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1

Urgacz, Paweł. "Friedrich August von Hayek: Konstytucja wolności." Forum Philosophicum 13, no. 1 (June 1, 2008): 149–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.35765/forphil.2008.1301.12.

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Yolal, Merve. "Friedrich August von Hayek Perspektifinden İktidarın Gücü ve Sınırları." Eskişehir Osmangazi Üniversitesi İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Dergisi 13, no. 2 (August 15, 2018): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17153/oguiibf.395090.

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Hayek, Friedrich August von. "Discurso no Banquete de Gala." MISES: Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy, Law and Economics 2, no. 2 (December 1, 2014): 593–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.30800/mises.2014.v2.689.

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Hayek, Friedrich August von. "A Pretensão do Conhecimento." MISES: Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy, Law and Economics 2, no. 2 (December 1, 2014): 595–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.30800/mises.2014.v2.691.

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Klausinger, Hansjoerg. "Equilibrium Methodology as Seen from a Hayekian Perspective." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 12, no. 1 (1990): 61–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837200006106.

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The ninetieth birthday of Friedrich August von Hayek provides a timely opportunity to reflect upon his contributions to economic thought, not just as a part of the history of ideas but rather as a challenge to today's modes of theorizing.
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Urgacz, Paweł. "Friedrich August von Hayek, The Constitution of Liberty by Pawel Urgacz." Forum Philosophicum 13, no. 1 (2008): 149–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/forphil200813112.

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Streit, Manfred E. "Cognition, competition, and catallaxy in memory of Friedrich August von Hayek." Constitutional Political Economy 4, no. 2 (March 1993): 223–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02393081.

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8

Nogueira, Jorge Henrique de Saules. "O Direito como Salvaguarda da Liberdade:." MISES: Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy, Law and Economics 2, no. 2 (December 1, 2014): 513–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.30800/mises.2014.v2.659.

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O presente trabalho busca apresentar a teoria do direito do jurista, filósofo político e economista austríaco Friedrich August von Hayek como salvaguarda da liberdade individual contra o poder do Estado e, por conseguinte, como contraponto às doutrinas jurídicas dominantes defensoras da presença massiva do estado na esfera privada.
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Grimm, Christan. "Ideas have Consequences: Eine vergleichende Analyse zur transformativen Rolle von Ideen." Momentum Quarterly - Zeitschrift für sozialen Fortschritt 8, no. 4 (December 31, 2019): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.15203/momentumquarterly.vol8.no4.p215-229.

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In diesem Beitrag wird die gesellschaftlich formende Rolle von Ideen am Beispiel von Friedrich August Hayeks Hegemonieansatz zur Durchsetzung einer neoliberal geprägten Weltanschauung thematisiert. In diesem Zusammenhang soll aufgezeigt werden, dass Hayek nicht der Einzige war, der sich diesem Thema zuwandte und an die Macht der Ideen glaubte. Dies rückt die Frage nach verwandten theoretischen Ansätzen ins Zentrum des Interesses. Konkret werden mit Ludwig Mises, John M. Keynes, Walter Lippmann und Antonio Gramsci vier Autoren aufgegriffen, deren Gedanken zur transformativen Rolle von Ideen hinsichtlich des Überschneidungsgrads mit dem Hayekschen Denken überprüft werden. Im Ergebnis wird ersichtlich, dass die genannten Autoren der Macht der Ideen einen hohen Stellenwert beimessen. So entwickelten diese Personen sehr ähnliche Theorien intellektueller Vorherrschaft, obgleich sie zum Teil sehr unterschiedlichen politischen Spektren entstammen.
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Eren, Ahmet. "The Dialectic of Knowledge in the Spontaneous Order: Friedrich August von Hayek." Ekonomik Yaklasim 26, no. 94 (2015): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5455/ey.35601.

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11

Elias, Thiago Sampaio, and Stéfani Clara da Silva Bezerra. "A POLÍTICA ECONÔMICA BRASILEIRA PÓS-CRISE DE 2008 SOB A PERSPECTIVA DAS TEORIAS DE KEYNES E HAYEK." Revista de Direito, Economia e Desenvolvimento Sustentável 5, no. 2 (December 20, 2019): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.26668/indexlawjournals/2526-0057/2019.v5i2.5990.

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As teorias dos ciclos econômicos de John Maynard Keynes e Friedrich August von Hayek têm muita relevância até os dias atuais nos estudos econômicos. Com o advento da crise econômica mundial, o governo brasileiro utilizou o Estado para interferir na economia estimulando o crédito e aumentando os gastos públicos. Esta medida teve êxito de forma temporária. A mudança de governo alterou profundamente a política econômica do país com a política de austeridade fiscal. São estas políticas econômicas em diferentes momentos do país pós-crise de 2008 que serão abordadas no presente estudo, tendo como base as teorias de Keynes e Hayek.
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KANATLI, Mehmet. "Piyasa Ekonomisi, Özgürlük ve Eşitlik: Friedrich August Von Hayek Üzerine Eleştirel Bir Değerlendirme." Bulletin of Economic Theory and Analysis 6, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 131–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.25229/beta.1034684.

