echoes of cannon fire had died away over Neuilly and Courbevoie in the first engagement of the civil war, the executive commission of the revolutionary Paris commune drafted an angry proclamation:The royalist conspirators have attacked! Despite the moderation of our attitude they have attacked! No longer able to count on the French army, they have attacked with the pontifical zouaves and imperial police…This morning, Charette's Chouans, Cathelineau's Vendéens, Trochu's Bretons, flanked by Valentin's gendarmes…embarked on civil war against our National Guards.
21
Cove, Patricia. "“THE BLOOD OF OUR POOR PEOPLE”: 1848, INCIPIENT NATIONAL IDENTITY, AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION IN ANTHONY TROLLOPE'SLA VENDÉE." Victorian Literature and Culture 44, no. 1 (January 28, 2016): 59–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s106015031500042x.
Full textAbstract:
In the late 1840s, as revolutionswept across Europe, Anthony Trollope wrote a novel portraying the Vendean War, a French civil war fought during the revolutionary decade.La Vendée: An Historical Romance(1850) depicts the conflict between centralised, revolutionary France led by the National Convention in Paris and the insurgent, royalist population of western France from the perspective of the royalist rebels.La Vendéeis one of Trollope's least read novels; yet Trollope's turn to the history of the 1790s in the context of renewed revolutionary movements in the 1840s demonstrates that the political and cultural stakes of the revolutionary period remained present in the minds of Victorians who confronted the possibility of European revolution for the first time in their own lives. Trollope draws on the interrelated democratic and nationalist movements that produced the 1848 revolutions in order to represent the royalist Vendeans as a victimised incipient nation, akin to other minor European nations struggling for sovereignty against their more powerful neighbours. Significantly, throughout the 1840s Trollope lived in Ireland, one such minor nation, and witnessed the Famine years and the consequences of Ireland's governance from London throughout that crisis first-hand. Using the conventions of the generically related national tale – a typically Irish genre – and the historical novel, Trollope works to establish sympathy for a marginalised Vendean community while containing revolution in the past by casting the royalist Vendeans as the true patriots and insurrectionists. However, although Trollope attempted to contain revolution by re-aligning it with the conservative, Vendean position,La Vendéeis fragmented by anxieties about the possibility of revolution in the late 1840s that disrupt his efforts to establish an authoritative, distanced historical perspective.
22
BORA IM. "William Wordsworth’s Poetic Response to the French Revolutionary War: Reconsideration on His Political Sonnets." English21 31, no. 2 (June 2018): 215–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.35771/engdoi.2018.31.2.009.
Full text
23
Guillaume, Lancereau. "Unruly Memory and Historical Order." História da Historiografia: International Journal of Theory and History of Historiography 14, no. 36 (August 31, 2021): 225–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15848/hh.v14i36.1682.
Full textAbstract:
This paper explores the complex history of “undisciplined histories” by looking at the tension between political engagement and scientific detachment in revolutionary scholarship, a field perpetually torn between historicist methods and presentist purposes. From the controversies surrounding the 1889 Jubilee to the patriotic uses of history during the Great War, the historiography of the French Revolution continuously challenged the principles and methods of history as an academic discipline. This period’s omnipresence in nineteenth-century “memory wars” delayed its academization, which became effective only in the aftermath of the Centenary when newly implemented university chairs, scholarly journals, and historical societies established the history of the French Revolution as a central research topic. However, the advent of the First World War challenged the historians’ impartiality and detachment as they committed to defend their homeland in their historical writings while striving to preserve their intellectual autonomy.
24
O’Rourke, Kevin H. "The worldwide economic impact of the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars, 1793–1815." Journal of Global History 1, no. 1 (March 2006): 123–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022806000076.
Full textAbstract:
The paper provides a comparative history of the economic impact of the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars. By focusing on the relative price evidence, it is possible to show that the conflict had major economic effects around the world. Britain’s control of the seas meant that it was much less affected than other belligerent nations, such as France and the United States. The fact that this conflict had such large price effects around the world suggests a highly inter-connected international economy, but is also consistent with the hypothesis that mercantilist conflicts prevented the emergence of more pronounced commodity market integration during the eighteenth century. The war had several longer-run effects which both helped and hindered the integration of international commodity markets during the nineteenth century.
