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Journal articles on the topic 'Friedman, Milton'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 7 February 2022

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1

Nascimento, Pedro Henrique. "O “legado” monetarismo de milton Friedman Milton friedman’s “legacy”." Latin American Journal of Development 3, no. 5 (September 1, 2021): 2771–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.46814/lajdv3n5-001.

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O presente estudo se propõe a discutir o legado teórico deixado por um dos maiores economistas do século XX, Milton Friedman, autor esse que revolucionou a teoria econômica ao questionar as proposições keynesianas e propor a moeda como a variável relevante a ser analisada e prescrições políticas que assegurassem a estabilidade econômica por meio de regras sobre esse agregado monetário. O roteiro da avaliação empreendida nesse trabalho foi, primeiramente, uma avaliação empírica da experiência monetarista implementada nos governos Margaret Thatcher (Inglaterra) e Paul Volcker (EUA) e, na sequência, uma discussão teórica sobre o que foi absorvido ou não pelas teorias econômicas que sucederam o monetarismo de Friedman. Com base nessas discussões, o estudo sustenta que a “herança” deixada pelo autor foi pequena quando comparada ao que não foi absorvido pelas demais teorias e a principal razão para esse fato repousa na baixa aderência verificada pela teoria de Friedman e os resultados empíricos observados durante sua experiência nos EUA e na Inglaterra. This study aims to discuss the theoretical legacy left by one of the greatest economists of the 20th century, Milton Friedman, who revolutionized economic theory by questioning Keynesian propositions and proposing money as the relevant variable to be analyzed and political prescriptions that ensure economic stability through rules on this monetary aggregate. The evaluation tour undertaken in this work was, firstly, an empirical evaluation of the monetarist experience implemented in the Margaret Thatcher (England) and Paul Volcker (USA) governments, and then a theoretical discussion on what was or was not absorbed by the economic theories that succeeded Friedman's monetarism. Based on these discussions, the study argues that the legacy left by the author was small when compared to what was not absorbed by other theories and the main reason for this fact lies in the low adherence verified by Friedman's theory and the empirical results observed during his experiment. in the USA and England.

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2

Fletcher, Gilbert H. "Milton Friedman, M.D." International Journal of Radiation Oncology*Biology*Physics 12, no. 4 (April 1986): 449–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0360-3016(86)90051-9.

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3

Greenwood, John. "REMEMBERING MILTON FRIEDMAN." Economic Affairs 27, no. 2 (June 2007): 78–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0270.2007.00735.x.

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4

TEODORESCU, Alexandra. "MILTON AND ROSE FRIEDMAN – A STORY FOR FREEDOM." International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on the Dialogue between Sciences & Arts, Religion & Education 4, no. 1 (December 7, 2020): 25–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.26520/mcdsare.2020.4.25-30.

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This paper investigates the personal and professional story of two prominent American thinkers, Milton and Rose Friedman. Based on their memoirs, “Two Lucky People. Memoirs”, we will connect the biographical aspects with the theoretical and philosophical ideals promoted by the Friedmans’ during their lifetime. The direct connection between economic and political freedom, the importance of the individual in the creation of society, the free market as model for human activity, these are all ideas shared and presented by Milton and Rose Friedman and we will show how their personal stories, of immigrant’s children, have come to shape their professional profile.

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5

Koderová, Jitka. "Milton Friedman and the Contemporary Monetary Policy." Český finanční a účetní časopis 2012, no. 4 (December 1, 2012): 15–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.18267/j.cfuc.3.

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6

Loužek, Marek. "100 Years since the Birth of Milton Friedman." Review of Economic Perspectives 12, no. 3 (October 1, 2012): 185–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10135-012-0008-4.

