Academic literature on the topic 'Friedo Solter'

The Department of Defense spends approximately one million dollars annually on research to enhance soldier physical performance (LTC K.E. Friedl, personal communication, Jan 1996). To most effectively direct this research effort, an accurate understanding of the physical demands of Army jobs is needed. The physical demands are available in printed form, however, there is no computerized means to quickly access and compile this information. The purpose of this paper is to describe the creation of a series of data bases containing the physically demanding tasks of Army occupations and to provide a preliminary summary of a selected data base.

ZusammenfassungIn den letzten Jahren, insbesondere seit der Unterzeichnung des Friedensabkommens zwischen der kolumbianischen Regierung und der FARC-Guerilla Ende 2016, sind Menschenrechts- und Umweltaktivist*innen in vielen Regionen Kolumbiens mit zunehmenden Angriffen und Einschüchterungen konfrontiert. In diesem Zusammenhang hat die kolumbianische Regierung eine Reihe von Maßnahmen implementiert, um dieser zunehmenden Gewalt zu begegnen. Dieser Beitrag analysiert, wie die dieser staatlichen Initiative zugrunde liegenden Konzepte von „Schutz“ und „Sicherheit“ sowie ihre Umsetzungsdynamiken schwierige Folgen für einen effektiven Schutz von gefährdeten Akteur*innen der Zivilgesellschaft in Kolumbien gebracht haben. Dafür werden die Rolle, die Auswirkungen und die Herausforderungen solcher Programme berücksichtigt, die oft Aktivist*innen nicht langfristig schützen können, sondern sogar viele der gefährdeten Akteur*innen ausschließen und oft sogar in größere Gefahr bringen. Welche staatlichen Initiativen werden in Kolumbien implementiert, um der zunehmenden Gewalt zu begegnen und die Zivilgesellschaft zu schützen? Welche Auswirkungen haben diese staatlichen Maßnahmen in Kolumbien bisher gezeigt und welche Herausforderungen sind immer noch zu identifizieren?

Das Konzept von Nursing Development Units (NDU) stammt aus Großbritannien. Eine durch Friedson ausgelöste Diskussion über die Professionalisierung der Pflegeberufe in den frühen siebziger Jahren führte Anfang der achtziger Jahre zur Implementierung dieser NDUs mit dem Ziel, die pflegerische Praxis systematisch weiterzuentwickeln. Das Department of Health in England bezuschusste das Entwicklungsprogramm mit 3,2 Millionen Pfund. Inzwischen existieren in Großbritannien mehr als 300 solcher Stationen (vgl. Draper, 1996). In Deutschland dagegen ist dieses Konzept noch weitgehend unbekannt, sollte aber als ein wirksames Instrument zur Entwicklung der Pflege als eine akademische und eine praktische Disziplin diskutiert werden. Ziel der Studie war es, die sozialen Interaktionen zwischen Pflegekräften und PatientInnen innerhalb des Organisationsverlaufes einer NDU zu untersuchen. Eine weitere Frage war unter anderem, ob Nursing Development Units grundsätzlich in der Lage sind, Pflege-Entwicklungsprozesse anzustoßen. Insgesamt zeigt die Studie, dass das Niveau der Patientenorientierung und der sozialen Interaktionen gestiegen ist. Es fanden sich allerdings auch Anzeichen für Rückschritte in der Entwicklung der NDU, die die Autorin besuchte. So zeigte sich z.B., dass es hemmende und fördernde strukturelle Rahmenbedingungen gab, die die Interaktionen nachhaltig beeinflussten.

Nasutitermes corniger (Motschulsky) is an urban termite pest that is controlled by chemical applications. We investigated the effect of the association of Isaria farinosa (Holm: Fries) Fries, I. fumosorosea (Wize) Brown & Smith, and I. javanica (Frieder & Bally) Samson & Hywell-Jones with the extracts of Libidibia ferrea var. ferrea (Mart. Ex Tul.) L. P. Queiroz in the control of N. corniger. The following experiments were performed: the toxicity of aqueous and methanolic extracts on the biological aspects of fungi, action of extracts on workers and soldiers, and fungus-extract combination on workers of termite. The aqueous extracts of the leaves and pods of L. ferrea var. ferrrea were more efficient than the methanol extracts, demonstrating termiticide activity at 10, 25, 50, 100, and 200 mg mL-1, with 100% worker mortality after the third and fourth days and 100% soldier mortality by the third through sixth day. Lethal concentrations (LC50) varied from 0.624 to 0.710 mg mL-1 for workers and from 0.146 to 1.410 mg mL-1 for soldiers. The extracts were compatible with the fungal strains at the lowest concentrations. Associations of the extracts with I. farinosa ESALQ1355 demonstrated efficient control of termite workers. The results demonstrate that L. ferrea var. ferrrea extracts, either alone or in association with I. farinosa ESALQ1355, functioned in the in vitro control of N. corniger, representing a viable alternative to be further tested in controlling those termites in urban areas.

Abstract: Fürstenhochzeiten des österreichisch-bayerischen Raumes zur Zeit des ausgehenden 15. Jahrhunderts entwickelten sich zu außerordentlich gut durchgeführten Ritualen mit hohem Öffentlichkeitswert. Während die Forschung zu den Themenbereichen der vormodernen Sexualität und der Hochzeit als eine dynastische Räson seit längerem prosperiert, sind Untersuchungen zu den Ritualen und Riten des Eheschließungsverfahrens vergleichsweise rar und mit Ausnahme der Landshuter Hochzeit für die Zeit des ausgehenden Mittelalters kaum beobachtbar. Hier setzt dieser Beitrag an und begreift die Fürstenhochzeit als einen feierlichen Ritualkomplex des Typs Übergangsritual – bestehend aus der Ablösungs-, Zwischen- und Integrationsphase. Ferner wird hier die These aufgestellt, dass der Gegensatz zwischen den Begriffen Fest und Feier, die in der Literatur zum Thema Hochzeit als idente Termini verwendet werden, zu beachten und Fürstenhochzeiten nicht als Hoffeste, sondern als Feiern, die eine spezifische Form des Festlichen darstellten, zu behandeln sind. Die Analyse solcher Hochzeitsriten erlaubt es vorzüglich, Kontinuitäten und Brüche zwischen dem Mittelalter und der Frühneuzeit klar zu identifizieren, da gegenwärtig – mit Ausnahme der Arbeiten über die Landshuter Hochzeit – keine Untersuchungen zu den mittelalterlichen Hochzeitsritualen vorliegen. Mit Blick auf früh- und hochmittelalterliche Eheschließungsrituale wird dies insbesondere mit der schlechten Quellenlage begründet. Selbst über spätmittelalterliche Hochzeiten, über welche die tradierten Rechnungsbücher nähere Einblicke gewähren, fällt es im Vergleich zu frühneuzeitlichen Hochzeiten ungleich schwerer, Aussagen über den Ablauf und die darin stattgefundenen symbolischen Handlungen zu fällen, da über dieselben in den Quellen nur sehr lakonische Verweise vorliegen.Wie die Analyse fünf historischer und drei literarischer Fürstenhochzeiten zeigt, bestand der Komplex fürstlicher Hochzeiten aus den insgesamt fünf Ritualen der Brauteinholung, der Vermählung und des Beilagers sowie jener der feierlichen Messe und des Hochzeitsmahls, die jeweils wiederum mehrere – teils wiederkehrende – Riten enthielten. Auf das Ritual der Brauteinholung, bei der die Braut in Begleitung des rituellen Festlärms von der Obhut ihrer Gefolgschaft in die ihres künftigen Mannes überging und die daher als Ablösungsphase zu betrachten ist, folgte das Trauungsritual. Auf die Konsenserklärung folgten Riten wie die des Küssens und Beschenkens der Braut mit einem Ring. Der Kuss vermittelte die Eintracht, den Frieden und die Freundschaft des Brautpaares. Er war ein konstitutives Element der mittelalterlichen Rechtsauffassung. Der Ring dagegen war ein Symbol der Treue und des Bündnisses zwischen Mann und Frau.<?page nr="168"?>Beim Vermählungsritual handelte es sich um die Zwischenphase, da den Brautleuten vom Zeitpunkt der Vermählung bis zum Vollzug des rituellen Beischlafs weder der Status von ledigen noch jener von verheirateten Personen zustand. Erst der Beischlaf machte die Ehe rechtlich bindend und wird daher als der Beginn der Integrationsphase gesehen. Ihren Höhepunkt bildete die feierliche Messe. Den krönenden Abschluss der Integrationsphase und so des Ritualkomplexes als eine Bühne um die Zurschaustellung von Macht, Reichtum, und Ehre bildete das prächtig inszenierte Ritual des Hochzeitsmahls.