25
Devlin, Jonathan D. "The Army, Politics and Public Order in Directorial Provence, 1795–1800." Historical Journal 32, no. 1 (March 1989): 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00015314.
Full textAbstract:
Under the French Directory the line army was called into many parts of France to protect law and order and to shore up the regime. The authors of regional studies in the period have alluded to military presence but have failed to draw general inferences about the importance of military policing. The political ambitions of commanders-in-chief of fighting armies after the fall of Robespierre and the nature and history of operations have long been the subject of historical research, but no-one has yet investigated the nature of relations between civil and military authorities in any part of the interior that was not a war zone. The line army had been used in a policing role during the old regime and the early years of the revolution, but the advent of war in 1792 removed it to the frontiers. This suited revolutionary governments which were uncertain of its loyalty and uneasy about the reduction of discipline. In 1793 and 1794 revolutionary order was imposed instead by an increasingly centralized network of civilian elites and militias – revolutionary armies, committees, tribunals and representatives on mission – which operated by means of intimidation and civic denunciation. The dismantling of this apparatus of Terror in the year III (late 1794/5) in favour of a liberal constitution which breathed new life into the elective institutions of local government unleashed an anarchy of frustrated aspirations and hatreds born out of the turbulence of the revolutionary experience. Individuals and factions vied for control of local judicial and executive positions in order to make up revolutionary losses and to keep out their enemies.
26
Sanger, Chesley W. "Prologue to Scottish Domination of Northern Whaling: The Role of the French Revolutionary War, 1793–1801." International Journal of Maritime History 20, no. 1 (June 2008): 97–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/084387140802000105.
Full text
27
VINCENT, EMMA. "‘The Real Grounds of the Present War’: John Bowles and the French Revolutionary Wars, 1792–1802." History 78, no. 254 (October 1993): 393–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.1993.tb02251.x.
Full text
28
Bar-On, Tamir. "The Alt-Right’s continuation of the ‘cultural war’ in Euro-American societies." Thesis Eleven 163, no. 1 (April 2021): 43–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/07255136211005988.
Full textAbstract:
In this paper, I argue that the Alt-Right needs to be taken seriously by the liberal establishment, the general public, and leftist cultural elites for five main reasons: 1) its ‘right-wing Gramscianism’ borrows from the French New Right ( Nouvelle Droite – ND) and the French and pan-European Identitarian movement. This means that it is engaged in the continuation of a larger Euro-American metapolitical struggle to change hearts and minds on issues related to white nationalism, anti-Semitism, and racialism; 2) it is indebted to the metapolitical evolution of sectors of the violent neo-Nazi and earlier white nationalist movements in the USA; 3) this metapolitical orientation uses the mass media, the internet, and social media in general to reach and influence the masses of Americans; 4) the ‘cultural war’ means that the Alt-Right’s spokesman Richard Spencer, French ND leader Alain de Benoist, and other intellectuals see themselves as a type of Leninist vanguard on the radical right, which borrows from left-wing authors such as Antonio Gramsci and their positions in order to win the metapolitical struggle against ‘dominant’ liberal and left-wing political and cultural elites; and 5) this ‘cultural war’ is intellectually and philosophically sophisticated because it understands the crucial role of culture in destabilizing liberal society and makes use of important philosophers such as Friedrich Nietzsche, Carl Schmitt, Julius Evola and others in order to give credence to its revolutionary, racialist, and anti-liberal ideals.
29
Tilly, Charles. "The Emergence of Citizenship in France and Elsewhere." International Review of Social History 40, S3 (December 1995): 223–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113653.