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13

Felipe, Kaio. "Merquior, um Liberista? Uma Comparação entre o Pensamento Liberal de José Guilherme Merquior e o de Friedrich von Hayek." MISES: Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy, Law and Economics 3, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 215–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.30800/mises.2015.v3.735.

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Neste ensaio, busco esclarecer a posição ideológica de José Guilherme Merquior: seria ele um liberista (isto é, um liberal com ênfase na liberdade econômica) ou um social-liberal (ou seja, mais preocupado com a participação cívica e com o auto-aperfeiçoamento)? Além disso, pretendo analisar como Merquior se coloca em relação às formulações teóricas e políticas de Friedrich August von Hayek, na medida em que este é um dos autores liberais mais citados e discutidos em suas obras da década de 1980.
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Castillo, Jose. "On the Incalculable Influence of Friedrich August Von Hayek on Management and the Firm." Academy of Management Proceedings 2016, no. 1 (January 2016): 10017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ambpp.2016.10017abstract.

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FRANC, ANDREA. "Agricultural Protectionism on the Neoliberal Agenda? The Approach of the Director of the Swiss Business Federation to Agriculture." Rural History 29, no. 1 (March 19, 2018): 81–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793318000018.

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Abstract:Neoliberals are known to oppose agricultural protectionism. In Switzerland, however, a member of the neoliberal Mont Pelerin Society was responsible for pushing forward the highly protectionist agricultural policy of the postwar years. Drawing on newly available archival sources, this article illustrates the endeavours of the director of the Swiss Business Federation Gerhard Winterberger (1922–93) in favour of agricultural protectionism. Winterberger, in his public talks or in his correspondence with Friedrich August von Hayek, selectively used neoliberal theory to justify his commitment to agriculture.
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16

Rhonheimer, Martin. "Ludwig Erhards Konzept der sozialen Marktwirtschaft und seine wettbewerbstheoretischen Grundlagen." Journal for Markets and Ethics 5, no. 2 (December 1, 2017): 83–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jome-2018-0007.

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Abstract Erhards Konzeption einer sozialen Marktwirtschaft durch marktwirtschaftlichen Wettbewerb ist auch heute noch wegweisend. Doch wurde die Idee des Sozialen im Programm der Sozialen Marktwirtschaft mit der Zeit verfälscht. Zudem beruht Erhards Konzept auf einer wettbewerbstheoretischen Grundlage – dem neoklassischen Modell der vollständigen Konkurrenz –, die seinen wohlstandsfördernden Intentionen zuwiderläuft. Erhards Position stimmte mit derjenigen der Freiburger Schule (Walter Eucken, Franz Böhm) nur teilweise überein, unterscheidet sich aber ebenso in wesentlichen Punkten vom Denken der Österreichischen Schule der National-ökonomie (Ludwig von Mises, Friedrich August Hayek) und deren dynamisch-evolutionärem Verständnis von Wettbewerb. Gerade für eine im Sinne Erhards wettbewerbsorientierte Konzeption der Sozialen Marktwirtschaft erscheint das Österreichische Verständnis von Wettbewerb als das realitätsnähere und adäquatere.
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17

Müller-Plantenberg, Urs. "Demokratie und Markt - Zur Kritik neoliberaler Demokratietheorie und grün/ alternativer Überschneidungslinien." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 15, no. 61 (December 1, 1985): 41–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v15i61.1391.

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»Regierung ist qua Definition gleich Sozialismus«, kann man manche Theoretiker und Propagandisten des Neoliberalismus sagen hören, und sie geben damit ihrem Altmeister Friedrich August von Hayek recht, der als Anti-Sozialismus die »Opposition gegen alle direkten Regierungseingriffe in den Markt, in wessen Interesse solche Eingriffe auch immer ausgeübt werden mögen«, bezeichnet hat (Hayek 1977). Da jede Regierung schon durch ihre bloße Existenz und die dafür erforderlichen Steuern in den Markt eingreift, entbehrt die anfängliche Feststellung nicht einer gewissen Logik. Nun könnte man einwenden, daß die neoliberalen Regierungen der 70er und 80er Jahre bei ihrem Versuch, direkte Regierungseingriffe zu vermeiden, in solchem Maße praktisch gescheitert sind, daß auch die Auseinandersetzung mit den Theorien dieser Herkunft nicht sehr sinnvoll erscheint. Und in der Tat: Die US-Regierung des Präsidenten Ronald Reagan sah sich gezwungen, über eine staatliche Bankenversicherung die Aktien der vom Bankrott bedrohten Continental Bank of Illinois zu übernehmen. Die Wirtschaftspolitik dieser Regierung hat zu einem Aufschwung protektionistischer Strömungen in bisher unbekanntem Ausmaß geführt.
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18

Bachur, João Paulo. "Individualismo, liberalismo e filosofia da história." Lua Nova: Revista de Cultura e Política, no. 66 (2006): 167–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-64452006000100008.