Der vorliegende Text stellt einen Versuch dar, einige verkannte Aspekte des Persönlichkeitswesens in der römischen Rechtsordnung aufzuklären. Daß vieles dabei problematisch zu sein scheint, ist durchaus klar und liegt in der Natur der Sache selbst. Es kommt hier v.a. darauf an, Fragen zu stellen, die gestellt werden müssen und deren Beantwortung versucht werden soll, mögen die Antworten manchmal auch recht hypothetisch erscheinen. Es ist dabei untentbehrlich anzudeuten, daß das Römertum den Begriff und z.T. die Vorstellung einer „Weltauffasung" bzw. der „Umgebung” (jedoch nicht im Sinne des „Kosmos”, das vielmehr eine Gegenbenheit sei) eigentlich nicht kennt. Die beiden lassen sich dagegen unter der psychologisch angewurzelten Kategorie von Kultur subsumieren, verstanden als eine Art des gemeinsamen Mitfühlens, die von einzelnen empfunden, gelernt und geteilt wird und dazu dient, sie in einer besonderen und eigentümlichen Kollektivität zu vereinigen. Wegen ihrer Komplexität läßt sich jene Thematik nur mit Begriffen beschreiben, die weit über das heutige Vokabular hinausgehen; sie wird aber um so dringlicher, als sich der untrennbare Zusammenhang zwischen allen Sphären in der archaischen Gesellschaft, inkl. der sakralen, rechtlichen und sozialökonomischen, mehr und mehr als unleugbar herausstellt. Der frührömische Kalender kennzeichnet die natürliche Ordnung des Jahres, im Rahmen derer jeglichen Säen, Ernten sowie jede Militärkampagne ein Begehen, d.h. einen religiösen Vorgang darstellt. Diese Reihe der jährlichen Handlungen befindet sich im Kraftfeld aller Jahreszeiten und ihrer Götter, die ihrerseits wiederum überwölb von einer höheren Perioden- bzw. Kräftordnung waren. Man könnte dementsprechend von einer Hierarchie unterschiedlichsten Machtsphären sprechen, die stets ineinandergreifen und die deshalb keine geschichtlische Schicksalskette im heutigen Sinne darstellen können. In seiner alltäglichen Arbeit begegnet jedes Mitglied der Gemeinschaft wieder und wieder der Mächten der Natur, greift er stets unsicher und ängstlich in ihre Sphäre ein. In der so konstruierten pansakralen Lebensauffassung war kein Tun „profan”, kein Schritt „sebstverständlich”, Immer wieder galt es, ’heilsame’ Kräfte zu aktivieren und den Einfluß unheilvoller Mächte einzudämmen und abzustoßen. Der älteste Kalender deutet klar auf die Zeiten und Orte, an denen die Machbegegnung der heilsträchtigen und heilvollen Abschnitte des Jahres statfindet. Alle ungewöhnlichen Erscheinungen waren Äußerungen von gewaltigen Mächten, was damalige Menschen anzunehmen zwang, daß mittels solcher Vorzeichen und Prodigien die beobachtenden Menschen gewarnt, bestätigt oder nicht selten bedroht würden; jedes Ereignis und Detail hätte eine schwerwiegende Bedeutung, nichts geschah zufällig, sondern alles Handeln wurde unter dem Aspekt einer Gegnerschaft bzw. Verärgerung interpretiert. Alles Heil und Unheil hängt von dem launischen göttlichen bzw. nur schwer personifizierten Willen ab, dessen jede Vernachlässigung den unberechenbaren Zom veruracht und den Friedensbruch mit unsichtbaren jedoch überal spürbaren Kräften mitbringt. Besonders dann, wenn irgend jemand eines der geltenden Verbote übertreten hat, dürfte er nicht - als der Rache der Gottheit verfallender homo sacer - ohne entsühnt zu werden, weiter an den Handlungen der Gemeinschaft teilnehmen, weil schon nur seine Anwesenheit den Zorn der Gtter erregen könnte, und somit, eine ernst genommene Bedrohung für alle anderen Mitglieder bedeutete, was letzlich zu einer „deliktischen” Verletzung der ganzen kosmischen und sozialen Ordnung führen müße. Demgemäß versuchte man, die gestörte pax deum mit allen zugänglichen Mitteln wiederherzustellen, was in derjeniger Weise geshah, daß auch die zum Tode verurteilte Person nicht von einem enzelnen, sondern in der Regel, entweder von einer namenlosen Masse oder weitab von den in der Gemeinde zusammen lebenden Menschen getötet wurde. Das Ziel solcher Art von Tötung im Namen der ganzen Gemeinschaft war also nicht die Bestrafung selbst, sondern vielmehr man die Person für einen Gefahrenträger hielt, durch den der Frieden der Gemeinde tatschlich gestört wurde oder nur potentiell bedrohlich sein könnte, und den man pro salute populi Romani aussondern und außerhalb des pomerium verlagern mußte. Demgemäß kann man annehmen, daß die Todensstrafen und gewissermaßen ebenso alle andere Arten von archaischen nicht so sehr auf die Tötung als auf die Entfernung zielten und insofern eng mit der Verbannung zusammenhängten. Dieser Gesichtspunkt erlärt uns vielleicht, warum die archaische Zeit eigentlich nur zwei Straffamillien kennt, nämlich Verbannung und Friedlosigkeit in mannigfacher Abstufung, und dann erst mit der Zeit zunehmende an Bedeutung Bußen in unterschiedlicher Höhe. Im allgemeinen könnte man demzufolge annehmen, daß insbesondere Sühnopher, die wahrscheinlich als Ersatz fü die Blutrache dienten, sowie Todenstrafen ein konsequenter und vorbehaltlos bewußtvoller Versuch der unaufhörlichen Wiederherstellung des gestörten Friedens und erschütterten Ordnung waren.