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Abstract The paper deals with the economic theory of Milton Friedman. Its first part outlines the life of Milton Friedman. The second part examines his economic theories - “Essays in Positive Economics” (1953), “Studies in the Quantity Theory of Money“ (1956), “A Theory of the Consumption Function” (1957), “A Program for Monetary Stability” (1959), “A Monetary History of the United States 1897 to 1960” (1963), and “Price Theory” (1976). His Nobel Prize lecture and American Economic Association lecture in 1967 are discussed, too. The third part analyzes Friedman’s methodology. Milton Friedman was the most influential economist of the second half of the 20th century. He is best known for his theoretical and empirical research, especially consumption analysis, monetary history and theory, and for his demonstration of the complexity of stabilization policy.

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7

Belke, Ansgar, and Kai Geisslreither. "Milton Friedman (1912-2006)." WiSt - Wirtschaftswissenschaftliches Studium 36, no. 1 (2007): 47–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15358/0340-1650-2007-1-47.

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8

Laidler, D. "Milton Friedman: A Biography." History of Political Economy 40, no. 2 (January 1, 2008): 411–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182702-2008-011.

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9

Hammond, J. Daniel. "James Forder, Milton Friedman." OEconomia, no. 11-2 (June 1, 2021): 395–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/oeconomia.11115.

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10

BORDO, MICHAEL D., and HUGH ROCKOFF. "THE INFLUENCE OF IRVING FISHER ON MILTON FRIEDMAN’S MONETARY ECONOMICS." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 35, no. 2 (May 10, 2013): 153–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837213000047.

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This paper examines the influence of Irving Fisher’s writings on Milton Friedman’s work in monetary economics. We focus first on Fisher’s influences in monetary theory (the quantity theory of money, the Fisher effect, Gibson’s Paradox, the monetary theory of business cycles, and the Phillips Curve), and empirics (e.g., distributed lags.). Then we discuss Fisher and Friedman’s views on monetary policy and various schemes for monetary reform (the k% rule, freezing the monetary base, the compensated dollar, a mandate for price stability, 100% reserve money, and stamped money). Assessing the influence of an earlier economist’s writings on that of later scholars is a challenge. As a science progresses, the views of its earlier pioneers are absorbed in the weltanschauung. Fisher’s The Purchasing Power of Money as well as the work of Pigou and Marshall were the basic building blocks for later students of monetary economics. Thus, the Chicago School of the 1930s absorbed Fisher’s approach, and Friedman learned from them. However, in some salient aspects of Friedman’s work, we can clearly detect a major direct influence of Fisher’s writings on Friedman’s. Thus, for example, with the buildup of inflation in the 1960s, Friedman adopted the Fisher effect and Fisher’s empirical approach to inflationary expectations into his analysis. Therefore, Fisher’s influence on Friedman was both indirect through the Chicago School and direct. Regardless of the weight attached to the two influences, Fisher’s impact on Friedman was profound.

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11

Berry, R. J. "Milton Friedman M.D.—An appreciation." International Journal of Radiation Oncology*Biology*Physics 12, no. 4 (April 1986): 445–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0360-3016(86)90050-7.

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12

Rawski, Thomas G. "Milton Friedman, Silver, and China." Journal of Political Economy 101, no. 4 (August 1993): 755–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/261896.

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13

Taylor, John B. "AN INTERVIEW WITH MILTON FRIEDMAN." Macroeconomic Dynamics 5, no. 1 (February 2001): 101–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1365100501018053.

