Journal articles: 'Friars'

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Young, Francis. "St Edmund versus St Francis? Saints and Religious Conflict in Medieval Bury St Edmunds." Downside Review 138, no. 2 (April 2020): 56–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0012580620931364.

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Between 1233 and 1258, Franciscan friars attempted to establish themselves in the town of Bury St Edmunds, which was jealously guarded by the Benedictine monks of St Edmunds abbey. In the ensuing conflict (which sometimes spilled over into acts of violence), the monks invoked St Edmund as the protector of the abbey. Although the monks eventually managed to eject the friars from the town in 1263, they were forced to grant the friars a friary site just outside Bury. This article examines how the monks deployed the figure of St Edmund in their battle with the friars, while also exploring the friars’ less well-documented responses. By calling on the saints, both sides elevated the clash between new and old religious orders to the heavenly plane, but the popularity of the new saint, Francis, complicated the monks’ efforts and produced a nuanced response from the Benedictines that eventually accommodated the friars.

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Huijbers, Anne. "Observant Memory and Propaganda in Johannes of Mainz'sVita fratrum predicatorum conventus Basiliensis(1442–1444)." Church History 87, no. 3 (September 2018): 718–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640718001592.

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This article presents an unpublished and largely unexplored source written in Basel during the international church council, theVita fratrum predicatorum conventus Basiliensis(1442–1444). It deals with the reform of the Dominican friary, which was effectuated just before the start of the council to prevent scandals. Johannes of Mainz, its author, was the first lector of the reformed friary and wrote the text to corroborate the reformed religious identity of his community. He presented the reform of the Basel friary—which aroused fervent opposition of the original inhabitants—as a new episode in the history of salvation. A second part of theVita fratrumeulogized the characteristics that Observant friars have in common. By “othering” Conventual friars and by depicting their horrible deaths, Johannes tried both to convince the Observant Basel friars of their superiority over Conventuals and to exhort them to stick to an Observant lifestyle. Unfaithful friars, the narrative warned, were eradicated from the celestial vineyard. For the last part of theVita fratrum,which presents “the most fruitful plants” of the vineyard, Johannes of Mainz drew up personal and original biographies of contemporary Dominicans, such as Johannes Nider (d. 1438), who is presented as a “mirror of observance” and a “doctor of souls.”

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Duddy, Cathal. "An Introduction to Franciscan Questing in Twentieth Century Ireland." Irish Geography 48, no. 2 (October 19, 2016): 39–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.55650/igj.2015.624.

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During the twentieth century, members of religious orders visited homes and farms on an annual basis seeking material support for their continued presence in a locality. Known to Franciscan friars as questing or simply the quest, it was essential for the existence of friaries across Ireland. Most friaries accommodated on average ten friars, and some such as the Novitiate in Killarney and the city friaries of Dublin and Cork had larger communities. Without an alternative income, questing for alms amongst the local population was a necessity for the friars but also met needs in the lives of the people. In practice, both parties gave and received according to their different roles and means and usually within the context of a shared faith. In times before modern or private transport, the customary visits of questors to rural homesteads forged an enduring bond between country people and town-based friaries evident in the testimonies of those who recall them. Nonetheless, questing seems to have fallen victim to the myriad of changes that prevailed in Ireland from the 1960s onwards, including improved standards of living, rising car ownership and a decline in religious vocations.

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Hanson, Craig A. "The Hispanic Horizon in Yucatan: A model of Franciscan missionization." Ancient Mesoamerica 6 (1995): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536100002078.

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AbstractFollowing the military campaigns of conquest in sixteenth-century Yucatan, the Order of Friars Minor Observant assumed the task of controlling, by culture conversion, the indigenous Yucatec Maya. The fundamental vehicle for this program of social engineering was the built environment of the mission, composed of the chapel, atrium, and friary, and the associated village. Archaeological remains of mission sites are horizon markers for the earliest phases of permanent Hispanic presence on the peninsula, ca. 1545–1572. Mission villages specify locations where the friars reorganized pre-Hispanic Maya settlements according to Spanish sociopolitical norms. Increasing complexity in mission-chapel architecture marks the stages of this reorganization. In this article, I discuss the historical origin of the friars' policies and the context of their implementation in Yucatan; model the spatial, temporal, architectural, and behavioral variables the Franciscans employed to extend and maintain Hispanic hegemony; provide comparative data from seventeenth-century New Mexico and La Florida; and outline a general theory of Franciscan activity in the New World.

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Holder, Nick, and Mark Samuel. "THE LATE THIRTEENTH-CENTURY CHAPTER HOUSE OF BLACK FRIARS, LONDON." Antiquaries Journal 100 (June 19, 2020): 213–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581520000268.

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An early rescue excavation in 1900 revealed part of a medieval building of the Dominican friary of Black Friars, London. Further archaeological work in the twentieth century revealed other parts of the building. Here, the authors consider the archaeological and architectural evidence, including a preserved in situ window and two relocated ex situ architectural features. Alfred Clapham suggested in a 1912 article in Archaeologia that the building was the Dominican provincial prior’s house; the present authors instead identify the ground-floor chamber as the late thirteenth-century chapter house. Construction of the friary (the second London Black Friars) began in 1278 or 1279 and the chapter house, funded by a will of 1281, was probably built later in the 1280s. The lower chamber was a well-lit, five-bay undercroft with a quadripartite vault rising from Reigate stone responds and Purbeck marble columns: this was probably the chapter house chamber. The hall-like chamber over was approximately 57ft by 28ft (17.3m × 8.5m) and may have been the library. The building may be the work of Robert of Beverley, the king’s master mason from 1260, perhaps in conjunction with Michael of Canterbury. French royal works of the thirteenth century (such as the lower chapel of the Sainte-Chapelle, Paris) may have served as inspiration.