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O artigo aborda a principal questão da teoria política: a legitimidade. O tema é desenvolvido a partir dos conceitos básicos da filosofia política iluminista: individualismo, liberalismo e filosofia da história, com a ajuda da historiografia conceitual de Reinhart Koselleck, para demonstrar, como resultado, uma aporia política. A articulação específica entre esses conceitos é então utilizada para ler os principais trabalhos de Friedrich August von Hayek, como um exemplo da adaptação desse conjunto conceitual para o neoliberalismo, e, de outro lado, para ler o núcleo da obra de Jürgen Habermas, como exemplo da versão social-democrata dessa adaptação. A conclusão aponta para a teoria de sistemas de Niklas Luhmann como uma possível alternativa à aporia política herdada do arcabouço conceitual do Iluminismo.
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19

Jurczuk, Anna, Michał Moszyński, and Piotr Pysz. "The Austrian School of Economics and Ordoliberalism – Socio-Economic Order." Studies in Logic, Grammar and Rhetoric 57, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 105–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/slgr-2019-0007.

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Abstract The scientific aim of the paper is to juxtapose the views on economic order developed by the leading representatives of two schools of liberal thinking – German ordoliberal Walter Eucken and the Austrian economist Friedrich August von Hayek. The first scholar opted for deliberately constructed competitive economic order, the second one advocates for allowing the social institutions to emerge and evolve spontaneously. The analysis proves the similarity of both theories in regard to the significance of principles of an economic order and the importance of competition for maintaining individual freedom. On the other hand some differences in the areas of sources of rules, institutional change, and the role of the state, induce their complementarity. Developing an intellectual basis for economic policy requires an eclectic approach combining two analysed perspectives.
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Biebricher, Thomas. "Neoliberalism and Law: The Case of the Constitutional Balanced-Budget Amendment." German Law Journal 17, no. 5 (October 1, 2016): 835–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200021489.

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This Article discusses the significance of law in neoliberal theory and practice. Prefaced by a brief look at the role that law plays in the theories of the ordo- and neoliberal thinkers Franz Böhm and Friedrich August von Hayek, the subsequent chapters focus on the work of James Buchanan and his brand of neoliberalism, which combines constitutional economics public choice theory. Buchanan's core demand is a balanced-budget amendment to the constitution. The following Sections examine this measure in its various aspects before the final section switches to the world of “actually existing neoliberalism” with a discussion of the various reforms of the economic governance structure of the European Union in recent years, particularly the “Fiscal Compact”, which amounts to the real world equivalent of a balanced-budget amendment.
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Niazi, Nahyan. "Man or Machine? Liberalism Old and New: From Wilhelm von Humboldt to the Teachings of Ludwig von Mises and Friedrich August von Hayek." Sociology and Anthropology 6, no. 10 (October 2018): 784–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.13189/sa.2018.061004.

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22

Franco, Giuseppe. "Zur Rolle des Staates in der Wirtschaftspolitik – Eine komparative Analyse am Beispiel von Walter Eucken, Friedrich August von Hayek, Ludwig von Mises und Wilhelm Röpke." Zeitschrift für Wirtschafts- und Unternehmensethik 17, no. 2 (2016): 354–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/1439-880x-2016-2-354.

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Cabral, Manuel De Novaes, and Raquel Maia. "A Caminho da Administração Pública Electrónica." Review of Business and Legal Sciences, no. 15 (July 19, 2017): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.26537/rebules.v0i15.926.

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As ideias liberais cimentaram-se a nível económico com Friedrick August von Hayek, um economista liberal clássico, Prémio Nobel da Economia em 1974, que defende que uma economia é um sistema demasiado complexo para ser planeado por uma instituição central e deve evoluir espontaneamente. Pela mesma época, o neo-liberal Milton Friedman, também Prémio Nobel da Economia em 1976, torna-se um dos mais influentes teóricos do liberalismo económico e defensor do capitalismo laissez-faire e do livre mercado. O reforço dos ideais liberais no mundo da economia dispara grandes críticas ao funcionamento da Administração Pública pela excessiva burocracia e ineficiência, acusando-a de obstaculizar o desenvolvimento económico.
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Gelūnas, Arūnas. "Alternatyvi modernybė ir jos strategija." Problemos 58 (September 29, 2014): 23–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/problemos.2000.58.6806.