The relationship between identity and national consciousness is one of the important issues, not only, of the sociology of identity but of the overall opinion of the social sciences. This scientific question has been insufficiently researched in the sociological thought of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and with this paper we are trying to actualize it. Aware of theoretical-methodological and conceptual-logical difficulties related to the research problem, we considered that in the first part of the paper we make some theoretical-methodological notes on the problems in studying this phenomenon, in order to, above all, eliminate conceptual-logical dilemmas. The use of terms and their meaning in sociology and other social sciences is a very important theoretical and methodological issue. The question justifiably arises whether we can adequately name and explain some of the “character traits” of the contemporary national identity of the Bosniak nation that we want to talk about in this paper with classical, generally accepted terms, identity, consciousness, self-awareness, shame or shame, self-shame. Another important theoretical issue of the relationship between identity and consciousness in our case, the relationship between the national consciousness of Bosniaks and their overall socio-historical identity is the dialectical relationship between individual and collective consciousness, ie. the extent to which the national consciousness of an individual or a particular national group, political, cultural, educational, age, etc., is contrary to generally accepted national values and norms. One of the important factors of national consciousness is the culture of remembrance. What does it look like for Bosniaks? More specifically, in this paper we problematize the influence of “prejudicial historiography” on the development of the culture of memory in the direction of oblivion or memory. What to remember, and why to remember. Memory is part of our identity. The phrase, not to deal with the past but to turn to the future, is impossible. How to project the future and not analyze the past. On the basis of what, what social facts? Why the world remembers the crimes of the Nazis, why the memory of the Holocaust and the suffering of the Jews is being renewed. Which is why Bosniaks would not remember and renew the memory of the genocides committed against them. Due to the Bosniak memory of genocide, it is possible that the perpetrators of genocide are celebrated as national heroes and their atrocities as a national liberation struggle. Why is the history of literature and art, political history and all other histories studied in all nations and nations. Why don't European kingdoms give up their own, queens and kings, princesses and princes. These and other theoretical-methodological questions have served us to use comparative analysis to show specific forms of self-esteem among Bosniaks today. The concrete socio-historical examples we cite fully confirm our hypothesis. Here are a few of these examples. Our eastern neighbors invented their epic hero Marko Kraljevic (Ottoman vassal and soldier, killed as a “Turkish” soldier in the fight against Christian soldiers in Bulgaria) who killed the fictional Musa Kesedzija, invented victory on the field of Kosovo, and Bosniaks forgot the real Bosniak epic heroes , brothers Mujo and Halil Hrnjic, Tala od Orašac, Mustaj-beg Lički and others, who defended Bosniaks from persecution and ethnic cleansing in the Bosnian Krajina. Dozens of schools in Bosnia and Herzegovina have been named after the Serbian language reformer, the Serb Vuk Stefanović Karađić (1787-1864), who was born in the village of Tršić near Loznica, Republic of Serbia. Uskufije (1601 / 1602.-?), Born in Dobrinja near Tuzla. Two important guslars and narrators of epic folk songs, Filip Višnjić (1767-1834) and Avdo Medjedović (1875-1953), are unequally present in the memory and symbolic content of the national groups to which they belong, even if the difference in quality is on the side of the almost forgotten. Avdo Medjedovic, the “Balkan Homer”, is known at Harvard University, but very little is known in Bosnia and Herzegovina. And while we learned everything about the murderer Gavril Princip, enlightened by the “logic of an idea” (Hannah Arendt) symbolizing him as a “national hero”, we knew nothing, nor should we have known, about Muhamed Hadžijamaković, a Bosnian patriot and legal soldier, he did not kill a single pregnant woman , a fighter in the Bosnian Army who fought against the Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1878. When it comes to World War II and the fight against fascism are full of hero stories. For one example, we will take Srebrenica, the place of genocidal suffering of Bosniaks. Before the war against Bosnian society and the state 1992-1995. in Srebrenica, the elementary school was called Mihajlo Bjelakovic, a partisan, born in Vidrići near Sokolac. Died in Srebrenica in 1944. The high school in Srebrenica was named Midhat Hacam, a partisan born in the vicinity of Vares. It is not a problem that these two educational institutions were named after two anti-fascists, whose individual work is not known except that they died. None of them were from Srebrenica. That's not a problem either. Then what is it. In the collective memory of Bosniaks. Until recently, the name of the two Srebrenica benefactors and heroes who saved 3,500 Srebrenica Serbs from the Ustasha massacre in 1942, who were imprisoned by the Ustashas in the camp, has not been recorded. These are Ali (Jusuf) efendi Klančević (1888-1952) and his son Nazif Klančević (1910-1975). Nothing was said about them as anti-fascists, most likely that Alija eff. Klančević was an imam-hodža, his work is valued according to Andrić's “logic” as a work that cannot “be the subject of our work” In charity, humanitarian work, but also courage, sacrifice, direct participation in the fight for defense, the strongest Bosniaks do not lag behind Bosniaks, but just like Bosniaks, they are not symbolically represented in the public space of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We had the opportunity to learn about the partisan Marija Bursać and many others, but why the name Ifaket-hanuma Tuzlić-Salihagić (1908-1942), the daughter of Bakir-beg Tulić, was forgotten. In order to feed the muhadjers from eastern Bosnia, Ifaket-hanum, despite the warning not to go for food to Bosanska Dubica, she left. She bravely stood in front of the Ustashas who arrested her and took her to Jasenovac. She was tortured in the camp and eventually died in the greatest agony, watered and fried with hot oil. Nothing was known about that victim of Ustasha crimes. Is it because she is the daughter of Bakir-beg Tuzlić. Bey's children were not desirable in public as benefactors because they were “remnants of rotten feudalism”, belonging to the “sphere of another culture”. In this paper, we have mentioned other, concrete, examples of Bosniak monasticism, from the symbolic content of the entire public space to naming children.