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Drungilas, Jonas. "Lietuvos mažesniųjų brolių konventualų provincijos kolektyvinis portretas (XVIII a. antroji pusė – XIX a. pradžia) / Collective Portrait of the Lithuanian Order of Friars Minor Conventual (late eighteenth–early nineteenth century)." Lietuvos Didžioji Kunigaikštystė Luomas. Pašaukimas. Užsiėmimas, T. 5 (November 14, 2019): 44–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.33918/23516968-005002.

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COLLECTIVE PORTRAIT OF THE LITHUANIAN ORDER OF FRIARS MINOR CONVENTUAL (LATE EIGHTEENTH–EARLY NINETEENTH CENTURY) The article analyses data of the 567 Franciscan Friars Conventual from the Lithuanian St Casimir province, who died in the period of 1775–1832: age of entry, geographic and social background. These are the factors that allow to restore the dynamics of the development of this brotherhood. Order of Friars Minor Conventual accepted individuals from 12 to 40 years of age (94.6 % of all candidates), and this was in accordance with age requirements set within the Franciscan Order. Later, when faced with the calling crisis, the brotherhood started integrating candidates of a more mature age (sometimes even 67 years old) who could become both lay brothers (Lat. laicus professus) and friars priests (Lat. clericus proffessus). Likewise, both groups could include married men, who were formally named as friars of the Third Order (Lat. tertiarius claustralis). Therefore, this flexibility of the brotherhood, its ability to deal with the issues of the period, ensured viability of the community. The research revealed, that sometimes the brotherhood would be “enlivened” by the inter-congregational “migration” of the friars, which was not voluminous: the Franciscan Order would be joined by friars formerly from Carthusian, Bernardine, Discalced Carmelite and Piarist orders, yet sometimes Franciscan Conventual Friars would leave for the Dominicans or the Carmelites. Such movement shows the continuous search by the “men of prayer” on the path of spiritual calling. The established presence of several converts (Uniats, Jews) in the brotherhood shows that the Franciscans did have, even if not strong, influence in towns and in the eastern part of the Grand Duchy. On the other hand, “migrant” friars and converts would enrich the brotherhood spiritually and culturally.

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Warr, Cordelia. "Visualizing Stigmata: Stigmatic Saints and Crises of Representation in Late Medieval and Early Modern Italy." Studies in Church History 47 (2011): 228–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s042420840000098x.

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At the time of the Lord Pope Benedict XII [1334-42] it happened that in a city near Avignon in which the [Franciscan] brothers had a convent, on a certain day while all the friars were in the choir celebrating the holy office, two friars belonging to a different order arrived and walked around. Then one of them saw the image of St Francis with the holy stigmata depicted on the wall, [and] he said to his companion: ‘Those friars minor want their saint to be like Christ’. And he took up his knife and said: ‘I want to efface those stigmata from that image so that he [St Francis] does not appear like Christ’. And having said this, he carried out the deed. And when he had expunged the five stigmata, they began to shed blood abundantly. Seeing this, greatly amazed, he said to his companion, ‘Aah! What shall I do?’ His companion replied: ‘You’ve really committed a mortal sin! I advise you to run quickly to a confessor and confess’. He did this. … The confessor counselled him that he should run to the pope and tell him everything about this and receive advice from him about what should be done. … When the pope heard this, he asked him if it was truly thus. The friar declared with an oath that it was thus. Then the pope said: ‘I particularly want to see this miracle’. And when he came to that place, he saw blood flowing abundantly from those holy stigmata in the image. Then, greatly amazed, the pope knelt down in front of the image: [and] raising his hands to heaven he said: ‘St Francis, forgive the sin of this miserable sinner, because I promise to you that I want to institute that the feast of your stigmata should be celebrated, and above all I want to enjoin your friars that throughout the whole order they must solemnly celebrate the feast of your stigmata’. And as soon as the lord pope had made this vow, the blood ceased to flow.

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Prejs, Roland. "Kapucyni prowincji polskiej wobec wydarzeń lat 1914-1921." Teka Komisji Historycznej 15 (2018): 32–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/teka.2018.15-4.

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The article presents political and domestic situation of the Polish province of the Order of Friars Minor Capuchin between 1914 and 1921. The province witnessed a generational change of guard: friars remembering the secularization of monasteries conducted by Czar authorities in 1864 passed on and were replaced by friars accepted to the order after the tolerance decree of 1905. The number of monasteries increased to four: two old ones in Nowe Miasto nad Pilicą and Łomża, and two newly recovered in Warsaw (in 1918) and Lublin (in 1919). A breakthrough event was the visit by Eligiusz Jensen, the general definitor. Since the definitor ordered the return to old monastery practices, which were neglected after the secularization of 1864, for many friars this was equivalent to regaining independence by Poland. The definitor, in accordance with the requirements of the contemporary law of the order, reduced the Polish province to the rank of a commissariat, since it did not have the required number of friars, and changed its name from “Polish” to “Warsaw”, because another department of the order, the Kraków commissariat, was also within the borders of independent Poland. The only Capuchin who actively participated in the efforts for regaining Polish independence was Wiator Rytel (1883-1942). Other friars, focused on recovering old monasteries, could not take part in these actions.