Full textAbstract:
In April 1793, France was waging war both inside and outside its borders. Over the previous year, the French government had taken up arms against Austria, Sardinia, Prussia, Great Britain, Holland and Spain. In its first seizure of new territory since the Revolution began in 1789, it had recently annexed the previously Austrian region we now call Belgium. Revolutionaries had dissolved the French monarchy in September 1792, then guillotined former king Louis XVI in January 1793. If France spawned violence in victory, it redoubled domestic bloodshed in defeat; a major French loss to Austrian forces at Neerwinden on 18 March 1793, followed by the defection of General Dumouriez, precipitated both a call for expanded military recruitment and a great struggle for control of the revolutionary state. April saw the formation of the Committee of Public Safety, fearsome instrument of organizational combat. France's domestic battle was to culminate in a Jacobin seizure of power.
30
Duong, Kevin. "The Demands of Glory: Tocqueville and Terror in Algeria." Review of Politics 80, no. 1 (2018): 31–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670517000766.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIt is now commonplace to acknowledge Alexis de Tocqueville's support for Algerian colonization. Less well understood, however, is why he also endorsed the French strategy of “total war” in the regency. How was Tocqueville's liberalism linked to the specific shape of violence in Algeria? By situating his Algerian writings in the intersecting intellectual contexts of the 1840s, this essay argues that Tocqueville endorsed total war in Africa because of his passion for glory. Far from an aristocratic anachronism, that passion was the product of contemporary scientific debates over voluntarism in France. It was also shaped by the lingering legacies of revolutionary republicanism and Bonapartism which defined glory in terms of national defense. By tethering modern liberty to this conception of glory, Tocqueville provided resources for rationalizing settlerism's exterminationist violence.
31
Shahab, Ali, Faruk Faruk, and Arif Rokhman. "French Literature: From Realism to Magical Realism." Jurnal Poetika 8, no. 2 (December 26, 2020): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/poetika.v8i2.58651.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of the article is to explore the evolution of French literature between the late 19th century and early 21st century. Although French literature has long been dominated by rationalistic ways of thinking, based on the thoughts of René Descartes and John Locke, authors have used different means to express their perceptions of society. The novel Madame Bovary (1856), including its depiction of conjugal relationships, can be considered to have pioneered realism in French literature. During the Second World War, existentialism and absurdism appeared as new ways of examining not only the relationship among humans, but also between humans and God. In the late 20th century, magical realism emerged as a new literary stream that explicitly recognized the irrationality of human thinking. This article finds that the rationality of realism was necessary for magical realism to be accepted; in this rationality, although works of magical realism were irrational, they had to be recognized as fine examples of French literature that embodied such revolutionary ideas as liberté (liberty), égalité (equality), and fraternité (fraternity). To study this phenomenon, we examine the history of french literature by applying archeological method in order to understand the world views of the authors and how they change over time.
32
PEARCE, ADRIAN J. "Rescates and Anglo-Spanish Trade in the Caribbean during the French Revolutionary Wars, ca. 1797–1804." Journal of Latin American Studies 38, no. 3 (July 19, 2006): 607–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x06001180.
Full textAbstract:
Rescates (ransoms) consisted of the repurchase by Spanish and Spanish American merchants of ships and cargoes taken as prizes during wartime and sold in the British West Indies. This is the first detailed study of the subject, drawing on archives in Britain, Spain and the Americas. It is argued that rescates typified a broader range of legal ruses designed to protect Anglo-Spanish trade in the Americas from both wartime disruption and customs interference. As a mechanism for the legal protection of commerce promoted by both the British and the Spaniards, rescates enjoyed considerable success during the war that commenced in 1796, especially with respect to trade between the British ports in the Caribbean, Cuba and Mexico. They thus played a key role in the strong and sustained growth which characterised trade between the British and Spanish empires during these years.