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“His views have had as much, if not more, impact on the way we think about monetary policy and many other important economic issues as those of any person in the last half of the twentieth century.” These words in praise of Milton Friedman are from economist and Federal Reserve Chair Alan Greenspan. They are spoken from a vantage point of experience and knowledge of what really matters for policy decisions in the real world. And they are no exaggeration. Many would say they do not go far enough.It is a rare monetary policy conference today in which Milton Friedman's ideas do not come up. It is a rare paper in macroeconomics in which some economic, mathematical, or statistical idea cannot be traced to Milton Friedman's early work. It is a rare student of macroeconomics who has not been impressed by reading Milton Friedman's crystal-clear expositions. It is a rare democrat from a formerly communist country who was not inspired by Milton Friedman's defense of a market economy written in the heydays of central planning. And it is a rare day that some popular newspaper or magazine around the world does not mention Milton Friedman as the originator of a seminal idea or point of view.Any one of his many contributions to macroeconomics (or rather to monetary theory, for he detests the term macroeconomics) would be an extraordinary achievement. Taken together they are daunting:[bull ] permanent income theory;[bull ] natural rate theory;[bull ] the case for floating exchange rates;[bull ] money growth rules;[bull ] the optimal quantity of money;[bull ] the monetary history of the United States, especially the Fed in the Great Depression, not to mention contributions to mathematical statistics on rank-order tests, sequential sampling, and risk aversion, and a host of novel government reform proposals from the negative income tax, to school vouchers, to the flat-rate tax, to the legalization of drugs.Milton Friedman is an economist's economist who laid out a specific methodology of positive economic research. Economic experts know that many current ideas and policies—from monetary policy rules to the earned-income tax credit—can be traced to his original proposals. He won the Nobel Prize in economics in 1976 for “his achievements in the field of consumption analysis, monetary history and theory and for his demonstration of the complexity of stabilization policy.” Preferring to stay away from formal policy-making jobs, he has been asked for his advice by presidents, prime ministers, and top economic officials for many years. It is in the nature of Milton Friedman's unequivocally stated views that many disagree with at least some of them, and he has engaged in heated debates since graduate school days at the University of Chicago. He is an awesome debater. He is also gracious and friendly.Born in 1912, he grew up in Rahway, New Jersey, where he attended local public schools. He graduated from Rutgers University in the midst of the Great Depression in 1932. He then went to study economics at the University of Chicago, where he met fellow graduate student Rose Director whom he later married. For nearly 10 years after he left Chicago, he worked at government agencies and research institutes (with one year visiting at the University of Wisconsin and one year at the University of Minnesota) before taking a faculty position at the University of Chicago in 1946. He remained at Chicago until he retired in 1977 at the age of 65, and he then moved to the Hoover Institution at Stanford University.I have always found Milton and Rose to be gregarious, energetic people, who genuinely enjoy interacting with others, and who enjoy life in all its dimensions, from walks near the Pacific Ocean to surfs on the World Wide Web. The day of this interview was no exception. It took place on May 2, 2000, in Milton's office in their San Francisco apartment. The interview lasted for two-and-a-half hours. A tape recorder and some economic charts were on the desk between us. Behind Milton was a floor-to-ceiling picture window with beautiful panoramic views of the San Francisco hills and skyline. Behind me were his bookcases stuffed with his books, papers, and mementos.The interview began in a rather unplanned way. When we walked into his office Milton started talking enthusiastically about the charts that were on his desk. The charts—which he had recently prepared from data he had downloaded from the Internet—raised questions about some remarks that I had given at a conference several weeks before—which he had read about on the Internet.As we began talking about the charts, I asked if I could turn on the tape recorder, since one of the topics for the interview was to be about how he formulated his ideas—and a conversation about the ideas he was formulating right then and there seemed like an excellent way to begin the interview. So I turned on the tape recorder, and the interview began. Soon we segued into the series of questions that I had planned in advance (but had not shown Milton in advance). We took one break for a very pleasant lunch and (unrecorded) conversation with his wife Rose before going back to “work.” After the interview, the tapes were transcribed and the transcript was edited by me and Milton. The questions and answers were rearranged slightly to fit into the following broad topic areas:[bull ] money growth, thermostats, and Alan Greenspan;[bull ] causes of the great inflation and its end;[bull ] early interest in economics;[bull ] graduate school and early “on-the-job” training;[bull ] permanent income theory;[bull ] return of monetary economics;[bull ] fiscal and monetary policy rules;[bull ] use of models in monetary economics;[bull ] use of time-series methods;[bull ] real business-cycle models, calibration, and detrending;[bull ] natural rate hypothesis;[bull ] role of debates in monetary economics;[bull ] capitalism and freedom today;[bull ] monetary unions and flexible exchange rates.

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14

Teira, D. "Milton Friedman, the Statistical Methodologist." History of Political Economy 39, no. 3 (September 1, 2007): 511–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182702-2007-020.