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Beauregard, David. "SHAKESPEARE ON MONASTIC LIFE: NUNS AND FRIARS IN MEASURE FOR MEASURE." Religion and the Arts 5, no. 3 (2001): 248–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685290152813653.

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AbstractAgainst recent claims that Shakespeare satirizes and demystifies religious life in Measure for Measure, this article maintains that Shakespeare is generally sympathetic to Franciscan nuns and friars, particularly so in this play. Indeed, Shakespeare works against the anti-fraternal tradition by reversing its conventions. Nuns and friars are represented as virtue figures, not vice figures. The secular characters are guilty of sexual irregularities, whereas the religious are chaste and work to regularize the marriages of the lay figures. The usual exposure of the sexual corruption and hypocrisy of the friar backfires on Lucio, the chief vice figure in the play. The virginal and temperate Isabella, a secular figure in Shakespeare's sources, is portrayed as a prospective novice of the Poor Clares over against the puritanical Angelo, whose hypocritical asceticism turns into lust. Angelo conducts a public shaming English Protestant style, whereas the Duke in Catholic fashion conducts a sympathetic auricular confession. Finally Isabella does not sacrifice her virginity or accept the Duke's offer of marriage, two things her counterparts in the sources invariably do. Shakespeare's reversal of anti-Catholic conventions requires us to reposition him as a Catholic rather than a conforming member of the Church of England.

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Pascal, Eva M. "Buddhist Monks and Christian Friars: Religious and Cultural Exchange in the Making of Buddhism." Studies in World Christianity 22, no. 1 (April 2016): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2016.0134.

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There is a global consensus that various traditions practised throughout parts of Asia can all be linked to one cohesive religion called ‘Buddhism’. However, there is a long history as to how the West came to that consensus. Prior to the Iberian exploration, it was common to divide the religious world into four categories: Christianity, Judaism, Islam and all others under various permutations of superstition, heathenism or paganism. This article explores the rich encounter and exchange between Iberian friars and Buddhist monks, particularly in Siam (modern-day Thailand) that catalysed the identification of a common tradition in Asia thought to be centred on the person of the Buddha. It argues that one important part of the history of the identification of Buddhism as a single and bona fide religion begins with the encounter in the sixteenth century of Spanish friars with Buddhism. The social and political strength of institutional Buddhism in Siam, coupled with recognition of similar religious life and appreciation of ascetic values between monks and friars, triggers the identification by the friars of a distinct religion across Asia. The friars made the case that they were witnessing people with their own religion, distinguishable from undifferentiated superstition or idolatry. The consensus of the friars introduced an ideational core for the idea of Buddhism, based on one founder common to traditions in East and South-east Asia. These arguments set a foundation for Buddhism as a religion thought to closely mirror Christianity.

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Bill, Christopher Harper. "Book Review: The Friars." Theology 98, no. 782 (March 1995): 144–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x9509800222.

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O’Sullivan, Deirdre. "Friars, Friaries and the Reformation: The Dissolution of the Midlands Friaries in 1538-39." Midland History 44, no. 2 (July 3, 2019): 190–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0047729x.2019.1667106.

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Buckley, Richard, Mathew Morris, Jo Appleby, Turi King, Deirdre O'Sullivan, and Lin Foxhall. "‘The king in the car park’: new light on the death and burial of Richard III in the Grey Friars church, Leicester, in 1485." Antiquity 87, no. 336 (June 1, 2013): 519–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00049103.

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Archaeologists today do not as a rule seek to excavate the remains of famous people and historical events, but the results of the project reported in this article provide an important exception. Excavations on the site of the Grey Friars friary in Leicester, demolished at the Reformation and subsequently built over, revealed the remains of the friary church with a grave in a high status position beneath the choir. The authors set out the argument that this grave can be associated with historical records indicating that Richard III was buried in this friary after his death at the Battle of Bosworth. Details of the treatment of the corpse and the injuries that it had sustained support their case that this should be identified as the burial of the last Plantagenet king. This paper presents the archaeological and the basic skeletal evidence: the results of the genetic analysis and full osteoarchaeological analysis will be published elsewhere.

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Baronas, Darius. "Didžiųjų istorijos įvykių atspindžiai Mažesniųjų brolių konventualų memoriale: XVIII–XIX a. pradžia." XVIII amžiaus studijos T. 6: Personalijos. Idėjos. Refleksijos, T. 6 (January 2, 2020): 230–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.33918/23516968-006011.