33
LENTZ, CHRISTIAN C. "Cultivating Subjects: Opium and rule in post-colonial Vietnam." Modern Asian Studies 51, no. 4 (June 22, 2017): 879–918. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x15000402.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractSwidden cultivators in the Southeast Asian highlands may work far from lowland centres, but certain crops attract powerful interests. During the First Indochina War (1946–54), French and Vietnamese political actors climbed the hills in pursuit of the Black River region's opium production and trade. Even after combat formally ended, opium contests continued into an independent Vietnam, intersecting with larger struggles over ethnic difference, state resource claims, and market organization. Using upland cultivators to examine post-colonial statemaking, this article tells a new story about opium's tangled relationship with socialist rule in Vietnam. Drawing on French and Vietnamese archival records, it traces the operation of successive opium regimes through war and into restive peace. Based on evidence of opium tax and purchase operations conducted by the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) from 1951 to 1960, it argues that regulating the commodity sensitized cultivators to their long, fraught relations with state power. Far from passive, cultivating subjects animated revolutionary ideals, engaged smuggling networks, negotiated resource rights, and mounted an oppositional social movement. Peaking in 1957, the movement and subsequent crackdown illustrate tensions embedded in post-colonial relations of exchange and rule.
34
Perret, Françoise, and François Bugnion. "Between insurgents and government: the International Committee of the Red Cross's action in the Algerian War (1954–1962)." International Review of the Red Cross 93, no. 883 (September 2011): 707–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383112000227.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe French government and an armed insurrectionary movement – the National Liberation Front (FLN) – confronted each other for over seven years in the Algerian War, which would become the archetype of wars of national liberation. It brought the new conditions of struggle in revolutionary warfare to a convulsive climax characterized by terrorist attacks, underground warfare, and repression. On the humanitarian front, the challenge of ensuring respect for humanitarian rules in asymmetric warfare was posed more bluntly than in any previous conflict. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) faced the triple challenge of offering its services to a government facing an armed insurgency that it claimed to be able to bring under control through police action alone, of entering into contact with a liberation movement, and of conducting a humanitarian action in the context of an insurrectionary war.
35
Blanes, Ruy Llera. "The Current State of Anomie in Angola." Durkheimian Studies 23, no. 1 (July 1, 2017): 26–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ds.2017.230103.
Full textAbstract:
In this article I explore the contemporary relevance of Émile Durkheim’s classic theory of anomie with respect to both the discipline of social anthropology and the study of politics in Africa. I take as a case study present-day, post-war Angola, where an activist mobilisation (the Revolutionary Movement) has engaged in what I call ‘anomic diagnostics’ in opposing the country’s current regime. Through a political reading of Durkheim’s theory, I suggest that, while the French author situates anomie and suicide as cause and consequence respectively within a conservative view of society, Angolan activists instead see anomie as the starting point for a progressive political proposition productive of rupture.
36
Lacroix, Patrick. "Promises to Keep: French Canadians as Revolutionaries and Refugees, 1775–1800." Journal of Early American History 9, no. 1 (April 3, 2019): 59–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00901004.
Full textAbstract:
The Treaty of Paris of 1783 brought the American War of Independence to a formal end. But all was not resolved with the return of peace to North America. Loyalists had to build new lives in Canada and elsewhere across the British empire. Similarly, Canadians who had supported and fought for the revolutionary cause were no longer welcome in their ancestral homeland. After years of hardship in the ranks of the Continental Army, they remained south of the border. Both in and out of military service, Canadian soldiers and their families held the political and the military authorities of the United States to the lofty pledges they had made in 1775–1776. In response, despite acute financial constraints, American leaders sought to honor their word. Through varied forms of compensation, policymakers aimed to uphold the moral character of the young nation and to ensure that all those who sacrificed for liberty might reap the blessings of independence.
37
Lincoln, Andrew. "Anna Barbauld and Charlotte Smith on War and Acquiescence." Eighteenth-Century Life 44, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 119–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00982601-8718688.