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15

Shleifer, Andrei. "The Age of Milton Friedman." Journal of Economic Literature 47, no. 1 (March 1, 2009): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jel.47.1.123.

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Between 1980 and 2005, as the world embraced free market policies, living standards rose sharply, while life expectancy, educational attainment, and democracy improved and absolute poverty declined. Is this a coincidence? A collection of essays edited by Balcerowicz and Fischer argues that indeed reliance on free market forces is key to economic growth. A book by Stiglitz and others disagrees. I review and compare the two arguments.

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16

Laidler, David. "Milton Friedman – a brief obituary." European Journal of the History of Economic Thought 14, no. 2 (June 2007): 373–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09672560701328107.

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17

Tratner, Michael. "Derrida's Debt to Milton Friedman." New Literary History 34, no. 4 (2003): 791–806. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nlh.2004.0011.

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18

Benton, Raymond. "Commentary on and Further Extension of Stanley J. Shapiro’s Review of Milton Friedman: Fifty Years Later." Journal of Macromarketing 41, no. 3 (April 8, 2021): 449–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02761467211008633.

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This is a commentary on and further extension of Stanley J. Shapiro’s review of Milton Friedman: Fifty Years Later. It is also an extension to a Bagha and Laczniak article cited by Shapiro, “Seeking the Real Adam Smith and Milton Friedman.”

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19

Rotella, Elyce J. "Two Lucky People: Memoirs. Milton Friedman , Rose D. Friedman." Isis 91, no. 1 (March 2000): 208–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/384714.

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20

Popov, Gavriil. "The Rebellion Against Keynesianism: Milton Friedman." Problems in Economics 33, no. 5 (September 1990): 99–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/pet1061-1991330599.

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21

Blanco, Luis Armando, and Julián Libreros. "Milton Friedman y la contrarrevolución keynesiana." ODEON, no. 17 (May 28, 2020): 7–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.18601/17941113.n17.02.

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La revolución contra la teoría cuantitativa la hizo Keynes en la década de los treinta dentro de la economía oficial. La contrarrevolución keynesiana la realizó Milton Friedman en la década de los setenta, también dentro del sistema teórico dominante y se conoció con los nombres de Escuela de Chicago, monetarismo o neoliberalismo, términos que nunca le gustaron al propio Friedman. En el artículo se analizan algunos aspectos fundamentales de este gran cisma intelectual en la economía, en torno a la economía monetarista, la crítica a la curva de Phillips, la política monetaria y su explicación sobre los determinantes de las crisis económicas, especialmente el Gran Crac de 1929, para contrastarlo con la crisis de 2008.

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22

Ferrero, Ignacio, W. Michael Hoffman, and Robert E. McNulty. "Must Milton Friedman Embrace Stakeholder Theory?" Business and Society Review 119, no. 1 (March 2014): 37–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/basr.12024.

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23

OI, WALTER Y. "MILTON FRIEDMAN, STARTING HIS NINTH DECADE." Economic Inquiry 31, no. 2 (April 1993): 194–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1465-7295.1993.tb00876.x.

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24

Block, Walter E. "WAS MILTON FRIEDMAN A SOCIALIST? YES." MEST Journal 1, no. 1 (January 15, 2013): 11–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.12709/mest.01.01.01.02.pdf.

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25

Leschke, Martin. "Milton Friedman: Nicht nur ein „Monetarist“!" Wirtschaftsdienst 92, no. 8 (August 2012): 541–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10273-012-1417-9.

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26

Storm, Servaas. "The wrong track also leads someplace: Milton Friedman's presidential address at 50." Review of Keynesian Economics 6, no. 4 (October 2018): 517–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/roke.2018.04.09.

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Milton Friedman's presidential address to the American Economic Association holds a mythical status as the harbinger of the supply-side counter-revolution in macroeconomics – centred on the rejection of the long-run Phillips-curve inflation–unemployment trade-off. Friedman (seconded by Edmund Phelps) argued that the long run is determined by ‘structural’ forces, not demand, and his view swept the profession and dominated academic economics and macro policymaking for four decades. Friedman, tragically, put macroeconomics on the wrong track which led to disaster: secular stagnation, rising inequality, mounting indebtedness, financial fragility, a banking catastrophe and recession – and no free lunches. This is Friedman's legacy. We have to unlearn the wrong lessons and return macroeconomics to the right track. To do so, this paper shows that Friedman's (and Phelps's) conclusions break down in a general model of the long run in which productivity growth is endogenous – aggregate demand is driving everything again, short and long.