Introduction Presidents “define who Americans are—often by declaring who they aren’t”, and “by their very utterances […] have shaped our sense of who we are as Americans” (Stuckey, front cover). This advocacy of some groups and policies to the exclusion of others has been facilitated in the United States’ political culture by the country music industry. Indeed, President Richard Nixon said of country music that it “radiates a love of this nation—a patriotism,” adding that it “makes America a better country” (Bufwack and Oermann 328). Country music’s ardent support of American military conflict, including Vietnam, has led to its long-term support of Republican candidates. There has been a general lack of scholarly interest, however, in how country music has promoted Republican definitions of what it means to be an American. Accordingly, we have two primary objectives. First, we will demonstrate that Republicans, aided by country music, have used the theme of defence of “country,” especially post-9/11, to attempt to intimidate detractors. Secondly, Republicans have questioned the love of “country,” or “patriotism,” of their electoral opponents just as country musicians have attempted to silence their own critics. This research is timely in that little has been done to merge Presidential advocacy and country music; furthermore, with the election of a new President mere days away, it is important to highlight the tendencies toward intolerance that both conservatism and country music have historically shared. Defence of ‘Country’ After the 9/11 attacks, President George W. Bush addressed the nation before a Joint Session of Congress on 20 September 2001. During this speech, the president threatened the international community and raised the spectre of fear in Americans both while drawing distinctions between the United States and its enemies. This message was reflected and reinforced by several patriotic anthems composed by country artists, thus enhancing its effect. In his remarks before Congress, Bush challenged the international community: “Either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists;” thus “advocating some groups to the exclusion of others” on the international stage (20 September 2001). With these words, the President expanded the definition of the United States’ enemies to include not only those responsible for the 9/11 attacks, but also anyone who refused to support him. Republican Senator John McCain’s hawkishness regarding the attacks mirrored the President’s. “There is a system out there or network, and that network is going to have to be attacked,” McCain said the next morning on ABC (American Broadcasting Company) News. Within a month he made clear his priority: “Very obviously Iraq is the first country,” he declared on CNN. Later he yelled to a crowd of sailors and airmen: “Next up, Baghdad!” (http://www.iht.com/articles/2008/08/17/america/mccain.php). Bush’s address also encouraged Americans at home to “be calm and resolute, even in the face of a continuing threat” (20 September 2001). The subtle “us vs. them” tension here is between citizens and those who would threaten them. Bush added that “freedom and fear” had always “been at war” and “God is not neutral between them” (20 September 2001) suggesting a dualism between God and Satan with God clearly supporting the cause of the United States. Craig Allen Smith’s research refers to this as Bush’s “angel/devil jeremiad.” The President’s emphasis on fear, specifically the fear that the American way of life was being assailed, translated into public policy including the creation of the Department of Homeland Security and the Patriot Act. This strategic nomenclature strengthened the power of the federal government and has been used by Republicans to suggest that if a candidate or citizen is not a terrorist then what does he/she have to fear from the government? The impact of Bush’s rhetoric of fear has of late been evaluated by scholars who have termed it “melodrama” in international affairs (Anker; Sampert and Treiberg). To disseminate his message for Americans to support his defence of “country,” Bush needed look no further than country music. David Firestein, a State Department diplomat and published authority on country music, asserted that the Bush team “recognised the power of country music as a political communication device” (86). The administration’s appeal to country music is linked to what Firestein called the “honky-tonk gap” which delineates red states and blue states. In an analysis of census data, Radio-Locator’s comprehensive listing by state of country music radio stations, and the official 2004 election results, he concluded that If you were to overlay a map of the current country music fan base onto the iconic red-and-blue map of the United States, you would find that its contours coincide virtually identically with those of the red state region. (84) And country musicians were indeed powerful in communicating the Republican message after 9/11. Several country musicians tapped into Bush’s defence of country rhetoric with a spate of songs including Alan Jackson’s Where Were You? (When the World Stopped Turning), Toby Keith’s Courtesy of the Red, White, and Blue (the Angry American), and Darryl Worley’s Have You Forgotten? to name a few. Note how well the music parallels Bush’s attempt to define Americans. For instance, one of the lines from Keith’s Courtesy of the Red, White, and Blue (the Angry American) speaks of those who have given their lives so that other Americans may rest peacefully. This sentiment is reiterated by the theme of Worley’s Have You Forgotten? in which he talks of spending time with soldiers who have no doubts about why they are at war. Both songs implicitly indict the listener for betraying United States soldiers if his/her support for the Iraqi war wanes or, put in Bush terms, the listener would become a supporter of “terrorism.” Country music’s appeal to middle-America’s red state conservatism has made the genre a natural vehicle for supporting the defence of country. Indeed, country songs have been written about every war in United States history; most expressing support for the conflict and the troops as opposed to protesting the United States’ action: “Since the Civil War and Reconstruction, ‘Dixie’ has always been the bellwether of patriotic fervour in time of war and even as the situation in Vietnam reached its lowest point and support for the war began to fade, the South and its distinctive music remained solidly supportive” (Andresen 105). Historically, country music has a long tradition of attempting to “define who Americans were by defining who they weren’t” (Stuckey). As Bufwack and Oermann note within country music “images of a reactionary South were not hard to find.” They add “Dixie fertilized ‘three r’s’ – the right, racism, and religion” (328). Country musicians supported the United States’ failed intervention in Vietnam with such songs as It’s for God and Country and You Mom (That’s Why I’m Fighting In Vietnam), and even justified the American massacre of noncombatants at My Lai in the Battle Hymn of Lt. Calley (328). Thus, a right-wing response to the current military involvement in Iraq was not unexpected from the industry and the honky-tonk state listeners. During the current election, Republican presidential nominee McCain has also received a boost from the country music genre as John Rich, of Big and Rich, wrote Raising McCain, a musical tribute to McCain’s military service used as his campaign theme song. The song, debuted at a campaign rally on 1 August 2008, in Florida, mentions McCain’s ‘Prisoner of War’ status to keep the focus on the war and challenge those who would question it. Scholars have researched the demographics of the country music listener as they have evaluated the massification theory: the notion that the availability of a widespread media culture would break down social and cultural barriers and result in a “homogenised” society as opposed to the results of government-controlled media in non-democratic countries (Peterson and DiMaggio). They have determined that the massification theory has only been partially demonstrated in that regional and class barriers have eroded to some extent but country music listeners are still predominately white and older (Peterson and DiMaggio 504). These individuals do tend to be more conservative within the United States’ political culture, and militarism has a long history within both country music and conservatism. If the bad news of the massification theory is that a mass media market may not perpetuate a homogenous society, there is good news. The more onerous fears that the government will work in tandem with the media to control the people in a democracy seem not to have been borne out over time. Although President Bush’s fear tactics were met with obsequious silence initially, resistance to the unquestioning support of the war has steadily grown. In 2003, a worldwide rally opposed the invasion of Iraq because it was a sovereign state and because the Bush doctrine lacked United Nations’ support. Further opposition in the United States included rallies and concerts as well as the powerful display in major cities across the nation of pairs of combat boots representing fallen soldiers (Olson). Bush’s popularity has dropped precipitously, with his disapproval ratings higher than any President in history at 71% (Steinhauser). While the current economic woes have certainly been a factor, the campaigns of Barack Obama and John McCain can also be viewed as a referendum on the Bush war. The American resistance to the Bush rhetoric and the Iraq war is all the more significant in light of research indicating that citizens incorrectly believe that the opposition to the Vietnam War was typified by protests against the troops rather than the war itself (Beamish). This false notion has empowered the Republicans and country musicians to challenge the patriotism of anyone who would subsequently oppose the military involvement of the United States, and it is to this topic of patriotism that we now turn. Patriotism Patriotism can be an effective way for presidential candidates to connect with voters (Sullivan et al). It has been a particularly salient issue since the 9/11 attacks and the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Ironically, George W. Bush, a man whose limited military service had been the subject of debate in 2000, was able to employ the persistent patriotic themes of country music to his electoral advantage. In fact, Firestein argued that country music radio had a greater effect on the 2004 election than any ads run by issue groups because it “inculcated and reinforced conservative values in the red state electorate, helped frame the issues of the day on terms favourable to the conservative position on those issues, and primed red state voters to respond positively to President Bush’s basic campaign message of family, country, and God” (Firestein 83). Bush even employed Only in America, a patriotic anthem performed by Brooks and Dunn, as a campaign theme song, because the war and patriotism played such a prominent role in the election. That the Bush re-election campaign successfully cast doubt on the patriotism of three-time Purple Heart winner, Democratic Senator John Kerry, during the campaign is evidence of Firestein’s assertion. The criticism was based on a book: Unfit for Command: Swift Boat Veterans Speak Out Against John Kerry (O’Neill and Corsi). The book was followed by advertisements funded by Swift Boat Veterans for Truth which included unsubstantiated claims that Kerry lied or exaggerated his combat role in Vietnam in order to obtain two of his Purple Hearts and his Bronze Star; the testimony of Kerry’s crewmen and Navy records notwithstanding, these ads were effective in smearing Kerry’s service record and providing the President with an electoral advantage. As far as country music was concerned, the 2004 election played out against the backdrop of the battle between the patriotic Toby Keith and the anti-American Dixie Chicks. The Dixie Chicks were berated after lead singer Natalie Maines’s anti-Bush comments during a concert in London. The trio’s song about an American soldier killed in action, Travelin’ Soldier, quickly fell from the top spot of the country music charts. Moreover, while male singers such as Keith, Darryl Worley, and Alan Jackson received accolades for their post 9/11 artistic efforts, the Dixie Chicks endured a vitriolic reaction from country music fans as their CDs were burned, country radio refused to play their music, their names were added to an internet list of traitors, their concerts were protested by Bush supporters, and their lives were even threatened (http://www.poppolitics.com/archives/2003/04/Bandwagon). Speaking from experience at the 2008 Democratic National Convention, Kerry addressed the issue of patriotism stating: This election is a chance for America to tell the merchants of fear and division: you don’t decide who loves this country; you don’t decide who is a patriot; you don’t decide whose service counts and whose doesn’t. […] After all, patriotism is not love of power or some cheap trick to win votes; patriotism is love of country. (http://www.clipsandcomment.com/2008/08/27/full-text-john-kerry-speech-democratic-national-convention/) Kerry broached the issue because of the constant attacks on the patriotism of Democratic nominee, Senator Barack Obama. At the most basic level, many of the attacks questioned whether Obama was even an American. Internet rumours persisted that Obama was a Muslim who was not even an American citizen. The attacks intensified when the Obamas’ pastor, Reverend Jeremiah Wright, came under fire for comments made during a sermon in which he stated “God damn America.” As a result, Obama was forced to distance himself from his pastor and his church. Obama was also criticised for not wearing a United States flag lapel pin. When Michelle Obama stated for the “first time [she was] proud of her country” for its willingness to embrace change in February of 2008, Cindy McCain responded that she “had always been proud of her country” with the implication being, of course, a lack of patriotism on the part of Michelle Obama. Even the 13 July 2008 cover of the liberal New Yorker portrayed the couple as flag-burning Muslim terrorists. During the 2008 election campaign, McCain has attempted to appeal to patriotism in a number of ways. First, McCain’s POW experience in Vietnam has been front and centre as he touts his experience in foreign policy. Second, the slogan of the campaign is “Country First” implying that the Obama campaign does not put the United States first. Third, McCain’s running mate, Alaska Governor Sarah Palin, insisted in a speech on 4 October 2008, that Barack Obama has been “palling around with terrorists who would target their own country.” Her reference was to Obama’s acquaintance, Bill Ayers, who was involved in a series of Vietnam era bombings; the implication, however, was that Obama has terrorist ties and is unpatriotic. Palin stood behind her comments even though several major news organisations had concluded that the relationship was not significant as Ayers’ terrorist activities occurred when Obama was eight-years-old. This recent example is illustrative of Republican attempts to question the patriotism of Democrats for their electoral advantage. Country music has again sided with the Republicans particularly with Raising McCain. However, the Democrats may have realised the potential of the genre as Obama chose Only in America as the song played after his acceptance speech at the Democratic Convention. He has also attempted to reach rural voters by starting his post-convention campaign in Bristol, Virginia, a small, conservative town. Conclusion Thus, in the wake of 9/11, Republicans seized the opportunity to control the culture through fear and patriotic fervour. They were facilitated in this endeavor by the country music industry with songs that that would questions the motives, defence of “country,” and patriotism, of anyone who would question the Bush administration. This alliance between country music and the right is an historically strong one, and we recommend more research on this vital topic. While this election may indeed be a referendum on the war, it has been influenced by an economic downturn as well. Ultimately, Democrats will have to convince rural voters that they share their values; they don’t have the same edge as Republicans without the reliance of country music. However, the dynamic of country music has changed to somewhat reflect the war fatigue since the 2004 campaign. The Angry American, Toby Keith, has admitted that he is actually a Democrat, and country music listeners have grown tired of the “barrage of pro-troop sentiment,” especially since the summer of 2005 (Willman 115). As Joe Galante, the chief of the RCA family of labels in Nashville, stated, “It’s the relatability. Kerry never really spent time listening to some of those people” (Willman 201). Bill Clinton, a Southern governor, certainly had relatability, carrying the normally red states and overcoming the honky-tonk gap, and Obama has seen the benefit of country music by playing it as the grand finale of the Democratic Convention. Nevertheless, we recommend more research on the “melodrama” theory of the Presidency as the dynamics of the relationship between the Presidency and the country music genre are currently evolving. References Andreson, Lee. Battle Notes: Music of the Vietnam War. 2nd ed. Superior, WI: Savage Press, 2003. Anker, Elisabeth. “Villains, Victims and Heroes: Melodrama, Media and September 11th.” Journal of Communication. 55.1 (2005): 22-37. Baker, Peter and David Brown. “Bush Tries to Tone Down High-Pitched Debate on Iraq.” Monday, 21November 2005, Page A04. washingtonpost.com Beamish, Thomas D., Harvey Molotch, and Richard Flacks. “Who Supports the Troops? Vietnam, the Gulf War, and the Making of Collective Memory.” Social Problems. 42.3 (1995): 344-60. Brooks and Dunn. Only in America. Arista Records, 2003. Bufwack, Mary A. and Robert K. Oermann. Finding Her Voice The Saga of Women in Country Music. New York: Crown Publishers, 1993. Dixie Chicks. “Travelin Soldier.” Home. Columbia. 27 August 2002. Firestein, David J. “The Honky-Tonk Gap.” Vital Speeches of the Day. 72.3 (2006): 83-88. Jackson, Alan. Where Were You? (When the World Stopped Turning) Very Best of Alan Jackson. Nashville: Arista, 2004. Keith, Toby. Courtesy of the Red, White and Blue (The Angry American). Nashville: Dreamworks. November 9, 2004. Olson, Scott. “Chicago remembers war dead with 500 pairs of empty boots.” 22 January 2004. http://www.usatoday.com/news/nation/2004-01-22-chicago-boots_x.htm O’Neill, John E. and Jerome L. Corsi. “Unfit for Command Swift Boat Veterans Speak Out Against John Kerry.” Washington D.C.: Regnery Publishing, 2004. Peterson, Richard A. and Peter Di Maggio. “From Region to Class, the Changing Locus of Country Music. A Test of the Massification Hypothesis.” Social Forces. 53.3 (1975): 497-506. Rich, John. Raising McCain. Production information unavailable. Sampert, Shannon, and Natasja Treiberg. “The Reification of the ?American Soldier?: Popular Culture, American Foreign Policy, and Country Music.” Paper presented at the International Studies Association 48th Annual Convention, Chicago, Illinois, United States, 28 February 2007. Smith, Craig Allen. “President Bush’s Enthymeme of Evil: The Amalgamation of 9/11, Iraq, and Moral Values.” American Behavioral Scientist. 49 (2005): 32-47. Steinhauser, Paul. “Poll: More disapprove of Bush that any other president.” Politics Cnn.politics.com. 1 May 2008. Stuckey, Mary E. Defining Americans: The Presidency and National Identity. Lawrence: UP of Kansas, 2004. Sullivan, John L., Amy Fried, Mary G. Dietz. 1992. “Patriotism, Politics, and the Presidential Election of 1988.” American Journal of Political Science. 36.1 (1992): 200-234. Willman, Chris. Rednecks and Bluenecks: The Politics of Country Music. New York: The New Press, 2005. Worley, Darryl. Have You Forgotten? Nashville: Dreamworks, 2003.