Full textAbstract:
This essay considers works published by two women writers as Britain was preparing for hostilities against revolutionary France in 1793: a Fast Day sermon, Sins of Government, Sins of the Nation, published anonymously by Anna Barbauld, Charlotte Smith’s novel The Old Manor House, and her blank verse poem The Emigrants. It considers how these works, which condemn the guilt arising from war, expose the problem of necessary acquiescence in what is condemned. Taken together, the writings illuminate two sides of the problem. As a Dissenter, Barbauld belonged to a social group that, during the early years of the French revolution, had reason to feel especially vulnerable to the threat of civil disorder; she therefore had a particular incentive to see the horrors of war abroad in relation to the fear of social unrest at home. For Smith, who identified herself publicly with the landowning classes, and who desired socially appropriate positions for her children, such horrors had to be set against the material opportunities made available by war. In both cases the representation of sympathy for the victims of war provides a way out of the moral impasse they encounter.
38
Brahimi, Drita. "LA GUERRE D’ESPAGNE – MÉMOIRE COLLECTIVE SOUS L’OPTIQUE DES DEUX ÉCRIVAINS MALRAUX ET MARKO." La mémoire et ses enjeux. Balkans – France: regards croisés, X/ 2019 (December 30, 2019): 109–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31902/fll.29.2019.8.
Full textAbstract:
SPANISH WAR – COLLECTIVE MEMORY FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF TWO WRITERS MALRAUX AND MARKO The Civil War of Spain is a distant event in time, but very alive thanks to men of letters, respectively Malraux and Marko, the one French and the other Albanian. I would try to bring their perspective on this collective memory, which although it is a factual event, is evoked by the two authors in a rather original way. Through his novel entitled Man’s hope Malraux undertakes a general study of a revolutionary crisis among different groups of characters. Endearing to war, horror, fear and death a sense of brotherhood and peaceful coexistence, he manages to make us think that even in times of war there is hope for better days in the world to come up. All that organized according to a structure in movement. The novel entitled Hasta la Vista marks the author’s attempt to evoke a rather broad plan of the the Civil War front, a glorious epic of the Spanish people written with the blood of Albanian volunteers and other peoples. As supporters of the aspirations of the Spanish people, Albanian volunteers fight for a better reality in Albania. Keywords: Spanish war, collective memory, optics, hope.
39
DEAN, CAROLYN J. "MYSTICISM AND MOURNING IN RECENT FRENCH THOUGHT." Modern Intellectual History 11, no. 2 (June 26, 2014): 479–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244314000109.
Full textAbstract:
There has been a lot of ink spilled lately regarding the various symptoms generated in French intellectual, cultural, and political life by a malady diagnosed as the triumph of neoliberalism and American consumerism at the end of the Cold War. In recent years, some French scholars afflicted with the disease have revisited and revised well-worn political models, and others returned defensively to the tradition of French secular republicanism as an antidote to “multiculturalism” and “communitarianism” (what Americans would call identity politics), which French authors often envision as American imports. This defensiveness on both the French left and right responds to the apparent exhaustion of nationalism, of revolutionary ideals, and of French identity. Joan Scott's recent book onThe Fantasy of Feminist Historydoes a particularly incisive job of revealing the various investments in secular republicanism as themselves forms of sexism and racism or nostalgia, especially on the right. She cites a discussion in which Mona Ozouf, Phillipe Raynaud, and others argue that the particularly “French” form of “seduction” and heterosexual coupling encourages men to exercise dominance through gallantry if they want to win over women. Gallantry civilizes society by using sexual difference as armor against an imagined leveling and sameness represented by those who cannot understand seduction as a means metaphorically of reconciling the differences that inevitably arise in democracies—feminists, “militant homosexuals,” and Muslims who refuse to play by French rules. Here the play of difference relies on a rigid gender difference—and the subordination of women—that sells itself as natural and quintessentially French.
40
Carey, Peter. "REVOLUTIONARY EUROPE AND THE DESTRUCTION OF JAVA’S OLD ORDER, 1808-1830." Historia: Jurnal Pendidik dan Peneliti Sejarah 12, no. 2 (July 23, 2018): 296. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/historia.v12i2.12107.