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27

Hall, Robert E., and Thomas J. Sargent. "Short-Run and Long-Run Effects of Milton Friedman's Presidential Address." Journal of Economic Perspectives 32, no. 1 (February 1, 2018): 121–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.32.1.121.

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The centerpiece of Milton Friedman's (1968) presidential address to the American Economic Association, delivered in Washington, DC, on December 29, 1967, was the striking proposition that monetary policy has no longer-run effects on the real economy. Friedman focused on two real measures, the unemployment rate and the real interest rate, but the message was broader—in the longer run, monetary policy controls only the price level. We call this the monetary-policy invariance hypothesis. By 1968, macroeconomics had adopted the basic Phillips curve as the favored model of correlations between inflation and unemployment, and Friedman used the Phillips curve in the exposition of the invariance hypothesis. Friedman's presidential address was commonly interpreted as a recommendation to add a previously omitted variable, the rate of inflation anticipated by the public, to the right-hand side of what then became an augmented Phillips curve. We believe that Friedman's main message, the invariance hypothesis about long-term outcomes, has prevailed over the last half-century based on the broad sweep of evidence from many economies over many years. Subsequent research has not been kind to the Phillips curve, but we will argue that Friedman's exposition of the invariance hypothesis in terms of a 1960s-style Phillips curve is incidental to his main message.

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28

Edwards, Sebastian, and Leonidas Montes. "MILTON FRIEDMAN IN CHILE: SHOCK THERAPY, ECONOMIC FREEDOM, AND EXCHANGE RATES." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 42, no. 1 (February 4, 2020): 105–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837219000397.

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We analyze Milton Friedman’s two visits to Chile, in March 1975 and November 1981. We rely on a number of sources, including Friedman’s archives, press archives in Chile and the rest of the world, interviews, and the papers and recollections of some of those who accompanied Friedman during his meeting with Pinochet. Although Friedman’s 1975 visit has been widely discussed, his 1981 visit has been largely neglected. However, this visit was particularly important as it preceded a severe currency and banking crisis, stemming from an overvalued fixed exchange rate. The crisis put at risk the influence of the “Chicago Boys” and the political and economic liberalization process. We analyze Friedman’s views regarding Chile’s pegged exchange rate strategy followed between 1979 and 1982, and his position on economic and political freedom.

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29

Tavlas, George S. "Retrospectives: Was the Monetarist Tradition Invented?" Journal of Economic Perspectives 12, no. 4 (November 1, 1998): 211–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.12.4.211.

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In 1969, Harry Johnson charged that Milton Friedman 'invented' a Chicago oral quantity theory tradition, the idea being that in order to launch a monetarist counter-revolution, Friedman needed to establish a linkage with pre-Keynesian orthodoxy. This paper shows that there was a distinct pre-Keynesian Chicago quantity-theory tradition that advocated increased government expenditure during the Great Depression in order to put money directly into circulation. This policy stance distinguished the Chicago economists from other quantity theorists, leaving them less susceptible to the Keynesian revolution. Those who have been critical of Friedman's claim that his work derives from the earlier Chicago tradition have focused exclusively on Friedman's long-run empirical specification of money demand. Friedman's cyclical analysis is shown to be very much in the Chicago tradition. Other connections between Friedman's views and the Chicago tradition are also discussed.

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30

Schwartz, Anna J., Abraham Hirsch, and Neil De Marchi. "Milton Friedman: Economics in Theory and Practice." Economic Journal 102, no. 413 (July 1992): 959. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2234592.

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31

Frazer, W. "Milton Friedman: Economics in Theory and Practice." History of Political Economy 23, no. 4 (December 1, 1991): 767–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182702-23-4-767.