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Straipsnyje svarstomas modernybės fenomenas bei pamatinės moderniosios filosofijos ir humanitarinių mokslų nuostatos, susilaukiančios radikalios nūdienos mąstytojų kritikos: atotrūkis tarp faktų ir vertybių, bendruomenę jungiančių saitų susilpnėjimas, mokslinės-technologinės sistemos susiformavimas ir dėl to kylantys svarbūs individų savivokos pokyčiai. Tokie žymūs modernybės kritikai kaip Stephen Toulmin, Leszek Kolakowski, Friedrich August von Hayek ir Louis Dumont tvirtina, jog dekartiškasis racionalumas ir su juo susijusi kieta ir nelanksti geometrinė .tinojimo paradigma jau nebeatitinka nei šiuolaikinio mokslo atradimų, nei žmonių poreikių, ir todėl daug labiau atitinkanti tikrovę būtų biologinė, į evoliuciją ir kaitą orientuota žinojimo paradigma. „Makroskopinis“ mąstymas turėtų užleisti vietą „mikroskopiniam“: ne universalus Metodas, o vietinės „parapijinės“ tiesos ir kultūrinės nuostatos, ne vien „tikslus“, matematiniu gamtamoksliu grįstas žinojimas, bet ir „iracionalios“ vertybės ir papročiai. Mokslo tiesos galioja jo paties konteksto ribose – mokslas, kuris skelbiasi savo tiesomis galįs paaiškinti visą tikrovę,anot mokslo filosofo Evandro Agazzi, neišvengiamai virsta scientizmu, t y. ne mokslu, o moksline ideologija. Straipsnio pabaigoje aptariama nevakarietiškos visuomenės – Meiji laikotarpio Japonijos – reakcija į Vakarų mokslo ir kultūros invaziją. Svarstomas pamatinis konfliktas tarp Vakarų mokslinio metodo ir Azijos moralės bei vertybių pasitelkiant japonų filosofo Kitaro Nishidos, kuriam šios problemos sprendimas tapo viso gyvenimo darbu, pavyzdį.
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Krivins, Anatolijs. "Legislative framework of in-house procurement." SHS Web of Conferences 68 (2019): 01026. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20196801026.

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The article “Legislative Framework of In-house Procurement” examines the importance of the concept of the in-house transactions in Public Procurement. The purpose of the work is to analyse the Legislative Framework from the perspective of the principle of free competition. The study of free competition is based on works and the main ideas of the following authors: Adam Smith, Jean-Baptiste Say, David Ricardo, Thomas Robert Malthus, John Stuart Mill, John Maynard Keynes, Friedrich August von Hayek and Milton Friedman. Having done the analysis of the EU directives and regulations concerning In-house Procurement (Directive 2014/24/EU; Directive 2014/25/EU; Directive 2013/34/EU; Case C-107/98, Case C-26/03, Case C-84/03, Case C-295/05, Case C-480/06, Case C-324/07, Case C-573/07, Case C-196/08, Case C182/11 and C183/11), as well as normative regulations of several countries, the author made a conclusion, that In-house Procurement contains considerable threats to the principle of free competition in Public Procurement. In-house Procurement contains considerable threats to the principle of free competition in Public Procurement. The data obtained confirm this hypothesis. The results obtained allow us to develop recommendations for the Legislative Framework of In-house Procurement. The results of the research can be used by procurement theoreticians and practitioners.
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Ujan, Andre Ata. "KEADILAN SOSIAL DALAM TANTANGAN EKONOMI PASAR. Mencermati Gagasan Keadilan Sosial Hayek." Jurnal Ledalero 12, no. 2 (September 7, 2017): 333. http://dx.doi.org/10.31385/jl.v12i2.96.333-354.

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Is social justice or economic justice a utopia? This would be one of the questions that anyone might immediately raise as he/she reads Friedrick August von Hayek’s position on the idea of social or economic justice. As a classic liberal thinker, Hayek believed that the free market is the ideal economic system for it in nature promotes freedom and equality in a free and open society. Is Hayek’s defence of the free martket economy sufficiently convincing to eliminate any room for social or economic justice to take place? There is actually no free market in a pure sense. The market is not totally free from selfish interests that might be developed by market players themselves in doing business. It is therefore not reasonable to see the market as a purely spontaneous and independent entity. And since it is in fact open to selfish interventions, its outcomes may be just or unjust. Free competition, prompted systematically by the free market system, therefore, could risk human life. For this reason, state intervention to a certain extent is necessary to prevent market competition from endangering citizens’ economic prospects. The state’s intervention is important, as it is necessary, to secure social or economic justice. Social or economic justice is of course an ideal but not necessarily a utopia in a radical sense. Taking the unfortunates’ quality of life as the benchmark in designing and enacting economic policies, social or economic justice might be, at least partially, realized. John Rawls’ idea of maximin rule or maximin strategy can pave the way for the realization of such an ideal that every civilized person or society is essentially craving for. <b>Kata-kata Kunci:</b> Kebebasan, pasar bebas, katalaksi, spontan, impersonal, hukum, keadilan sosial, ekonomi komando, regulasi, maximin rule.
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Liparteliani, Nino. "WHAT WORLDVIEW FEEDS THE EXISTENCE OF CRYPTOCURRENCY?" Economic Profile 15, no. 20 (December 25, 2020): 73–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.52244/ep.2020.20.08.