Full textAbstract:
At first glance, it may seem strange that Java, an island situated half a world away from France Revolutionary, should the end up being one of the key battle grounds in the global conflict which followed with the fateful Girondin decision to declare war on Austria in the spring of 1792. Yet, in the compass of less than a decade, Java’s own ancient regime that was violently overturned as in quick succession of a Franco-Dutch regime (1808-11) under Napoleon’s only non-French marshal, Herman Willem Daendels (1762-1818), and a five-year British occupation (1811-1816) under the equally dictatorial Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles (1781-1826), transformed the colony. This paved the way for the restoration of Dutch rule in 1816 under the terms of the Treaty of Vienna by which time the commercial dealings of the Company had been replaced by the beginnings of a modern colonial state, the post-January 1818 Netherlands Indies. Over the next century, this would reduce the power of the local rulers and establish Dutch authority in nearly every corner of the archipelago. The boundaries of present-day Indonesia were determined at this time.
41
Garner, Stanton B. "History in the Year Two: Trevor Griffiths's Danton." New Theatre Quarterly 11, no. 44 (November 1995): 333–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x00009313.
Full textAbstract:
For British dramatists nurtured in and by the hopes for socialism which characterized the 'sixties and the 'seventies, the Thatcherite period – with the eclipse of a fatally flawed communist system as its international dimension – demanded not only new thinking, but at least the consideration of a new dramaturgy. Stanton B. Garner, Jr., here explores the ways in which one of the most consistently committed of contemporary writers, Trevor Griffiths, confronts in Hope in the Year Two, his play about the death of the French Revolutionary Danton, the dilemma not only of the revolutionary hero, but of the dramatist confronted with attacks upon the concept of history itself, whether from the gurus of post-modernism or of the New Right. Stanton B. Garner, Jr., teaches modern drama in the English Department at the University of Tennessee. He is the author of The Absent Voice: Narrative Comprehension in the Theater (1989) and Bodied Spaces: Phenomenology and Performance in Contemporary Drama (1994). His current research interests include post-Cold War British drama.
42
Slauter, Will. "The Paragraph as Information Technology: How News Traveled in the Eighteenth-Century Atlantic World." Annales (English ed.) 67, no. 02 (June 2012): 253–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398568200000662.
Full textAbstract:
The newspapers of the eighteenth-century Atlantic world copied, translated, and corrected each other. Part of the technology facilitating the transmission of international news was the paragraph, a textual unit that was easily removed from one source and inserted into another. In eighteenth-century London the paragraph became the basic unit of printed news, relaying political messages and also providing the means by which these messages could be analyzed. Subject to a whole range of editorial interventions, the form and content of news reports evolved as they circulated from one place to the other. Integrating scholarship on journalism in Europe, Great Britain, and the United States, this article compares reports in French, English, and Spanish-language newspapers in order to understand the process of newsmaking. Two detailed examples from the American Revolutionary war demonstrate how political news in the Revolutionary age was a collaborative process linking printers, translators, readers, and ship captains on both sides of the Atlantic. In doing so it highlights the importance of the paragraph as an object of historical study.
43
Nord, Philip G. "Narratives of democracy in post-war France." Journal of Modern European History 17, no. 2 (April 1, 2019): 209–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894419835751.
Full textAbstract:
Loyalists of France’s Third Republic presented the regime as heir to France’s revolutionary tradition and as such the bearer of a set of undying principles: liberty, equality, and fraternity. This narrative came under crippling pressure in the 20th century, and in the aftermath of the Second World War, a new set of narratives began to crystallize that rethought the meaning of republican democracy. Under the Third Republic, it was the venerable Parti Radical, dating back to Dreyfusard days, that had been the mainstay of the democratic idea, but in the Liberation era, the party was sidelined, and successors emerged, Socialist and Christian-democratic, which tendered new visions of democracy’s future. The place of the State in French life was also reconsidered. It ceased to be an object of democratic suspicion but came to be seen rather as an indispensable vehicle for effecting the nation’s reconstruction. France’s place in the world came in for a major rethinking at the same time. The nation remained as ever the bearer of the democratic idea, but it now expressed that commitment as a European power and not an imperial one, as a founding member of a brotherhood of democracies and not as a unilateral actor propelled by a self-appointed civilizing mission. In today’s post-colonial, post-industrial, and globalizing world, however, these narratives no longer have the same purchase as in decades past.