Australian suburbia, historically and culturally, has been viewed as a feminised domain, associated with the domestic and family, routine and order. Where “the city is coded as a masculine and disorderly space… suburbia, as a realm of domesticity and the family, is coded as a feminine and disciplinary space” (Wilson 46). This article argues how the treatment of suburbia in fiction as “feminine” has impacted not only on the representation and development of the character of the “suburban female”, but also on the shape and form of her narrative journeys. Suburbia’s subordination as domestic and everyday, a restrictive realm of housework and child rearing, refers to the anti-suburban critique and establishes the dichotomy of suburbia/feminine/domesticity in contrast to bush or city/masculine/freedom as first observed by Marilyn Lake in her analysis of 1890s Australia. Despite the fact that suburbia necessarily contains the “masculine” as well as the “feminine”, the “feminine” dominates to such an extent that positive masculine traits are threatened there. In social commentary and also literature, the former is viewed negatively as a state from which to escape. As Tim Rowse suggests, “women, domesticity = spiritual starvation. (Men, wide open spaces, achievement = heroism of the Australian spirit)” (208). In twentieth-century Australian fiction, this is especially the case for male characters, the preservation of whose masculinity often depends on a flight from the suburbs to elsewhere—the bush, the city, or overseas. In Patrick White’s The Tree Of Man (1955), for example, During identifies the recurrent male character of the “tear-away” who “flee(s) domesticity and family life” (96). Novelist George Johnston also establishes a satirical depiction of suburbia as both suffocatingly feminine and as a place to escape at any cost. For example, in My Brother Jack (1964), David Meredith “craves escape from the ‘shabby suburban squalor’ into which he was born” (Gerster 566). Suburbia functions as a departure point for the male protagonist who must discard any remnants of femininity, imposed on him by his suburban childhood, before embarking upon narratives of adventure and maturation as far away from the suburbs as possible. Thus, flight becomes essential to the development of male protagonist and proliferates as a narrative trajectory in Australian fiction. Andrew McCann suggests that its prevalence establishes a fictional “struggle with and escape from the suburb as a condition of something like a fully developed personality” (Decomposing 56-57). In this case, any literary attempt to transform the “suburban female”, a character inscribed by her gender and her locale, without recourse to flight appears futile. However, McCann’s assertion rests on a literary tradition of male flight from suburbia, not female. A narrative of female flight is a relatively recent phenomenon, influenced by the second wave feminism of the 1970s and 1980s. For most of the twentieth century, the suburban female typically remained in suburbia, a figure of neglect, satire, and exploitation. A reading of twentieth-century Australian fiction until the 1970s implies that flight from suburbia was not a plausible option for the average “suburban female”. Rather, it is the exceptional heroine, such as Teresa in Christina Stead’s For Love Alone (1945), who is brave, ambitious, or foolish enough to leave, and when she does there were often negative consequences. For most however, suburbia was a setting where she belonged despite its negative attributes. These attributes of conformity and boredom, repetition, and philistinism, as presented by proponents of anti-suburbanism, are mainly depicted as problematic to male characters, not female. Excluded from narratives of flight, for most of the twentieth-century the suburban female typically remained in suburbia, a figure of neglect, satire, and even exploitation, her stories mostly untold. The character of the suburban female emerges out of the suburban/feminine/domestic dichotomy as a recurrent, albeit negative, character in Australian fiction. As Rowse states, the negative image of suburbia is transferred to an equally negative image of women (208). At best, the suburban female is a figure of mild satire; at worst, a menacing threat to masculine values. Male writers George Johnston, Patrick White and, later, David Ireland, portrayed the suburban female as a negative figure, or at least an object of satire, in the life of a male protagonist attempting to escape suburbia and all it stood for. In his satirical novels and plays, for example, Patrick White makes “the unspoken assumption… that suburbia is an essentially female domain” (Gerster 567), exemplifying narrow female stereotypes who “are dumb and age badly, ending up in mindless, usually dissatisfied, maternity and domesticity” (During 95). Feminist Anne Summers condemns White for his portrayal of women which she interprets as a “means of evading having to cope with women as unique and diverse individuals, reducing them instead to a sexist conglomerate”, and for his use of women to “represent suburban stultification” (88). Typically “wife” or “mother”, the suburban female is often used as a convenient device of oppositional resistance to a male lead, while being denied her own voice or story. In Johnston’s My Brother Jack (1964), for example, protagonist David Meredith contrasts “the subdued vigour of fulfillment tempered by a powerful and deeply-lodged serenity” (215) of motherhood displayed by Jack’s wife Shelia with the “smart and mannish” (213) Helen, but nothing deeper is revealed about the inner lives of these female characters. Feminist scholars identify a failure to depict the suburban female as more than a useful stereotype, partially attributing the cause of this failure to a surfeit of patriarchal stories featuring adventuresome male heroes and set in the outback or on foreign battlefields. Summers states how “more written words have been devoted to creating, and then analysing and extolling… [the] Australian male than to any other single facet of Australian life” (82-83). Where she is more active, the suburban female is a malignant force, threatening to undermine masculine goals of self-realisation or achievement, or at her worst, to wholly emasculate the male protagonist such that he is incapable of escape. Even here the motivations behind her actions are not revealed and she appears two-dimensional, viewed only in relation to her destructive effect on the weakened male protagonist. In her criticism of David Ireland’s The Glass Canoe (1976), Joan Kirkby observes how “the suburbs are populated with real women who are represented in the text as angry mothers and wives or simply as the embodiment of voraciously feral sexuality” (5). In those few instances where the suburban female features as more than an accessory to the male narrative, she lacks the courage and inner strength to embark upon her own journey out of suburbia. Instead, she is depicted as a victim, misunderstood and miserable, entrapped by the suburban milieu to which she is meant to belong but, for some unexplored reason, does not. The inference is that this particular suburban female is atypical, potentially flawed in her inability to find contentment within a region strongly designated her own. The unhappy suburban female is therefore tragic, or at least pitiable, languishing in a suburban environment that she loathes, often satirised for her futile resistance to the status quo. Rarely is she permitted the masculine recourse of flight. In those exceptional instances where she does leave, however, she is unlikely to find what she is looking for. A subsequent return to the place of childhood, most often situated in suburbia, is a recurrent narrative in many stories of Australian female protagonist, but less so the male protagonist. Although this mistreatment of the suburban female is most prevalent in fiction by male writers, female writers were also criticised for failing to give a true and authentic voice to her character, regardless of the broader question of whether writers should be truthful in their characterisations. For example, Summers criticises Henry Handel Richardson as “responsible for, if not creating, then at least providing a powerful reinforcement to the idea that women as wives are impediments to male self-realisation” with characters who “reappear, with the monotonous regularity of the weekly wash, as stereotyped and passive suburban housewives” (87-88). All this changed, however, with the arrival of second wave feminism leading to a proliferation of stories of female exodus from the suburbs. A considered portrait of the life of the suburban female in suburbia was neglected in favour of a narrative journey; a trend attributable in part to a feminist polemic that granted her freedom, adventure, and a story so long as she did not dare choose to stay. During the second wave feminism of the 1970s and 1980s, women were urged by leading figures such as Betty Friedan and Germaine Greer to abandon ascribed roles of housewife and mother, led typically in the suburbs, in pursuit of new freedoms and adventures. As Lesley Johnson and Justine Lloyd note, “in exhorting women to ‘leave home’ and find their fulfillment in the world of work, early second wave feminists provided a life story through which women could understand themselves as modern individuals” (154) and it is this “life story” which recurs in women’s fiction of the time. Women writers, many of whom identified as feminist, mirrored these trajectories of flight from suburbia in their novels, transplanting the suburban female from her suburban setting to embark upon “new” narratives of self-discovery. The impact of second wave feminism upon the literary output of Australian women writers during the 1970s and 1980s has been firmly established by feminist scholars Johnson, Lloyd, Lake, and Susan Sheridan, who were also active participants in the movement. Sheridan argues that there has been a strong “relationship of women’s cultural production to feminist ideas and politics” (Faultlines xi) and Johnson identifies a “history of feminism as an awakening” at the heart of these “life stories” (11). Citing Mary Morris, feminist Janet Woolf remarks flight as a means by which a feminine history of stagnation is remedied: “from Penelope to the present, women have waited… If we grow weary of waiting, we can go on a journey” (xxii). The appeal of these narratives may lie in attempts by their female protagonists to find new ways of being outside the traditional limits of a domestic, commonly suburban, existence. Flight, or movement, features as a recurrent narrative mode by which these alternative realities are configured, either by mimicking or subverting traditional narrative forms. Indeed, selection of the appropriate narrative form for these emancipatory journeys differed between writers and became the subject of vigorous, feminist and literary debate. For some feminists, the linear narrative was the only true path to freedom for the female protagonist. Following the work of Carolyn G. Heilbrun and Elaine Showalter, Joy Hooton observes how some feminist critics privileged “the integrated ego and the linear destiny, regarding women’s difference in self-realization as a failure or deprivation” (90). Women writers such as Barbara Hanrahan adopted the traditional linear trajectory, previously reserved for the male protagonist as bushman or soldier, explorer or drifter, to liberate the “suburban female”. These stories feature the female protagonist trading a stultifying life in the suburbs for the city, overseas or, less typically, the outback. During these geographical journeys, she is transformed from her narrow suburban self to a more actualised, worldly self in the mode of a traditional, linear Bildungsroman. For example, Hanrahan’s semi-autobiographical debut The Scent of Eucalyptus (1973) is a story of escape from oppressive suburbia, “concentrating on that favourite Australian theme, the voyage overseas” (Gelder and Salzman, Diversity 63). Similarly, Sea-green (1974) features a “rejection of domestic drabness in favour of experience in London” (Goodwin 252) and Kewpie Doll (1984) is another narrative of flight from the suburbs, this time via pursuit of “an artistic life” (253). In these and other novels, the act of relocation to a specific destination is necessary to transformation, with the inference that the protagonist could not have become what she is at the end of the story without first leaving the suburbs. However, use of this linear narrative, which is also coincidentally anti-suburban, was criticised by Summers (86) for being “masculinist”. To be truly free, she argued, the female protagonist needed to forge her own unique paths to liberation, rather than relying on established masculine lines. Evidence of a “new” non-linear narrative in novels by women writers was interpreted by feminist and literary scholars Gillian Whitlock, Margaret Henderson, Ann Oakley, Sheridan, Johnson, and Summers, as an attempt to capture the female experience more convincingly than the linear form that had been used to recount stories of the journeying male as far back as Homer. Typifying the link between the second wave feminism and fiction, Helen Garner’s Monkey Grip features Nora’s nomadic, non-linear “flights” back and forth across Melbourne’s inner suburbs. Nora’s promiscuity belies her addiction to romantic love that compromises her, even as she struggles to become independent and free. In this way, Nora’s quest for freedom­—fragmented, cyclical, repetitive, impeded by men— mirrors Garner’s “attempt to capture certain areas of female experience” (Gelder and Salzman, Diversity 55), not accessible via a linear narrative. Later, in Honour and Other People’s Children (1980) and The Children’s Bach (1984), the protagonists’ struggles to achieve self-actualisation within a more domesticated, family setting perhaps cast doubt on the efficacy of the feminist call to abandon family, motherhood, and all things domestic in preference for the masculinist tradition of emancipatory flight. Pam Gilbert, for instance, reads The Children’s Bach as “an extremely perceptive analysis of a woman caught within spheres of domesticity, nurturing, loneliness, and sexuality” (18) via the character of “protected suburban mum, Athena” (19). The complexity of this characterisation of a suburban female belies the anti-suburban critique by not resorting to satire or stereotype, but by engaging deeply with a woman’s life inside suburbia. It also allows that flight from suburbia is not always possible, or even desired. Also seeming to contradict the plausibility of linear flight, Jessica Anderson’s Tirra Lirra by the River (1978), features (another) Nora returning to her childhood Brisbane after a lifetime of flight; first from her suburban upbringing and then from a repressive marriage to the relative freedoms of London. The poignancy of the novel, set towards the end of the protagonist’s life, rests in Nora’s inability to find a true sense of belonging, despite her migrations. She “has spent most of her life waiting, confined to houses or places that restrict her, places she feels she does not belong to, including her family home, the city of Brisbane, her husband’s house, Australia itself” (Gleeson-White 184). Thus, although Nora’s life can be read as “the story of a very slow emergence from a doomed attempt to lead a conventional, married life… into an independent existence in London” (Gelder and Salzman, Diversity 65), the novel suggests that the search for belonging—at least for Australian women—is problematic. Moreover, any narrative of female escape from suburbia is potentially problematic due to the gendering of suburban experience as feminine. The suburban female who leaves suburbia necessarily rejects not only her “natural” place of belonging, but domesticity as a way of being and, to some extent, even her sex. In her work on memoir, Hooton identifies a stark difference between the shape of female and male biography to argue that women’s experience of life is innately non-linear. However, the use of non-linear narrative by feminist fiction writers of the second wave was arguably more conscious, even political in seeking a new, untainted form through which to explore the female condition. It was a powerful notion, arguably contributing to a golden age of women’s writing by novelists Helen Garner, Barbara Hanrahan, Jessica Anderson, and others. It also exerted a marked effect on fiction by Kate Grenville, Amanda Lohrey, and Janette Turner Hospital, as well as grunge novelists, well into the 1990s. By contrast, other canonical, albeit older, women writers of the time, Thea Astley and Elizabeth Jolley, neither of whom identified as feminist (Fringe 341; Neuter 196), do not seek to “rescue” the suburban female from her milieu. Like Patrick White, Astley seems, at least superficially, to perpetuate narrow stereotypes of the suburban female as “mindless consumers of fashion” and/or “signifiers of sexual disorder” (Sheridan, Satirist 262). Although flight is permitted those female characters who “need to ‘vanish’ if they are to find some alternative to narrow-mindedness and social oppression” (Gelder and Salzman, Celebration 186), it has little to do with feminism. As Brian Matthews attests of Astley’s work, “nothing could be further from the world-view of the second wave feminist writers of the 1980s” (76) and indeed her female characters are generally less sympathetic than those inhabiting novels by the “feminist” writers. Jolley also leaves the female protagonist to fend for herself, with a more optimistic, forceful vision of “female characters who, in their sheer eccentricity, shed any social expectations” to inhabit “a realm empowered by the imagination” (Gelder and Salzman, Celebration 194). If Jolley’s suburban females desire escape then they must earn it, not by direct or shifting relocations, but via other, more extreme and often creative, modes of transformation. These two writers however, were exceptional in their resistance to the influence of second wave feminism. Thus, three narrative categories emerge in which the suburban female may be transformed: linear flight from suburbia, non-linear flight from suburbia, or non-flight whereby the protagonist remains inside suburbia throughout the entire novel. Evidence of a rejection of the flight narrative by contemporary Australian women writers may signal a re-examination of the suburban female within, not outside, her suburban setting. It may also reveal a weakening of the influence of both second wave feminism and anti-suburban critiques on this much maligned character of Australian fiction, and on suburbia as a fictional setting. References Anderson, Jessica. Tirra Lirra by the River. Melbourne: Macmillan, 1978. Astley, Thea. “Writing as a Neuter: Extracts from Interview by Candida Baker.” Eight Voices of the Eighties: Stories, Journalism and Criticism by Australian Women Writers. Ed. Gillian Whitlock. St Lucia, Qld: U of Queensland P, 1989. 195-6. Durez, Jean. “Laminex Dreams: Women, Suburban Comfort and the Negation of Meanings.” Meanjin 53.1 (1994): 99-110. During, Simon. Patrick White. Melbourne: Oxford UP, 1996. Friedan, Betty. The Feminine Mystique. Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin, 1965. Garner, Helen. Honour and Other People’s Children. Ringwood, Vic.: Penguin, 1982. ———. The Children’s Bach. Melbourne: McPhee Gribble, 1984. ———. Monkey Grip. Camberwell, Vic.: Penguin, 2009. Gelder, Ken, and Paul Salzman. The New Diversity. Melbourne: McPhee Gribble, 1989. ———. After the Celebration. Melbourne: UP, 2009. Gerster, Robin. “Gerrymander: The Place of Suburbia in Australian Fiction.” Meanjin 49.3 (1990): 565-75. Gilbert, Pam. Coming Out from Under: Contemporary Australian Women Writers. London: Pandora Press, 1988. Gleeson-White, Jane. Australian Classics: 50 Great Writers and Their Celebrated Works. Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 2007. Goodwin, Ken. A History of Australian Literature. Basingstoke: Macmillan Education, 1986. Greer, Germain. The Female Eunuch. London: Granada, 1970. Hanrahan, Barbara. The Scent of Eucalyptus. St Lucia, Qld: U of Queensland P, 1973. ———. Sea-Green. London: Chatto & Windus, 1974. ———. Kewpie Doll. London: Hogarth Press, 1989. Hooton, Joy. Stories of Herself When Young: Autobiographies of Childhood by Australian Women Writers. Melbourne: Oxford UP, 1990. Ireland, David. The Glass Canoe. Melbourne: Macmillan, 1976. Johnson, Lesley. The Modern Girl: Girlhood and Growing Up. Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1993. ———, and Justine Lloyd. Sentenced to Everyday Life: Feminism and the Housewife. New York: Berg, 2004. Johnston, George. My Brother Jack. London: Collins/Fontana, 1967. Jolley, Elizabeth. “Fringe Dwellers: Extracts from Interview by Jennifer Ellison.” Eight Voices of the Eighties: Stories, Journalism and Criticism by Australian Women Writers. Ed. Gillian Whitlock. St Lucia, Qld: U of Queensland P, 1989. 334-44. Kirkby, Joan. “The Pursuit of Oblivion: In Flight from Suburbia.” Australian Literary Studies 18.4 (1998): 1-19. Lake, Marilyn. Getting Equal: The History of Australian Feminism. St Leonards, NSW: Allen & Unwin, 1999. McCann, Andrew. “Decomposing Suburbia: Patrick White’s Perversity.” Australian Literary Studies 18.4 (1998): 56-71. Matthews, Brian. “Before Feminism… After Feminism.” Thea Astley’s Fictional Worlds. Eds. Susan Sheridan and Paul Genoni. Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Press, 2006. 72-6. Rowse, Tim. Australian Liberalism and National Character. Melbourne: Kibble Books, 1978. Saegert, Susan. “Masculine Cities and Feminine Suburbs: Polarized Ideas, Contradictory Realities.” Signs 5.3 (1990): 96-111. Sheridan, Susan. Along the Faultlines: Sex, Race and Nation in Australian Women’s Writing 1880s–1930s. St Leonards, NSW: Allen & Unwin, 1995. ———. “Reading the Women’s Weekly: Feminism, Femininity and Popular Culture.” Transitions: New Australian Feminisms. Eds. Barbara Caine and Rosemary Pringle. St Leonards, NSW: Allen & Unwin, 1995. ———. "Thea Astley: A Woman among the Satirists of Post-War Modernity." Australian Feminist Studies 18.42 (2003): 261-71. Sowden, Tim. “Streets of Discontent: Artists and Suburbia in the 1950s.” Beasts of Suburbia: Reinterpreting Cultures in Australian Suburbs. Eds. Sarah Ferber, Chris Healy, and Chris McAuliffe. Melbourne: Melbourne UP, 1994. 76-93. Stead, Christina. For Love Alone. Sydney: Collins/Angus and Robertson, 1990. Summers, Anne. Damned Whores and God’s Police. Melbourne: Penguin, 2002. White, Patrick. The Tree of Man. London: Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1956. ———. A Fringe of Leaves. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1977. Wolff, Janet. Resident Alien: Feminist Cultural Criticism. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1995.