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32

Hammond, J. D. "Milton Friedman: Economics in Theory and Practice." History of Political Economy 23, no. 4 (December 1, 1991): 769–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182702-23-4-769.

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33

Shapiro, Stanley J. "Book Review: Milton Friedman Fifty Years Later." Journal of Macromarketing 41, no. 3 (February 15, 2021): 511–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0276146721994624.

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34

Ravier, Adrián. "El pensamiento de Milton Friedman en el marco de la escuela de Chicago." Estudios económicos 33, no. 66 (June 6, 2016): 121–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.52292/j.estudecon.2016.727.

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35

Lopreato, Francisco Luiz C. "Milton Friedman e a efetividade da política fiscal." Revista de Economia Contemporânea 17, no. 2 (August 2013): 201–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1415-98482013000200001.

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O objetivo do artigo é discutir a visão de Milton Friedman sobre o papel da política fiscal. O trabalho estrutura-se a partir da discussão de quatro pontos. O primeiro relembra traços da trajetória do autor, desde a fase inicial em que dá relevância à política fiscal até o momento em que a renega. O segundo retoma questões apresentadas no tópico anterior e os argumentos usados para negar a efetividade da política fiscal. O terceiro volta-se à apresentação da hipótese da renda permanente e a sua posição contra o uso e as implicações da função consumo nos estudos de caráter keynesiano da velha síntese. O último ponto destaca a crítica contra as ações discricionárias, com ênfase na discussão dos lags existentes na política fiscal. O retorno ao autor justifica-se porque as suas ideias influenciaram o modo de a atual teoria macroeconômica dominante pensar tópicos relevantes da área fiscal.

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36

Macleod, Alistair M. "Invisible Hand Arguments: Milton Friedman and Adam Smith." Journal of Scottish Philosophy 5, no. 2 (September 2007): 103–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jsp.2007.5.2.103.

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The version of the invisible hand argument in Adam Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments differs in important respects from the version in The Wealth of Nations. Both are different, in turn, from the version invoked by Milton Friedman in Free to Choose. However, all three have a common structure. Attention to this structure can help sharpen our sense of their essential thrust by highlighting the questions (about the nature of economic motivation, the structure of markets, and conceptions of the public interest) to which answers of certain kinds would have to be available for any of the versions to succeed.

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37

Jelinek, Ronald. "Happy Birthday, Milton Friedman: A buyer-seller salute." Business Horizons 55, no. 5 (September 2012): 427–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.bushor.2012.05.003.

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38

Congdon, Tim. "MILTON FRIEDMAN ON THE INEFFECTIVENESS OF FISCAL POLICY." Economic Affairs 31, no. 1 (March 2011): 62–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0270.2010.02051.x.

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39

Laidler, David. "Money Mischief: Episodes in Monetary History. Milton Friedman." Journal of Political Economy 101, no. 1 (February 1993): 203–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/261872.

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40

Shammas, Victor L. "Burying Mont Pèlerin: Milton Friedman and neoliberal vanguardism." Constellations 25, no. 1 (November 23, 2017): 117–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8675.12322.

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41

Madrick, Jeff. "Milton Friedman: Not a Man for All Seasons." Challenge 50, no. 1 (February 2007): 124–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/0577-5132500110.

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42

Colander, David. "Is Milton Friedman an artist or a scientist?" Journal of Economic Methodology 2, no. 1 (May 1995): 105–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501789500000005.

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43

Wellington, Donald C., and Sourushe Zandvakili. "Karl Marx and Milton Friedman: bedfellows in thought." International Journal of Social Economics 34, no. 6 (May 15, 2007): 425–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/03068290710751830.

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44

Andújar Scheker, Julio G. "Milton Friedman: el economista antes del viaje definitivo." Ciencia, Economía y Negocios 3, no. 2 (December 11, 2019): 9–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22206/ceyn.2019.v3i2.pp9-41.