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GREAT EVENTS AS REFLECTED IN THE MEMORIAL BOOK OF FRIARS MINOR CONVENTUAL: EIGHTEENTH TO EARLY NINETEENTH CENTURY The aim of this article is to establish which events of greater historical impact and in what manner affected the community of the Lithuanian Friars Minor Conventual. The article attempts to uncover what historical events were noticed, how they were reflected and thus inscribed in the collective memory of the Conventual Franciscans based primarily, but not exclusively, in Vilnius. The principal object of this investigation is the Memoriale of the Friars Minor Conventual that began to be compiled in 1702 by fr. Antoni Gumowski and received its final shape at the hands fr. Antoni Niewiarowski in 1842. This manuscript is kept at the Lithuanian State Historical Archive (f. 1135, ap. 20, b. 669). It includes miscellaneous materials relating to the culture of memoria as was practiced at the convent of Vilnius. For the sake of comparison, the information contained in the necrologies of the Valkininkai convent has also been used. The idea is, that memorial books containing detailed biographies of famous friars broke out of the limits of being a strictly necrological commemoration and approached to chronicling contemporary events. The local collective identity of the Vilnius Friars Minor Conventual rested on the memory of the Franciscan martyrs of Vilnius (fourteenth century) and the first two bishops of Vilnius, who were Franciscan friars themselves: Andrzej Jastrzębiec (1388–1398) and Jakub Plichta (1398–1407). The description of events and the enumeration of the names of friars of the fifteenth–sixteenth centuries indicate that all this data was transmitted through the mediation of written records and notes. The 1610 fire of Vilnius may be viewed as the oldest event inscribed in the living memory of the early eighteenth-century Franciscan community. Other events that became seared into their collective memory are the mid-seventeenth century Muscovite invasion, the Swedish occupation of Vilnius in 1702, the great pestilence of 1710, and the First Partition of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. All these events of greater historical significance provided stimulus to produce a number of detailed descriptions of local events as lived through by the local Franciscan communities and individual friars. Their experiences range from a collective dislocation of communal life to the individual martyrdoms. The Vilnius Memoriale also describes events related to the Russian imperial policy in a matter-of-fact fashion, allowing a reader to draw conclusions as to the policy of interference, control and the eventual suppression of monastic communities and their convents. Keywords: Lithuanian Friars Minor Conventual, necrology, cultural memory, local history, political history, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.

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Young, Francis. "The Dissolution of the Monasteries and the Democratisation of Magic in Post-Reformation England." Religions 10, no. 4 (March 31, 2019): 241. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10040241.

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The dissolution of the monasteries in England (1536–1540) forced hundreds of former inmates of religious houses to seek livelihoods outside the cloister to supplement meagre pensions from the crown. Among the marketable skills these individuals possessed were Latin literacy, knowledge of liturgy, sacramental authority and a reputation for arcane learning: all qualities desirable in magical practitioners in early modern Europe. Furthermore, the dissolution dispersed occult texts housed in monastic libraries, while the polemical efforts of the opponents of monasticism resulted in the growth of legends about the magical prowess of monks and friars. The dissolution was a key moment in the democratisation of learned magic in sixteenth-century England, which moved from being an illicit pastime of clerics, monks and friars to a service provided by lay practitioners. This article considers the extent of interest in magic among English monks and friars before the dissolution, the presence of occult texts in monastic libraries, and the evidence for the magical activities of former religious in post-dissolution England. The article considers the processes by which monks, friars and monastic sites became associated with magic in popular tradition, resulting in a lasting stereotype of medieval monks and friars as the masters of occult knowledge.

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Florea, Carmen. "Emblems of Faith: Holy Companions on the Road to Observance." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Historia 68, no. 1 (June 30, 2023): 31–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbhist.2023.1.02.

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The present study focuses on the specific devotional models that were promoted by the Observant Dominican friars in the late Middle Ages. By closely investigating textual and visual sources, previous research has noted that the reformed friars were eager to disseminate, particularly within the communities of the Observant Dominican women, the cult for the Passion of Christ and cults of saints that were easily transformed into models that pious women would adopt and emulate. Since the Observance was an European phenomenon and strong contacts existed between local friars and influential centres of reform, the prerequisites of the Dominican forma vitae became the standard according to which the communities of Observant Dominican women were organized and functioned. An integral part of this process of standardisation concerned the holy companions of the pious women affiliated to the Order of the Friars Preachers, who were usually recruited from the same cohort of saints represented by the Virgin Martyrs.

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Power, A. "The Other Friars: Carmelite, Augustinian, Sack and Pied Friars in the Middle Ages." English Historical Review CXXIV, no. 510 (September 17, 2009): 1151–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cep223.

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Welch, Anna. "The Dangers of Desire: Medieval Franciscans as Book Owners." Emotions: History, Culture, Society 7, no. 1 (June 23, 2023): 30–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2208522x-02010186.

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Abstract The Order of the Friars Minor faced a dilemma from the outset: their Rule of life, written by their founder St Francis of Assisi, included a strict adherence to the ideal of absolute poverty (that is, living without property, even property held in common), and yet it was impossible to fulfil their pastoral activities in the community without at least one type of property – liturgical books. In both the earlier (1209/10–1221) and later (1223) Rules, St Francis discussed the ownership of books, but not their production. Surviving manuscripts and archival records alert us to the fact that friars did produce their own liturgical books and act as the scribes and illuminators of books made for others. As both producers and owners of illuminated manuscripts, the friars engaged in a careful navigation of the relationship between beauty (permissible as an expression of invisible divine beauty, as defined by Hugh of St Victor) and luxury. It was all too easy (as the Franciscan Durand of Champagne bemoaned) for friars to desire ‘beautiful … and … curiously illuminated [books, rather] than true and well corrected ones’. This essay explores the ways in which friars negotiated the issues of poverty, beauty and luxury, and how they expressed and satisfied their desire for books, drawing on examples from the library of the Sacro Convento in Assisi.