44
MACLEOD, EMMA. "Scotland and the French Revolutionary War, 1792-1802. By Atle L. Wold. Edinburgh University Press. 2015. viii + 234pp. £55.00." History 102, no. 349 (January 2017): 148–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-229x.12353.
Full text
45
Wagner, William G. "Female Monasticism in Revolutionary Times: The Nizhnii Novgorod Convent of the Exaltation of the Cross, 1917–1935." Church History 89, no. 2 (June 2020): 350–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640720001316.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractEven though after the October Revolution in 1917 the Bolsheviks enjoyed uninterrupted power and pursued radical secularist objectives, the majority of female monastic communities in Nizhnii Novgorod province were able to survive much longer than their counterparts in the French and Mexican Revolutions. Using the Convent of the Exaltation of the Cross as a case study, this article shows how—despite extremely challenging conditions and the hostility of the Soviet state—female monastic communities proved to be remarkably resilient and managed to exploit openings created by both the Bolsheviks’ strategy for subverting them and conflicts between Soviet authorities. The resiliency of the community at the Convent of the Exaltation of the Cross stemmed from the solidarity, flexibility, and leadership skills it cultivated prior to World War I through the combination of its religious character and practices and its communal organization. By the early 1920s, the community had adapted effectively to post-civil war Soviet urban conditions and was able to survive local attempts to dissolve it. But by the late 1920s, the survival of the community had become intolerable for Soviet authorities, who—like the revolutionary regimes in France and Mexico—ultimately resorted to compulsory means to “liquidate” the community between 1927 and 1935.
46
Müller, Laurenz. "Revolutionary Moment: Interpreting the Peasants' War in the Third Reich and in the German Democratic Republic." Central European History 40, no. 2 (March 7, 2007): 193–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938907000258.
Full textAbstract:
History textbooks speak of an American, an English, a French, and a Russian revolution, but historians do not recognize a “German Revolution.” For this reason the formation of a German national state was long described as an aspect of a German “divergent path” (Sonderweg) or exceptionalism. While this concept established itself in post-1945 West Germany, German historical scholarship had even earlier insisted on a uniquely German transition from the Old Regime to the modern state, fundamentally different from what took place in the other western European countries. Still earlier, German idealist thinkers had declared the national state (Reich) to be the German people's historical objective. Around 1900 the Reich was understood to be not a rational community based on a contract between independent individuals, as were France and England, but a national community of destiny. The German ideal was not a republic split up into political parties but an organic community between the Reich's people and its rulers. This is why German history had never known a successful revolution from below. During the nineteenth and the early twentieth century, this alleged unity was seen in a positive light, but after 1945 it inspired an explanation, which quickly became canonical, of why German history had led to a catastrophe. German exceptionalism was now understood, especially by German social historians, as a one-way street toward the National Socialist regime.
47
Earle, Rebecca. "Information and Disinformation in Late Colonial New Granada." Americas 54, no. 2 (October 1997): 167–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007740.
Full textAbstract:
In 1814, Alexander von Humboldt, the great traveller and explorer of the Americas, drew attention to an unusual feature of the movement for independence in the Viceroyalty of New Granada: the establishment of printing presses and newspapersfollowedrather thanprecededthe outbreak of war. Humboldt was struck by the contrast New Granada's war of independence offered with the two more famous political revolutions of the age. A great proliferation of printed pamphlets and periodicals had preceded the outbreak of revolution in both the Thirteen Colonies and France. How curious, Humboldt commented, to find the process reversed in Spanish America. Humboldt is not alone in viewing the newspaper as the expected harbinger of change in the age of Atlantic revolution. While the precise role played by the printed word in the French and American revolutions remains a subject of debate, many historians acknowledge the importance of print in creating a climate conducive to revolutionary challenge. Were newspapers and the press really latecomers to the revolution in the Viceroyalty of New Granada, as Humboldt suggests? What does this tell us about late colonial New Granada? How, in the absence of a developed press, did information, revolutionary or otherwise, circulate within the viceroyalty? Moreover, what means were available to either the Spanish crown or the American insurgents to create and manipulate news and opinion? What, indeed, does it mean to speak of the spread of news in a society such as late colonial New Granada? This article seeks to address these questions.