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Cryptocurrency is a virtual digital currency. The main reason for the popularity of digital currency is its decentralization and the peculiarities arising from it. Austrian economist and philosopher Friedrich August von Hayek In the 1970s, he became interested in the benefits of money-laundering by the state and began exploring the possibilities of alternative currencies. In 1976 he published the book: Denationalization of Money: An Analysis of the Theory and Practice of Concurrent Currencies. According to Hayek, the state monopoly on the issue of money should be abolished, he writes: The special right of the country's governments to issue and regulate money could not help the society to receive much better money than it would have without the intervention of governments. It was this work by Hayek that prepared the ideological basis for the creation of decentralized digital currency. The purpose of creating a cryptocurrency is to get rid of the directives of central banks. If cryptocurrencies are created by the governments of countries, the basic idea of creating a virtual currency that virtual capital in the Internet space must be beyond the control and regulation of the government is lost. It is in this fundamental idea that the best degree of freedom is best seen, the increased degree of human dependence on free money, which raises many questions, namely:  What is the philosophical concept of creating cryptocurrency?  What worldview feeds the existence of cryptocurrency?  Does the existence of cryptocurrency have an intellectual basis?  What is the future of this venture?  What principles or obligations should the government follow when talking about cryptocurrency?  Is the world preparing for a single currency? The term decentralized digital currency has great appeal, the freedom to depend on money on this scale has long been awaited by mankind, despite the fact that we have numerous examples of independent money making in the world. Can cryptocurrency free us from default? The answer to this question is heterogeneous. One group of experts believes that they do not see default in the crypto world at all, because there will be no need to attract capital by traditional methods, there will be no need for long-term commitments, no bonds will be needed, we will move from the industrial era to the service era, cryptocurrencies. Wall Street positioners even call this view futuristic and say that bonds are a structure of contracts and rules that are not in the crypto world. In our opinion, this may be the traditional paradigm of the attitude of the old representatives of the financial world to the crypto industry. There have been serious tectonic shifts in recent geoeconomics, such as Brexit, the struggle for Catalan independence, the Donald Trump phenomenon, the Recep Tayyip Erdogan factor, and so on. All this breaks the old economic models that we previously thought were unalternative. In the final part of the research topic, we discuss the pros and cons of cryptocurrency, namely that the exchange rate of any cryptocurrency fluctuates rapidly in a very short period of time, there may be a complete depreciation of a particular currency, nothing can prevent it, Return is virtually impossible because the transactions are anonymous, there have been numerous cases of cryptocurrency exchanges in the world, it is practically impossible to investigate the fact, due to the anonymity of these transactions, cryptocurrencies are not secured by any assets, unlike shares they do not allow buyers or property. Against this background, it is interesting to see what place cryptocurrency will occupy in the new currency system. The fact is that virtual finance is a new word in online technology that will change in the future, no matter what the new model of running the economy.
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Voigt, Stefan. "The Legacy of Friedrich Von Hayek." Economic Systems 25, no. 4 (December 2001): 408–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0939-3625(01)00037-1.

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29

Maskin, Eric S. "Friedrich von Hayek and mechanism design." Review of Austrian Economics 28, no. 3 (April 12, 2015): 247–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11138-015-0310-3.

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30

Załuski, Wojciech. "O filozofii politycznej Friedricha Augusta von Hayeka w świetle badań nad efektywnością ekonomiczną common law." Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica 78 (March 30, 2017): 11–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/0208-6069.78.02.

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Celem artykułu jest ocena filozofii politycznej Friedricha Augusta von Hayeka przez pryzmat badań nad efektywnością ekonomiczną common law. Jednym z założeń filozofii politycznej Hayeka jest teza o optymalizacyjnym charakterze ewolucji kulturowej. Zgodnie z tą tezą reguły prawne powstałe spontanicznie są ekonomicznie efektywne, nie wymagają więc istotnych korekt ze strony ustawodawcy. Teza ta została poddana dokładnym analizom przez badaczy z nurtu Law and Economics (notabene nie inspirowanych bezpośrednio filozofią Hayeka), których wyniki zostały krytycznie omówione w niniejszym artykule. Konkluzje tych analiz nie są jednoznaczne, niemniej jednak wydają się podważać założenie Hayeka o optymalizacyjnym charakterze ewolucji kulturowej. Rzutuje to w istotny sposób na ocenę postulatów normatywnych Hayeka; w szczególności, uzasadnia sceptycyzm wobec jego krytyki aktywności legislacyjnej.
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Tröbs, Ralf-Bodo. "Friedrich August von Ammon." Clinical Anatomy 28, no. 7 (August 10, 2015): 826–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ca.22595.

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32

Nogueira, Jorge Henrique de Saules. "Breves Notas sobre a Epistemologia de Friedrich A. von Hayek." MISES: Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy, Law and Economics 4, no. 1 (June 1, 2016): 31–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.30800/mises.2016.v4.817.

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A abordagem epistemológica de Hayek aponta para a falibilidade, a ignorância e a fragmentação do conhecimento na sociedade. Sua epistemologia se estrutura de forma a revelar a impossibilidade da construção de ordens sociais desejáveis a partir da deliberada vontade humana dirigida a esse fim. A compreensão da epistemologia de Hayek contribui para rediscutir dogmas cristalizados nas áreas de ciências humanas e sociais, servindo de poderoso contraponto ao pensamento reinante no proscênio político, jurídico e acadêmico brasileiro.
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Samuelson, Paul A. "A few remembrances of Friedrich von Hayek (1899–1992)." Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization 69, no. 1 (January 2009): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jebo.2008.07.001.