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Milton Friedman es conocido por muchos, para bien o para mal, como el más alto exponente de la Escuela de Chicago, némesis de la dominante escuela keynesiana durante los años de postguerra. Controversial, polémico y siempre presto a defender sus ideas, Friedman fue más que eso. Fue una estrella con luz propia que escribió más de 200 artículos y que revolucionó la teoría económica en sus fases monetaria, real, metodológica y filosófica (Beyer, 1995). Influyó de forma decisiva en el debate de políticas públicas. Su impronta quedó marcada en economías tan distantes como la china y la chilena y en ramas de esta ciencia tan apartadas como la monetaria y la economía de la educación. Todo esto y mucho más se sabe de uno de los economistas más influyentes del siglo XX. De su vida previa al viaje definitivo a Chicago se conoce menos. Este documento explora esa historia en un tour de force desde sus orígenes y su estructura familiar hasta la actividad frenética de los años de la Segunda Guerra Mundial y la postguerra, cubriendo sus años de formación, las ideas que lo influenciaron, sus mentores, sus comienzos en el mercado laboral y su visión académica fundamentada en una extraña mezcla de Chicago con Columbia, entre otros.

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Cosans, Christopher. "Does Milton Friedman Support a Vigorous Business Ethics?" Journal of Business Ethics 87, no. 3 (October 16, 2008): 391–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10551-008-9927-5.

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Bagha, Jacob, and Eugene R. Laczniak. "Seeking the Real Adam Smith and Milton Friedman." Philosophy of Management 14, no. 3 (September 18, 2015): 179–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40926-015-0013-7.

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Boianovsky, Mauro. "The Brazilian Connection in Milton Friedman’s 1967 Presidential Address and 1976 Nobel Lecture." History of Political Economy 52, no. 2 (April 1, 2020): 367–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182702-8173418.

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This article investigates the role played by Friedman’s interpretation of Brazilian inflation in his 1967 formulation of the natural rate hypothesis and in his 1976 discussion of indexation and other institutional arrangements in the face of chronic inflation. It is argued that, as an empirical economist and in the absence of evidence from industrialized countries, Friedman found in the Brazilian 1964–66 stabilization episode significant support for his argument about inflation acceleration and a shifting Phillips curve. Friedman’s interest in the Brazilian inflationary and growing economy prompted him to visit the country in 1973. The context and implications of Friedman’s Brazilian travel are also tackled in the paper.

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Nelson, Edward, and Anna J. Schwartz. "The impact of Milton Friedman on modern monetary economics: Setting the record straight on Paul Krugman's “Who was Milton Friedman?”." Journal of Monetary Economics 55, no. 4 (May 2008): 835–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jmoneco.2008.01.001.

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James, Harvey S., and Farhad Rassekh. "Smith, Friedman, and Self-Interest in Ethical Society." Business Ethics Quarterly 10, no. 3 (July 2000): 659–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3857897.

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Abstract:We examine the writings of Adam Smith and Milton Friedman regarding their interpretation and use of the concept of self-interest. We argue that neither Smith nor Friedman considers self-interest to be synonymous with selfishness and thus devoid of ethical considerations. Rather, for both writers self-interest embodies an other-regarding aspect that requires individuals to moderate their actions when others are adversely affected. The overriding virtue for Smith in governing individual actions is justice; for Friedman it is non-coercion.

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Leeson, Robert. "The Early Patinkin—Friedman Correspondence." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 20, no. 4 (December 1998): 433–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837200002455.

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Don Patinkin (1922-95) was a co-author of the Keynesian neoclassical synthesis, and became engaged in several important controversies. One of them involved Milton Friedman's (1956) assertion about a supposed Chicago quantity theory “oral tradition.” From 1968 until his death, Patinkin hardly seemed to miss an opportunity of denigrating what he regarded as Friedman's “invention.” This controversy was taken to the 1970 American Economic Association (AEA) meeting by Harry Johnson (1971), and divided at least two economics departments, Chicago and the University of Western Ontario, where Patinkin and Johnson were frequent visitors, and where two influential monetarists, David Laidler and Michael Parkin, had migrated from Britain (Parkin, 1986; Patinkin, 1986).

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