This essay explores how masculinity is portrayed in The Good Soldier (Ford Madox Ford) and Women in Love (D.H Lawrence), and how Victorian and Edwardian masculinity ideals impact the friendships between the characters John Dowell and Edward Ashburnham and Rupert Birkin and Gerald Crich. The novels portray how hegemonic masculinity in Edwardian Britain changed from one type of masculinity, based on physical dominance, to include another, which drew on expert knowledge, capitalism and rationalism. In the texts, these masculinities are buttressed by the comparison to a male Other. In The Good Soldier, Edward Ashburnham stands for the ideals connected to dominance through his roles as landlord and soldier, and he is depicted as the “manlier” character in comparison to John Dowell. The same kind of coupling is found in Women in Love, where Gerald Crich represents both older ideals of dominance and newer ideals of expertise and rationality and Rupert Birkin is the relational opposite. Both Rupert Birkin and John Dowell are categorized as “not man” in the texts in order to emphasize that Edward Ashburnham and Gerald Crich are the “real” men. However, when the “manlier” characters have died both John Dowell and Rupert Birkin perpetuate masculine ideals, either by emulating hegemonic ideals or by redefining them. Furthermore, the Victorian and Edwardian conceptions of masculinity and male friendship inhibit the characters from forming emotionally close friendships. In both texts, emotional intimacy is portrayed as precarious and a more impersonal from of friendship that entails loyalty to a group or cause, camaraderie, is preferred.