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Logan Wagner, E. "The Continuity of Sacred Urban Open Space: Facilitating the Indian Conversion to Catholicism in Mesoamerica." Religion and the Arts 18, no. 1-2 (2014): 61–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685292-01801005.

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‭During the sixteenth century, the Spanish crown sent Mendicant friars of the Franciscan, Dominican, and Augustinian monastic orders to evangelize and convert the indigenous people of America. With huge populations to convert, spread over an extremely vast territory, a limited number of friars had to find expedient ways to facilitate the conversion effort. Among the many conversion strategies used by the Mendicant friars under the early guidance of Fray Pedro de Gante were: to locate places of Christian worship over or near native ceremonial centers and continue the use of ceremonial open urban space; the incorporation of native religious rituals deemed compatible with Catholic liturgy such as processions, music, art, and dance; the creation of new architectural forms and open urban spaces to provide a setting for these rituals; and the substitution of native rituals for Catholic ceremonies including adjusting native and Catholic ritual calendric dates. Based on recent architectural field surveys and ethnographic documentation, this research focuses on the architectural and urban space adaptations that the missionary friars undertook to facilitate conversion efforts.‬

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Belanger, Brian C. "Between the Cloister and the World: The Franciscan Third Order of Colonial Querétaro." Americas 49, no. 2 (October 1992): 157–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006989.

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“The womb of the Province” is how one eighteenth-century resident described Querétaro, for within that city the Franciscans of the Province of San Pedro y San Pablo de Michoacán supported not only the friary of Santiago el Grande with its Spanish and Indian parishes, but also the pioneering College of Santa Cruz, the convents of Santa Clara and Santa Rosa de Viterbo for women, the seminary of the Province, the mission church of San Sebastián, and the friary and shrine of Nuestra Señora de Pueblito. The city additionally served as the seat of the Provincial chapter. Friars and nuns at these various foundations directed over twenty associations of laity organized into confraternities, or cofradíos. Poised delicately between those who were professed Franciscans (male and female, of the First and Second Orders, respectively), and the lay confraternities affiliated with the monasteries, was the Third Order, an institute which has defied classification.

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García-Serrano, Francisco. "Conclusion: The Mendicants as a Mediterranean Phenomenon." Medieval Encounters 18, no. 2-3 (2012): 272–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342110.

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Abstract The medieval Mediterranean was an environment in which mendicant friars were able to thrive, attending to the spiritual needs of the populace and benefitting from the support of the urban classes, especially merchants, with whom they established close relationships. The examples of the convents of Barcelona, Ciutat de Mallorca and Florence presented in this volume clearly elucidate the association between the friars, the merchants and the urban aristocracy. Although the friars did not restrict their activities to the Mediterranean world and quickly expanded into other European kingdoms and remote lands, it was in the dense urban setting of this region where they first conducted their preaching and established their roles as active social agents.

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Grosso, Michael. "Flying Friars and Other Exceptions." Journal of Scientific Exploration 34, no. 3 (September 15, 2020): 605–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.31275/20201885.

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Stephen Braude’s editorial “Does Telepathy Threaten Mental Privacy” speaks to one reason some people might resist accepting the reality of paranormal abilities. It is somewhat of a puzzle why so many otherwise rational people shy away from psi. If we accept telepathy, it might seem we’re exposed to others snooping on our innermost secrets and intentions. Deploying a distinction made by C. D. Broad between telepathic cognition and telepathic interaction, Braude argues that our fear of telepathic intrusion is greatly exaggerated. I, for example, often think of someone just before he or she calls on the phone. When that happens, I have no knowledge of what the caller is going to tell me, No cognition, just a bit of interaction. Telepathic connection doesn’t necessarily imply telepathic cognition. No danger of your hidden self being exposed in most common forms of telepathy. There are, however, some examples where it looks like real telepathic cognition comes into play. In the early stages of 17th century Joseph of Copertino’s career as a priest, his superiors had to ask Joseph to desist from calling the brothers out in public for every peccadillo they committed. In a typical example cited, he embarrassed a brother for thinking about eating cherries and other things while saying his prayers. His superiors urged Joseph to be more discreet and say things like—“you need to adjust your moral compass.” Joseph did learn to be more discreet but his Vita shows him repeatedly tuning into the specifics of other minds. For example, he was able to distinguish persons who came merely to observe him out of curiosity. Let me quote one sworn deposition from a Brother Francesco that illustrates telepathic cognition.

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Harkins, Conrad L. "The Friars' Libraries.K. W. Humphreys." Speculum 68, no. 1 (January 1993): 177–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2863882.

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Swanson, R. N., and Frances Andrews. "The Other Friars: The Carmelite, Augustinian, Sack and Pied Friars in the Middle Ages." Sixteenth Century Journal 39, no. 2 (July 1, 2008): 497. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20478916.

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Laferrière, Anik. "Peddlers of Paradise." Church History and Religious Culture 97, no. 1 (2017): 29–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-09701004.

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This study investigates the activities of the Austin Friars in England in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries regarding the sale of expurgatory services. Through an analysis of their letters of confraternity and indulgences, this study argues that around the end of the fifteenth century, the Austin Friars experienced a change in attitude in the sale of their religious services. They exponentially increased their efforts in selling indulgences and letters of confraternity and in advertising their popular Scala Coeli services, an attitude that reached its zenith in 1516 when Pope Leo X licensed the Austin Friars to sell and promote a lucrative plenary indulgence. This change has significant consequences for considerations of the actions of English Augustinian reformers in the sixteenth century, primarily Robert Barnes, whose criticisms of clerical wealth are put into relief when examined within this monastic context.