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Ebeling, Richard M. "Hayek e Mises:." MISES: Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy, Law and Economics 2, no. 2 (December 1, 2014): 629–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.30800/mises.2014.v2.697.

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O artigo explica a sua relação pessoal e profissional entre Friedrich A. Hayek e Ludwig von Mises durante o período entre as duas Guerras Mundiais e, também explica as concepções destes dois economistas sobre processo de mercado, papel do conhecimento, preços e expectativas empreendedoras na tendência de produzir coordenação do mercado competitivo. Além disso, discute aquelas áreas nas quais suas abordagens para tais questões eram complementares, o mesmo não acontecendo no que diz respeito à formação de expectativas no processo de mercado.
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Salerno, Joseph T. "Mises e Hayek Desomogeneizados." MISES: Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy, Law and Economics 2, no. 2 (December 1, 2014): 651–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.30800/mises.2014.v2.699.

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Desde seu renascimento no início dos anos 1970, o que veio a se chamar de “Economia Austríaca” tem sido considerado, pela maior parte de seus adeptos contemporâneos, como a continuação de uma tradição unificada que pode ser rastreada até Carl Menger. Este artigo desafia essa perspectiva e argumenta que, de fato, duas tradições muito diferentes emergiram do trabalho de Menger. Uma tradição pode ser rastreada, através da obra de F. A. Hayek, a Friedrich Wieser, um dos dois seguidores mais proeminentes de Menger. A outra tradição emana dos escritos do outro discípulo principal de Menger, Eugen von Böhm-Bawerk, e inclui seu aluno Ludwig von Mises. Este ensaio defende a tese de que essas duas tradições separadas existem e foram confundidas pelos austríacos modernos.
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De Souza, Ronaldo. "Resenha do Livro A Direita Intransigente Chega aos Trópicos: sobre Leo Strauss e Eric Voegelin e a Busca de uma Ordem Pós-Liberal." Revista Estudos Políticos 10, no. 19 (March 31, 2020): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.22409/rep.v10i19.41241.

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Quando formulou o termo direita intransigente o lendário editor da New Left Review, o historiador e ensaísta inglês Perry Anderson, argumentava que se quiséssemos compreender parte da política nas chancelarias no contexto europeu e norte-americano no fim do século XX deveríamos voltar nossas atenções para a obra de quatro figuras intelectuais decisivas no debate de ideias deste período. Como o próprio Anderson afirmara (Boitempo, 2002), vindos de disciplinas diferentes (história, filosofia, direito e economia), Michael Oakeshott, Leo Strauss, Carl Schmitt e Friedrich Von Hayek dedicaram um espaço fundamental em seus pensamentos e reflexões sobre os problemas políticos enfrentados pelas modernas sociedades ocidentais – para eles em processo de declínio. Transformaram-se ao longo do tempo em eruditos teóricos da política. Se Carl Schmitt e Friedrich Von Hayek já são pensadores conhecidos em profundidade em nosso debate acadêmico e público; Leo Strauss, Oakeshott e Eric
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Wieczorek, Emilia. "The concept of social liberalism of Frederick August von Hayek." Kultura-Społeczeństwo-Edukacja 19, no. 1 (June 14, 2021): 97–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/kse.2021.19.7.

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According to some criteria, social liberalism is considered to be one of the types of liberalism. These studies are a reflection on Frederick August von Hayek’s concept of social liberalism, who is a supporter of political and economic freedom, but above all, individual freedom. This analysis aims to present the leading ideas of his social philosophy in the area of the function of the state, democracy, freedom, spontaneous order of individualism and equality.
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Feijó, Ricardo Luis Chaves. "Hayek Marx: uma comparação extemporânea." MISES: Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy, Law and Economics 5, no. 1 (December 9, 2017): 43–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.30800/mises.2017.v5.41.

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O ensaio começa por examinar as bases dos pensamentos de Karl Marx e Friedrich Hayek, nessa ordem. No primeiro caso, remete-se ao debate filosófico na Prússia, na passagem dos séculos XVIII e XIX, em especial apresenta-se uma síntese da reflexão do filósofo Hegel. Segue então a exposição sintética do sistema de Marx. Em Hayek, examinam-se as influências que se exerceram sobre ele de autores austríacos como Ludwig von Mises e Carl Menger, para, em seguida, detalhar a teoria da ordem espontânea e a teoria conexionista da mente. Após o estudo das bases do legado de Marx e Hayek, segue a estratégia de confrontar-se os dois sistemas de pensamento. Para tanto, oferece-se uma comparação sistemática entre elas. Na seção conclusiva, a mesma contraposição de ideias é tratada por meio de um quadro sinóptico comentado.
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Cunha, Martim Vasques da. "A Importância de Ser um Flaneur:." MISES: Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy, Law and Economics 3, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 281–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.30800/mises.2015.v3.745.