Teacher, Preacher, Soldier, Spy: The Civil Wars of John R. Kelso is an account of an extraordinary nineteenth-century American life. A schoolteacher and Methodist preacher in Missouri, in the Civil War Kelso earned fame fighting rebel guerrillas. Seeking personal revenge as well as defending the Union, he vowed to slay twenty-five rebels with his own hand, and when he did so he was elected to Congress. In the House of Representatives during Reconstruction, he was one of the first to call for the impeachment of President Andrew Johnson. After his term in Congress, personal tragedy drove him west, where he became a freethinking lecturer and author, an atheist, a spiritualist, and, before his death in 1891, an anarchist. John R. Kelso was many things. He was also a strong-willed son, a passionate husband, and a loving and grieving father. The Civil War remained central to his life, challenging his notions of manhood and honor, his ideals of liberty and equality, and his beliefs about politics, religion, morality, and human nature. Throughout his life, too, he fought private wars—not only against former friends and alienated family members, rebellious students and disaffected church congregations, political opponents and religious critics, but also against the warring impulses in his own complex character. His life story, moreover, offers a unique vantage upon dimensions of nineteenth-century American culture that are usually treated separately: religious revivalism and political anarchism; sex, divorce, and Civil War battles; freethinking and the Wild West.

AbstractErroneous behavior of verification back ends such as SMT solvers require effective and efficient techniques to identify, locate and fix failures of any kind. Manual analysis of large real-world inputs usually becomes infeasible due to the complex nature of these tools. Delta Debugging has emerged as a valuable technique to automatically reduce failure-inducing inputs while preserving the original erroneous behavior. We present , the successor of the delta debugger . is the current de-facto standard delta debugger for the SMT-LIBv2 language. Our tool improves and extends core concepts of and extends input language support to the entire family of SMT-LIBv2 language dialects. In addition to its ddmin-based main minimization strategy, it implements an alternative, orthogonal strategy based on hierarchical input minimization. We combine both strategies into a hybrid strategy and show that significantly improves over and other delta debugging tools for SMT-LIBv2 on real-world examples.

The ideas of my friend Watson, though limited, are exceedingly pertinacious. For a long time he has worried me to write an experience of my own. Perhaps I have rather invited this persecution, since I have often had occasion to point out to him...