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Pacheco, Moreno Laborda. "Uma vida para Maria de Jesus um confessor em defesa de sua beata, diante do Santo Ofício de Lisboa (1700-1701)." Via Spiritus: Revista de História da Espiritualidade e do Sentimento Religioso, no. 28 (2021): 89–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/0873-1233/spi28a4.

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This article aims to examine the attitudes of friar Masseu de São Francisco, of the Order of Friars Minor of Portugal, before the Holy Office of Lisbon between 1700 and 1701. He was prosecuted for obstructing the work of the court and for continuing to give credit and making public the visions and revelations of the recently deceased Maria de Jesus, who had been previously convicted for fraud by the Holy Office. Friar Masseu opted for a line of argument that linked his defense to the defense of the memory of that beata. To this end, instead of answering the questions given by the inquisitors, he turned over notebooks in which he described and justified Maria de Jesus’ virtues. By doing so, he continued his old plan of writing the life of Maria de Jesus, in which the visions that for decades she said she had received from Heaven would be recognized as true.

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Montford, Angela. "Fit to Preach and Pray: Considerations of Occupational Health in the Mendicant Orders." Studies in Church History 37 (2002): 95–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400014674.

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Following their foundation in the thirteenth century, the mendicant Orders came to occupy an increasingly important role in the religious life of the medieval city. The mendicant spiritual mission and way of life was arduous, and the prayer and preaching which filled (or ought to have filled) a friar’s working and waking hours demanded both strength and stamina. As a result of these demands, the leaders of the Orders had to ensure that those men whom they admitted as their brothers were physically capable of undertaking their intended duties. This paper accordingly considers the idea of the ‘use and abuse of time’ by approaching some of the questions concerning health and fitness as requirements for the friars of the Franciscan and Dominican Orders.

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Morse, Kimberly J. "When the Priest Does Not Sympathize with el Pueblo: Clergy and Society in El Oriente Venezolano, 1843-1873." Americas 59, no. 4 (April 2003): 511–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2003.0050.

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When 22 Capuchin friars landed in Barcelona in 1843, they could not anticipate the troubles they faced in the years to come. As refugees from the Spanish Carlista wars, Gallegos and Catalans who did not even speak much Spanish, the friars must have been happy enough to serve a nation that did not want them dead—yet. In their contract with the Venezuelan government, the 22 Capuchin friars who labored in Venezuela'sOrientepromised to stay in Venezuela for at least ten years. In return, the Venezuelan government promised to pay them 400 pesos annually, to leave all spiritual matters in the hands of the missionaries, and to cede to the missionaries all authority in Indian mission matters.If only things worked out that well. The Capuchin friars found themselves inextricably bound in complex relationships of race and class, often intertwined with matters of land and labor. Poverty and politics (or the politics of poverty) did not allow clergy to use their position as parish priests to maintain any degree of neutrality in the tug of war between the white elite and the poor, primarily Indians, ex-slaves, and the mixed race descendants of all groups. To the contrary, poverty and politics made clergy important players in the ongoing high stakes game of chess between the elite and the masses.

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de la Torre Curiel, José Refugio. "De mudanzas y contrastes discursivos. Los franciscanos frente a la Independencia de México." Archivo Ibero-Americano 82, no. 294 (June 23, 2022): 7–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.48030/aia.v82i294.248.

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By comparing the experiences of diverse friars from Franciscan provinces and colleges in New Spain’s and Mexico’s Northwestern regions, this article offers an overview of the participation of those friars in the insurgency and culmination of the proclamation of Mexico’s Independence. The analysis focuses on the Franciscans’ institutional positions concerning such matters, while also considering some examples of individual opinions expressing either support or condemnation of the insurgency. In a similar vein, attention is paid to the support or criticism of the political movements led by Hidalgo and Iturbide. This article aims to show the complexity in the array of oral or written responses (sermons, historical essays) articulated by Franciscan friars from distinct personal backgrounds and contexts with respect to the insurgency, the counterinsurgency, and the diverse forms of celebrating the independence of Mexico. Thus, the article adheres to current perspectives that underline the myriad of voices and interpretations related to the political construct of nineteenth-century Mexico, especially those coexisting within the Franciscan communities.

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Zaldívar, Antonio M. "Patricians’ Embrace of the Dominican Convent of St. Catherine in Thirteenth-Century Barcelona." Medieval Encounters 18, no. 2-3 (2012): 174–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342107.

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Abstract In this article, I examine patterns of charitable giving to the mendicant orders in surviving testaments from thirteenth-century Barcelona. My findings reveal that an elite group of wealthy and influential merchant families, the city’s emerging patriciate, provided the majority of charitable contributions to the mendicant friars. The friars’ urban religiosity and propagation of the doctrine of purgatory appealed to patricians, who were heavily involved in commercial activities and increasingly concerned with the fate of their souls in the afterlife. Patricians also utilized their pious contributions to the mendicant friars to bolster their social prestige and legitimize their monopolization of political power in the city. While patricians donated generously to the two largest mendicant orders (Dominicans and Franciscans), they contributed more money to the Dominican convent of St. Catherine. Patricians favored the Dominicans because of the latter’s superior educational training, their close ties to the kings of the Crown of Aragon, and their association with the city’s municipal government.