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Este artigo é uma introdução ao pensamento filosófico do ensaísta libanês, naturalizado americano, Nassim Nicholas Taleb, expondo os principais conceitos da sua obra, em especial os de Black Swan e “AntiFrágil”, além de relacioná-los com as reflexões sobre a incerteza feitas por Ludwig von Mises (em particular, no seu livro Ação Humana) e a ideia de “ordem espontânea” elaborada por Friedrich von Hayek.
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Theiselmann, Christiane. "Das Denkmal Friedrich August I. von Sachsen von Ernst Rietschel." Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 53, no. 1 (1990): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1482502.

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Aroche Reyes, Fidel, and Oscar Ugarteche Galarza. "The death of development theory: From Friedrich von Hayek to the Washington consensus." Journal of Post Keynesian Economics 41, no. 4 (October 2, 2018): 509–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01603477.2018.1486210.

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Guadagno Balmaceda, Facundo. "Libertad metafísica: los usos del concepto “libertad” en Karl Popper, Friedrich Von Hayek y Milton Friedman." Euphyía 14, no. 27 (May 4, 2021): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.33064/27euph2984.

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En los últimos cuarenta años se produjo una neoliberalización de los mercados que afectó a la cotidianidad de nuestras vidas. Esto no fue un proceso espontáneo, más bien, tuvo sus ideólogos más o menos precisos, con menor o mayor influencia: Karl Popper, Friedrich Von Hayek y Milton Friedman. Una de las categorías que se suele utilizar en esta etapa del capitalismo es la de “libertad”: precisamente, este artículo pretende explorar los usos que estos autores hacen de este concepto.
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Ahmed, Jabar Ismael. "The Concept of Freedom in liberalism’s Thought, for Instance: Friedrich .A. Von Hayek's Vision." Journal of University of Raparin 8, no. 2 (June 16, 2021): 282–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(8).no(2).paper13.

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Liberalism thus views the concept of freedom as a fundamental element of its intellectual foundation and without access to and defense of freedom, there is no meaning for the existence and survival of liberals. Due to the wide range of views of liberalism and the differences of opinion of liberal thinkers and different trends, attitudes and views on different freedoms, for example some of the thinkers believe in the interference of the state power in personal freedoms with the goal of creating social justice and economic justice and so on..., such as the thinkers of the Social liberal trend in the thought of liberalism, But some other thinkers believe in the protection of individual freedoms from interfering of the power of the state, and reject any form of interference in freedom, such as thinkers of the Libertarians trend in the thought of liberalism, including (Friedrich A. von Hayek). These two views of liberalism are expressed in terms of freedom, as: positive freedom (when the state intervenes in freedoms), and negative freedom (that freedom is protected from the interference of state power). (Hayek) rejects positive freedom and believes that any interference in the freedom, economy, and property of individuals, commodities, and markets, leads to the deterioration of the security and stability of individuals on one hand, and the creation of an oppressive, tyrannical and dictatorial power or regime on the other hand. This condition becomes the cause and means of the departure of individuals and the coexistence of the living system to slavery.
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Cubeddu, Raimondo. "LEONI AND HAYEK ON NOMOS AND PHYSIS." Il Politico 252, no. 2 (January 15, 2021): 58–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.4081/ilpolitico.2020.509.

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Nel 1949, mettendo a disposizione degli studenti pavesi di Giurisprudenza delle Dispense dal titolo Il pensieroantico, Bruno Leoni non immaginava che stava contribuendo a porre le basi per una riformulazionedi quella che nello stesso anno Friedrich A. von Hayek aveva chiamato la tradizione del “true individualism” tracciando così una nuova storia delle origini e dello sviluppo della tradizione liberale. infatti, dopoaver descritto l’origine dei concetti di nomos e di physis nella filosofia greca, in quelle DispenseLeoni intende la soluzione epicurea e la sua dottrina del contratto come un qualcosa di “eccezionale importanza per lo sviluppo della speculazione intorno al diritto ed allo Stato nell’età moderna”. Accennato all’importanza che negli stessi anni Ludwig von Mises e Leo Strauss attribuiranno all’epicureismo nella nascita della ‘modernità, il saggio analizza la tesi leoniana sul rapporto tra nomos e physis e, illustratane l’affinità con la tesi di Carl Menger sulla nascita “irriflessa” delle principali istituzioni sociali e del diritto, mostra il modo in cui tale rapporto ha influenzato Hayek e come si rifletta nella di lui (e di Michael Oakeshott) dicotomia tra i modelli istituzionali ‘nomocratici’ e quelli ‘teleocratici’. Un breve cenno, nel finale, al modo in cui tracce della dottrina epicurea del contratto possono essere ravvisate nella teoria dello “scambio di pretese” che Leoni pone all’origine del diritto.
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Nolan, Mark Charles. "PAUL SAKMANN’S AND ALBERT SCHATZ’S MANDEVILLE STUDIES: THEIR LINK TO HAYEK’S ‘SPONTANEOUS ORDER’ THEORY." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 38, no. 4 (November 18, 2016): 485–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837216000729.