Chapter 9 examines how algorithms extract knowledge from data. In the 1990s, web sites began to store increasing volumes of data. A new industry grew up to exploit this data for commercial purposes. In a Harvard dorm, Mark Zuckerberg created a web site that allowed students to share personal news. The key to Facebook’s success was an algorithm invented by Zuckerberg to prioritise posts based on their popularity and relevance. The algorithm sparked a revolution in viral messaging. Netflix launched a US$1 million prize to find the most accurate algorithm for recommending movies to based users’ ratings. Google Flu Trends attempted to predict outbreaks of the flu across the USA based on Google queries. Despite initial high profile successes, the project ended in failure - an ode to the limits of data science.

As his wife, Susie, followed the news from Collinsville, Illinois, Kelso marched in the 1862 campaign led by General Samuel Curtis’s 12,000-man Army of the Southwest, chasing the Confederate army out of Missouri and into Arkansas. After the Union victory at the Battle of Pea Ridge, Kelso joined the 14th Missouri State Cavalry as a first lieutenant. His first major battle with that regiment was an embarrassing defeat at the Battle of Neosho. Kelso’s account of the battle is vastly different from that of his bumbling colonel, John M. Richardson. Throughout, he wrote letters to Susie, hoping she would admire his courage and sacrifice and fearing that she was being seduced by a former friend.

D’ Artagnan had not been able to hide his feelings from his friends so much as he would have wished. The stoical soldier, the impassible man-at-arms, overcome by fear and presentiments, had yielded, for a few minutes, to human weakness. When, therefore, he...

Abolitionists spoken of—my eagerness to know what this word meant—my consultation of the dictionary—incendiary information—how and where derived—the enigma solved —Nathaniel Turner’s insurrection—the cholera—religion—first awakened by a Methodist minister, named Hanson—my dear and good old colored friend, Lawson—his character and occupation—his influence over me—our mutual attachment—the...

With deep concern Edgar revolved in his mind the suggestions of Dr. Marchmont; and meditation, far from diminishing, added importance to the arguments of his friend. To obtain the hand of an object he so highly admired, though but lately his sole wish, appeared...

This introductory chapter begins with a description of a crime solved in the summer of 1879 to shed some light on the importance of theory in social science. The victim of the crime, and also the person who solved it, was philosopher and scientist Charles S. Peirce. In a letter to his friend, he described what had happened as an instance of the “theory why it is so that people so often guess right.” Guessing, in Peirce's view, plays a crucial role in scientific research. It is precisely through guessing that the most important part of the scientific analysis is produced—namely, the explanation. The term that Peirce most often used in his work for the guess of a hypothesis is abduction. Human beings, as he saw it, are endowed by nature with a capacity to come up with explanations. They have a “faculty of guessing,” without which science would not be possible in the first place.

Teachers are expert problem- solvers. Whether it is figuring out how to get shoelaces untangled or how to solve a thorny algebraic equation, teachers are industrious. Does anyone teach us how to solve problems? Maybe not. Our daily experiences and our diligent efforts to “figure it out” seem to be the most potent problem- solving skill builders. For some of us, problems make us eager; we treat problem- solving as a mystery, almost a game. Others approach problems like obstacles, deterrents to efficiency in learning and teaching. Asking for help can be one solution. Yet, as Curwin and Mendler advise in their seminal work describing discipline with dignity, be savvy about whom you ask for help: “Along with calming our­selves when angry, we need to be good at figuring out how to solve problems we have or that others try to give us. If we let other people give us their solutions, then they have power over us . . . . Each of us has the power to make our own decisions, and we need to decide who we will allow to influence us and who we won’t” (Curwin & Mendler, 1997, p. 94). The two authors also provide a succinct, six- step solution for problem- solving. The clear, practical advice may help those who struggle with this issue, at whatever age, in whatever setting. Techniques for Solving Problems: The Six- Step Solution 1. Stop and calm down. Pay attention to the signs that your body gives you when it feels tense. 2. Think. Consider your options. Think about the many different actions you can choose to take. 3. Decide. Choose a goal: what do you want to happen? Think about the consequences: what will happen if you actually do what you are thinking? 4. Choose a second solution, in case the first solution doesn’t work. Always have a backup plan ready. 5. Act. Carry out your decision. 6. Evaluate. Did you reach your goal? If the same problem occurs again, what will you do? Are there any people (par­ents, friends, teachers) who might help you as you figure out the best solution?

The diffusion of solar distillation systems is necessary to solve a global problem on serious shortage of safe water resources in many developing countries such as Bangladesh. The solar still is required to be low cost, to have reliability for the safety and long durability, to be free from maintenance without any expendable supplies, having high performance, and it should be an environmentally friend device working without any fossil fuel. The economical balance to develop stills for residential purpose is considered. A 10 kg·day−1-scale solar still was developed and the characteristics are introduced. A conceptual design of a new 20–50 kg·day−1-scale multi-stage solar still is also introduced in this paper.

Industry-specific technology demonstration projects are key to facilitating deployment of solar industrial process heat technologies. Frito Lay North America (FLNA) is pursuing installation of a solar industrial process heat plant at the manufacturing plant in Modesto CA. FLNA contracted with Industrial Solar Technology Corp. for design and installation of the system and with National Renewable Energy Lab for technical assistance. The US Department of Energy and California Energy Commission both facilitate private companies implementation of technology demonstration projects with incentives, tax policy, and technical assistance. The solar plant would include: 5,387 m2 (57,969 sf) of parabolic trough solar collectors; pipe from solar array to unfired steam generator; unfired steam generator (USG); hot water heat exchanger (HWHX); pipe from hot water heat exchanger back to array field; and associated pumps, bypass piping, and controls. Performance of each component of the solar heating system varies with changing conditions of intensity of the sunlight, position of the sun, and ambient temperature. Since each of these parameters change throughout the day and throughout the seasons an hourly simulation of one year’s performance is performed. The simulation is used to estimate annual energy delivery as well as to inform design recommendations. The solar array inlet temperature is solved for iteratively for each hour of the year based on an energy balance of the entire loop including all components. Nested within this iteration are iterations for the operating temperature of each of the 16 modules in series. Hourly direct beam solar radiation (W/m2) data for Modesto CA for 8 years from 1998–2005 was provided by the National Renewable Energy Laboratory Renewable Resource Data Center and the minimum year, average year, and maximum year were used in the analysis. Results indicate that the system would deliver between 3,898 MWh and 4,308 MWh per year (13.3 and 14.7 billion Btu/year) with an average of 4,044 MWh/year (13.8 billion Btu/year). This average estimate of 13.8 billion Btu/year agrees with the contractors proposal and also with methods described in the Industrial Process Heat Handbook published by NREL. The simulation is able to model more detail and inform design recommendations, such as bypassing the steam generator and only making hot water on winter days.

Abstract The upstream oil and gas industry's digital transformation over the last few years has accelerated because of the COVID-19 pandemic. Data analytics and machine learning are key components of this digital transformation and have become essential skills for experienced petrotechnical professionals (PTPs) and aspiring entrants into the field. The objective of our work was to design and deliver a practical, engaging, and online microcredential certification program in upstream energy data analytics for PTPs. The program was conceived as a collaboration between academia (University of Houston's UH Energy) and industry (NExT, a Schlumberger company). It was designed as three belt levels (Bronze, Silver, and Gold), each containing three stackable badges of 12 to 15 hours duration per badge. Key design points included Identifying an online platform for administration Delivering convenient, interactive, live online sessions Delivering hybrid classes blending lectures and hands-on laboratories Designing laboratories using upstream datasets across various stages of oilfield expertise Administering test and quizzes, Kaggle competitions, and team projects. The program contents were designed incorporating appropriate instructional design practices for effective online class delivery. The design and delivery of the laboratories using a code-free approach by leveraging visual programming offers PTPs and new entrants a unique opportunity to learn data analytics concepts without the traditional concern of learning to code. Additionally, the collaboration between academia and industry enables delivering a program that combines academic rigor with application of the skills and knowledge to solve problems facing the industry using the real-world datasets. As a pilot program, all three badges of the Bronze belt were scheduled and successfully delivered during July and August 2020, as six 2-hour sessions per badge. From a total of 26 students registered in badge 1, 24 completed it, resulting in a completion rate of 92%. Out of these students, 19 registered and completed badge 2 and badge 3, resulting in the completion rates of 100%. Based on the success of the pilot program, a second delivery of the Bronze belt with 18 participants was offered from October 2020 through January 2021. All 18 participants completed all three badges. Feedback from participants attests to the success of the pilot program as seen in the following excerpts: "A very good course and instructors. I have already recommended the course to a friend and I will continue to be an advocate for the course." "Teachers are very receptive to questions and it is a joy to hear their lectures." "I found the University of Houston course to be both highly engaging and incredibly informative. The course teaches basic principles of data science without being bogged down by the specific coding language."