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Costa, Rafael Ferreira. "Milagre e devoção: o contributo das crônicas franciscanas para o estudo de imaginária devocional encontrada no Brasil (séculos XVI e XVII)." CEM, no. 14 (2022): 187–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/2182-1097/14a10.

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The Franciscan chronicles stand out as sources for Brazilian historiography by preserving the memory of the Order of Friars Minor in the colonial context. Their narratives show aspects of the political, social and religious life of the friars, while they also contribute to fill the gaps left by the absence of documents in the archives of the Order in Brazil. This work focuses on the descriptions made by the chroniclers about the devotional images found in the Brazilian territory between the 16th and 17th centuries, with emphasis on the news that described miracles attributed to the sculptures. The goal is to establish a relation between the local imagination and the spaces the friars occupied (as convents and cities), to understand the connection between these divine manifestations and the Franciscan spirituality, the local culture and the faithful’s devotion, as well as to reflect on the impact they create in discourses about the Franciscan legacy in these chronicles

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ELBEL, MARTIN. "Early Modern Mendicancy: Franciscan Practice in the Bohemian Lands." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 69, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 39–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204691700063x.

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Using the example of the Bohemian Franciscan Province, and its Olomouc convent in particular, this paper analyses mendicancy after the Reformation. In the early modern period mendicancy remained an important practice in the Franciscan Order. Apart from its economic function, begging was also an important means of interaction between the friars and the people. It was a complicated exchange of goods and services, which helped the friars to secure their position in society and export elements of their spirituality outside the walls of their convents.

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Berryman, Charles. ""Benito Cereno" and the Black Friars." Studies in American Fiction 18, no. 2 (1990): 159–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/saf.1990.0009.

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Hazard, Benjamin. "The friars in Ireland, 1224–1540." Irish Studies Review 22, no. 2 (April 2014): 244–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09670882.2014.889356.

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35

Logan, F. Donald. "The Other Friars: The Carmelite, Augustinian, Sack and Pied Friars in the Middle Ages. Frances Andrews." Speculum 83, no. 2 (April 2008): 398–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713400013385.

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MÜLLER, ANNE. "The Other Friars: Carmelite, Augustinian, Sack and Pied Friars in the Middle Ages - By Frances Andrews." History 93, no. 309 (January 21, 2008): 116–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.2008.416_24.x.

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Dóci, Viliam Štefan. "Two Enlightenment Dominicans among the Freemasons in Eighteenth-Century Vienna." Catholic Historical Review 109, no. 3 (June 2023): 486–514. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2023.a907447.

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Abstract: Two Austrian Dominicans, Albert Tschick and Franz Poschinger, belonged to Freemasonry in the 1780s. Although their shared interest in the Enlightenment led them to join, they took different paths as members of the association. The article outlines the brief biographies of the two Friars Preachers, sketches their development as Enlightenment preachers, and presents the Masonic period of their lives in the context of the history of Austrian Freemasonry. It contributes to a more nuanced view of the relationship of the Catholic clergy and the Friars Preachers to Freemasonry in the eighteenth century.

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Marsilli, María N. "“I Heard it through the Grapevine”: Analysis of an Anti-Secularization Initative in the Sixteenth-Century Arequipan Countryside, 1584–1600." Americas 61, no. 04 (April 2005): 647–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500069340.

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Franciscan historian Antonine Tibesar’s study of the early evangelical accomplishments of the Franciscan Order in the Andes constitutes a landmark contribution to an insufficiently examined subject. Trying to detach his work from Joachimist debates, Tibesar did not deem the spirituality shared by peninsular friars to be relevant in explaining their poor early evangelical results. Although Tibesar acknowledged such shortcomings, he sustained that they were caused by an apathetic Franciscan engagement in parish work among the Indians. The inexperience of Spanish friars and the turmoil of the civil wars that ravaged the Andes in the aftermath of the conquest greatly explain this situation, he sustains. Additionally, Tibesar advances the idea that the undecided approach towards Indian conversion amongst sixteenth-century Franciscan authorities was the major cause of these first evangelical failures. Troubled by the hardships of life in Indian parishes and concerned about the lack of familiarity with parish administration among the Order’s ranks, the Franciscan establishment sent the friars contradictory orders, thus preventing them from bringing together a more coherent evangelical plan.

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Marsilli, María N. "“I Heard it through the Grapevine”: Analysis of an Anti-Secularization Initative in the Sixteenth-Century Arequipan Countryside, 1584–1600." Americas 61, no. 4 (April 2005): 647–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2005.0082.

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Franciscan historian Antonine Tibesar’s study of the early evangelical accomplishments of the Franciscan Order in the Andes constitutes a landmark contribution to an insufficiently examined subject. Trying to detach his work from Joachimist debates, Tibesar did not deem the spirituality shared by peninsular friars to be relevant in explaining their poor early evangelical results. Although Tibesar acknowledged such shortcomings, he sustained that they were caused by an apathetic Franciscan engagement in parish work among the Indians. The inexperience of Spanish friars and the turmoil of the civil wars that ravaged the Andes in the aftermath of the conquest greatly explain this situation, he sustains. Additionally, Tibesar advances the idea that the undecided approach towards Indian conversion amongst sixteenth-century Franciscan authorities was the major cause of these first evangelical failures. Troubled by the hardships of life in Indian parishes and concerned about the lack of familiarity with parish administration among the Order’s ranks, the Franciscan establishment sent the friars contradictory orders, thus preventing them from bringing together a more coherent evangelical plan.