48
Nelson, E. Charles. "The “pedestrian traveller” Maurice Spillard (fl. 1777–1800): botanist in North America?" Archives of Natural History 46, no. 1 (April 2019): 124–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anh.2019.0560.
Full textAbstract:
In the 1790s, newspapers in Britain, Ireland and the United States carried brief reports about the activities of Maurice Spillard, described as a “celebrated English pedestrian traveller”. Spillard, who may have been Irish, served in the British forces during the American Revolutionary War in the late 1770s. His exploits as a “pedestrian” were reported to have included botanical and geographical exploration, particularly in eastern and central North America including the Mississippi and Missouri basins, in which he was improbably linked with Lord Edward Fitzgerald. Spillard's botanical collections (including seeds and living plants), if they existed, were reported to have been seized by French privateers, resulting in a decree by the French Minister for the Navy requesting the safe return of this property. Spillard had contacts in London, including with the publisher Cadell & Davies, who paid an advance to Spillard. Said to have died in Dublin in 1800, Spillard reappeared in Paris in 1802, when his claims were refuted by Milfort Tastenagy (Jean-Antoine Le Clerc), and the “pedestrian traveller” was shown up as a fraud.
49
VINCENT, K. STEVEN. "FORUM: ELIE HALEVY, FRENCH LIBERALISM, AND THE POLITICS OF THE THIRD REPUBLIC INTRODUCTION." Modern Intellectual History 12, no. 1 (September 25, 2014): 121–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244314000390.
Full textAbstract:
The history of French liberalism is undergoing a renaissance. For much of the twentieth century, it was viewed with disdain, as insufficiently “engaged,” as too tentative in its demands for social reform, as overly optimistic concerning the progress of reason and science. Scholarship during the past three decades has challenged these views, though it is notable that there is still, to my knowledge, no general history of French liberalism that goes past the consolidation of the Third Republic in the late 1870s. Part of the ongoing reassessment has been the consequence of the decline of revolutionary illusions and of marxisant frameworks of analysis following 1968, reinforced by the more general decline of the left following the end of the Cold War in 1989 and the implosion of the Soviet Union in 1991. Another element contributing to this reassessment has been the emergence of more nuanced definitions of “liberalism,” ones that are not limited to legal (civil liberties), political (constitutionalism), and/or economic (free trade) dimensions. Equally important, scholars are insisting, are conceptions of science, of religion, of the role of the state, of solidarity, of sociability, of moeurs, of identity, of gender, of the self.
50
McMahon, Laura. "Religion, Multiculturalism, and Phenomenology as a Critical Practice: Lessons from the Algerian War of Independence." Puncta 3, no. 1 (November 2, 2020): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5399/pjcp.v3i1.1.
Full textAbstract:
In the Algerian War of Independence, women famously used both traditional and modern clothing as part of their revolutionary efforts against French colonialism. This paper uncovers some of the principal lessons of this historical episode through a phenomenological exploration of agency, religion, and political transformation. Part I draws primarily on the philosophical insights of Martin Heidegger and Maurice Merleau-Ponty alongside the memoirs of Zohra Drif, a young woman member of the Algerian Front de Libération Nationale, in order to explore the worldly and habitual nature of human agency in contrast to the Enlightenment stress on individual rationality and autonomy. Part II turns to John Russon’s phenomenological interpretation of religion in order to argue for the ineluctable significance of religion on human existence, in contrast to the modern tendency to oppose religious tradition and secular modernity. Part III analyzes the dynamics of intercultural communication, and argues for the political power of phenomenology as a critical enterprise that enables more just and emancipatory visions of collective human life and political transformation to come to the fore.