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This paper agrees with Friedrich August Hayek’s assertion in his 1945 Dublin lecture that the importance of Dutch physician Bernard Mandeville’s role in the history of economics had been overlooked and with his 1966 London lecture’s assertion that Mandeville’s important contribution qualified him as a master mind. Paul Sakmann’s and Albert Schatz’s studies of Mandeville’s eighteenth-century allegorical Fable of the Bees satire were acknowledged by Hayek as having influenced his formulation and development of the theory of spontaneous order extended from Scottish Enlightenment thinkers. Each of these two writers’ contribution to Mandeville and spontaneous order theory is considered as well as proposing a new source for the term “spontaneous order”—Schatz’s 1907‘le principe d’ordre spontané.’
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46

Neira, Hernan. "Resemantización y efecto retórico del vocabulario político en Camino de servidumbre, de Friedrich von Hayek." Cuadernos Salmantinos de Filosofía 28 (January 1, 2001): 351–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.36576/summa.1137.

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47

Harmes, Adam. "The Political Economy of Open Federalism." Canadian Journal of Political Science 40, no. 2 (June 2007): 417–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423907070114.

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Abstract.This article examines the federal Conservative party's notion of “open federalism” from a political economy perspective. In doing so, it argues that open federalism will appeal to business interests and not to unions and social activists, because it is consistent with the neoliberal approach to federalism which seeks to lock in free market-oriented policies. To demonstrate this point, the article draws on the work of neoliberal intellectuals—including Nobel laureates Friedrich von Hayek, Milton Friedman and James Buchanan—on “market-preserving federalism” and compares it with the key principles of open federalism and those advocated by business lobby groups and think tanks.Résumé.Cet article examine la notion de “ fédéralisme ouvert ” adoptée par le Parti conservateur fédéral dans une perspective d'économie politique. Il avance que le fédéralisme ouvert plaira au milieu des affaires et déplaira aux syndicats et aux militants sociaux parce qu'il concorde avec la conception néolibérale du fédéralisme qui vise à instituer des politiques compatibles avec l'économie de marché. La démonstration s'appuie sur les travaux de penseurs néolibéraux—notamment les lauréats du prix Nobel, Friedrich von Hayek, Milton Friedman et James Buchanan—sur le concept d'un fédéralisme qui préserve le marché (market-preserving federalism) et compare ce concept aux principes de base du fédéralisme ouvert et à ceux que prônent les groupes de pression et les analystes du milieu des affaires.
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Alberto Lucena, Carlos. "Frederick August von Hayek e a teoria dos fenômenos completos: uma análise marxista." Educação e Filosofia 25, no. 49 (June 30, 2011): 173–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.14393/revedfil.issn.0102-6801.v25n49a2011-07.

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49

Rodrigues, João. "O DEBATE NA GRANDE TRANSFORMAÇÃO." Ethics, Politics & Society 1 (May 15, 2018): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/eps.1.1.64.

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O debate relativo ao cálculo económico em socialismo, iniciado por Ludwig von Mises, contou com a participação de Karl Polanyi e de Friedrich Hayek, moldando de diferentes formas o seu pensamento. Este artigo sintetiza alguns dos contributos para este debate sobre o estatuto e o lugar dos mercados, indicando como contribuiu para consolidar uma abordagem neoliberal à economia política institucionalista, mas sobretudo como moldou a original economia política institucionalista crítica de Karl Polanyi. Esta última foi construída numa discussão acesa com o liberalismo económico mais intransigente, a qual continua a enquadrar muitas questões actualmente relevantes.
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Zaostrovtsev, Andrey. "Constitutional political economy by Hayek: The conflict between democracy and liberalism." Terra Economicus 18, no. 3 (September 25, 2020): 18–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2073-6606-2020-18-3-18-29.

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This paper analyzes the constitutional political economy of Friedrich von Hayek in the context of the well-known contradiction between democracy and liberalism. It is alleged that Hayek at about the same time as researchers from the school of public choice developed the concept of failures of a democratic state, which remains relevant today. Among such failures are subordination to group interests, excessive redistributive activity (growth of the welfare state), legal positivism as a consequence of the unlimited will of the majority. A draft constitutional structure developed by Hayek is considered, aimed at reducing the influence of electoral democracy in order to preserve a free society. The differences in the approaches of Hayek and theorists of public choice to constitutional construction are especially emphasized. For the former, the constitution (despite accusations of constructivism due to the proposed ideal of the constitutional structure) is still a product of evolution. For the latter, it is the result of rational choice under the famous veil of ignorance. The paper shows that Hayek was one of the first to pay attention to formal and informal institutions (moral principles) and showed the crucial role of the latter to characterize the conflict between democracy and liberalism. At the same time, the role of Hayek is noted as one of the first researchers who drew attention to such important aspects of the institutional theory as a competition of institutions and significant restrictions on the international import of institutions due to the impossibility of constructing informal institutions. The final conclusion of the work is that electoral democracy does not destroy constitutional freedoms only if the latter are firmly rooted in public consciousness. Otherwise, their formal proclamation does not mean their guaranteed existence.
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