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Prejs, Roland. "Zakon Braci Mniejszych w chwili śmierci św. Franciszka." Polonia Sacra 27, no. 4 (December 29, 2023): 127–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/ps.27406.

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This article presents the evolution of the Franciscan order which took place in the years 1223–1228, i.e., in the period from the final approval of the Franciscan Rule to the canonization of Francis. This period is poorly described in the oldest Franciscan sources, but we believe that it is wrong to conclude that the generation of Friars Minor, contemporaries of Francis, wanted to hide something in the history of the Order, in particular the process of departing from the original Franciscan ideals and moving towards the clericalization of Friars Minor. Neither Francis nor his early companions cared about any documentation. The article is divided into four parts: 1) From community to order; 2) Territorial expansion; 3) Rule; 4) Voltages. Francis did not think about the order, but about the community, and he gave this form to the first generation of friars. As long as Francis lived, he mitigated them by his own example. After his death, the Holy See had to intervene, making an authentic interpretation of the rule.

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de Obaldía, Vanessa R. "Santa Maria della Purificazione: the First Capuchin Church in the Black Sea Region." Eurasian Studies 17, no. 1 (November 14, 2019): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24685623-12340061.

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Abstract Santa Maria della Purificazione was the first Latin Catholic church built by the Friars Minor Capuchin in the Black Sea region during the post-Tanzimat period. It was an example of the order settlement after it sought refuge in the region due to its expulsion from Russian Georgia, where it was based since the mid-seventeenth century. Furthermore, this study analyzes the history of Capuchins at the time of their arrival in Trabzon in 1845, with the establishment of their church, friary, school, and cemetery, the latter intended to meet the needs of the local and foreign Latin Catholic residents of the city. The topic is also historically dealt with in terms of demography and urban planning. All these aspects are examined in the wider context of the legal impact of the Tanzimat on church building.

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Röhrkasten, Jens. "The Other Friars: The Carmelite, Augustinian, Sack and Pied Friars in the Middle Ages. By Frances Andrews." Heythrop Journal 49, no. 6 (November 2008): 1064–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2265.2008.00427_21.x.

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CROSS, TONY. "THE OTHER FRIARS: THE CARMELITE, AUGUSTINIAN, SACK AND PIED FRIARS IN THE MIDDLE AGES by Frances Andrews." New Blackfriars 88, no. 1015 (May 2007): 353–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-2005.2007.00162_1.x.

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Arinello, James L. "The Other Friars: Carmelite, Augustinian, Sack and Pied Friars in the Middle Ages â By Frances Andrews." Religious Studies Review 35, no. 4 (December 2009): 283–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-0922.2009.01387_54.x.

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Keith J. Egan. "The Other Friars: The Carmelite, Augustinian, Sack, and Pied Friars in the Middle Ages (review)." Catholic Historical Review 94, no. 3 (2008): 561–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.0.0090.

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Fuertes, OFM, Cayetano Sánchez. "Fray Juan Duárez, OFM, “Fundador” del Pueblo de Daraga (Filipinas)." Philippiniana Sacra 56, no. 167 (January 1, 2021): 131–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.55997/1005pslvi167a5.

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The present article attempts to trace the missionary itinerary of Fr. Juan Duárez de Santa Cruz, one of the most distinguished Franciscan friars in Camarines. Making extensive use of unpublished archival material, it focuses in two important aspects of his work: the fundation of the town of Caraga and his role in the construction of the church, and also his will to found a Franciscan institution in Spain specifically aimed to train friars to be sent to the Philippines. Finally, it provides in English translation and Tagalog a wide array of key documents in order to understand the history of Cagsawa, Budiao, and Daraga from 1715 to 1814.

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Cessford, Craig, and Benjamin Neil. "The people of the Cambridge Austin friars." Archaeological Journal 179, no. 2 (July 3, 2022): 383–444. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.2022.2090675.

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Lin, Erika T. "Festive Friars: Embodied Performance and Audience Affect." Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 51, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 487–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10829636-9295037.

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This essay models a method for unearthing performance traces in texts that seem on the surface to be strictly literary. Centering on Thomas Dekker's The Raven's Almanac, a compilation of stories akin to those in early modern jest books, it analyzes a bawdy tale about a friar and an abbess that reveals deep connections to May games. Festivity constituted a mode of embodied knowledge, a somatic and kinesthetic process that conditioned playgoer responses. This essay demonstrates how examining nondramatic performance, including quotidian, ceremonial, and ritual practices, allows the recovery of ephemeral audience affect. Studying spectators’ emotions is notoriously challenging but can productively complicate concepts such as character and narrative. Moreover, it was through amorphous feelings and sensations that theater actively produced cultural understandings. Expanding the methodological toolkit for investigating performance offers a useful blueprint for researching other ineffable but consequential historical experiences that exceed, by definition, the documentary evidence.

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Foster, Kenelm. "Dante and Two Friars: Paradise XI?XII." New Blackfriars 66, no. 785 (November 1985): 480–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-2005.1985.tb06263.x.

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Škrobonja, Ante, and Tatjana Čulina. "Patron Saints Against Diseases Among Franciscan Friars." Franciscan Studies 70, no. 1 (2012): 313–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/frc.2012.0020.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Friars'

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