Academic literature on the topic 'Friend-enemy-distinction'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Friend-enemy-distinction.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "Friend-enemy-distinction"
1
Mehring, Reinhard. "Carl Schmitt’s friend-enemy distinction today." Filozofija i drustvo 28, no. 2 (2017): 304–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1702304m.
Full textAbstract:
After 1945, Carl Schmitt largely revoked his nationalist positions from before the war, although he also rarely publicly voiced his opinion about the Federal Republic of Germany and the development of the European Union. However, his complex system of categories offers manifold possibilities for an independent update. This paper aims to sketch the development of Schmitt?s friend-enemy theory in his Theory of the Partisan, adapting this treatise to present issues. It further tries to, using Schmitt?s categories, address the current situation in the EU from the perspective of the Federal Republic of Germany.
2
Schulzke, M. "Redefining the Friend-Enemy Distinction in the War on Terror." Telos 2016, no. 175 (2016): 105–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3817/0616175105.
Full text
3
BRETHERTON, LUKE. "“LOVE YOUR ENEMIES”: USURY, CITIZENSHIP AND THE FRIEND-ENEMY DISTINCTION." Modern Theology 27, no. 3 (2011): 366–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0025.2011.01683.x.
Full text
4
Marren, Marina. "The Power of Political Theology: Analysis of Carl Schmitt’s Sovereign Dictatorship and Friend-Enemy Distinction through Friedrich J. W. Schelling and Sigmund Freud." Sotsiologicheskoe Obozrenie / Russian Sociological Review 22, no. 4 (2023): 63–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1728-192x-2023-4-63-82.
Full textAbstract:
In this paper, I draw together Carl Schmitt’s take on sovereign power and its dictatorial exceptionalism with his political theology and his insistence on the friend-enemy distinction in order to take steps towards a critique of his work. To explain why we would be remiss to take Schmitt’s insights into political theology prescriptively, I turn to Friedrich W. J. Schelling’s 1809 Freiheitsschrift. I then take-up Sigmund Freud’s 1929 Das Unbehangen in der Kultur in order to shed light on the psychological underpinnings of the friend-enemy distinction as it actually plays itself out in everyday life. I explain Schmitt’s analogy between divine power and sovereign power in Section II. In Section III, I argue that the role of the sovereign dictator in the state of emergency is especially problematic given Schmitt’s insistence on the friend-enemy distinction. In Section IV, I turn to Schelling’s view of God, and of the manifestation of divine principles in the human world, and argue that Schmitt’s theologized sovereign dictator is a force of evil. In section V, I engage with Freud’s understanding of the role of religion and his view of the effects of repression of the powerful drives (eros and thanatos) in civilized society. I then argue that the practical unravelling of Schmitt’s political theology and his concept of the political, when put to the test of psychoanalytic inquiry, is that they end up demonizing those who are deemed “enemies”.
5
Balakleets, Natalia A., Ekaterina V. Bakshutova, and Natalia S. Mukhametshina. "The antagonistic dimension of the political: from Carl Schmitt to Chantal Mouffe." Vestnik of Samara State Technical University. Series Philosophy 5, no. 2 (2023): 51–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17673/vsgtu-phil.2023.2.6.
Full textAbstract:
The article presents the results of the theoretical analysis of the phenomenon of the political, understood in its antagonistic dimension, in the context of classical and modern political and philosophical doctrines. The philosophical meanings and political implications of the antagonistic concepts of the political by Carl Schmitt and Chantal Mouffe, as well as the alternative concept of Ulrich Beck, are revealed. The authors interpretation of Schmitts friend-enemy distinction is proposed as an inclusive antagonism that retains its political significance in the presence of an open possibility of its constitution. On the basis of the analysis of U. Becks ideas outlined in his work The Invention of the Political, the theoretical inconsistency of the conflict-free model of the political is substantiated. The comparative analysis of the phenomenon of the political in the concepts of C. Schmitt and Ch. Mouffe has been carried out. The contingent nature of friend-enemy distinction, presented in the concept of Ch. Mouffe, in which antagonism becomes a modus of agonism, is substantiated.
6
GEROULANOS, STEFANOS. "HETEROGENEITIES, SLAVE-PRINCES, AND MARSHALL PLANS: SCHMITT'S RECEPTION IN HEGEL'S FRANCE." Modern Intellectual History 8, no. 3 (2011): 531–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244311000345.
Full textAbstract:
This essay examines the French reception of the Carl Schmitt's thought, specifically its Hegelian strand. Beginning with the early readings of Schmitt's thought by Alexandre Kojève and Georges Bataille during the mid-1930s, it attends to the partial adoption of Schmitt's friend/enemy distinction and his theories of sovereignty and neutralization in Kojève and Bataille's Hegelian writings, as well as to their critical responses. The essay then turns to examine the reading of Kojève by the Jesuit Hegelian résistant Gaston Fessard during the war, a reading specifically intended to delegitimate Vichy as a “slave-prince,” resistance to whom would be legitimate. The final section returns to Bataille and his 1948 book The Accursed Share in order to propose that his Maussian understanding of the Marshall Plan suggested an overcoming of the friend/enemy distinction, a suggestion that was later made explicit in a 1957 talk by Kojève at Düsseldorf before Schmitt and a group of his supporters. At stake throughout are both the thoroughly critical reception of Schmitt, the particular political inflection of Hegel carried out by and in Kojève's reading, and certain methodological links between conceptual history and the reception history.
7
Jackson-Preece, Jennifer. "Rearticulating the Friend–Enemy Distinction within States: The HCNM’s ‘New Diplomacy’ of Desecuritization." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 13, no. 4 (2018): 523–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-13030027.
Full textAbstract:
Summary This article’s premise is that the practice of representatives of international organizations has something important to tell us about what it means to ‘do desecuritization’. The analysis provides a qualitative process-tracing of diplomacy by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe’s (OSCE’s) High Commissioner on National Minorities (HCNM). It finds that ‘new diplomats’ can ‘do desecuritization’ differently. By rearticulating norms, as well as negotiating interests, the HCNM is able to escape the constraints imposed by security grammar and begin to transform the friend–enemy distinction within states. ‘New diplomats’ like the HCNM are capable of initiating such fundamental changes within states because their non-state platforms and institutional cultures transcend traditional international dichotomies of ‘us’ and ‘them’. These findings add nuance to our understanding of desecuritization as practice and suggest a novel methodological approach for studying desecuritization empirically.
8
Mannarini, Terri, and Sergio Salvatore. "The politicization of otherness and the privatization of the enemy: Cultural hindrances and assets for active citizenship." Human Affairs 30, no. 1 (2020): 86–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/humaff-2020-0008.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe purpose of the article is to discuss the cultural hindrances and assets that promote constructive self-to-others relationships and active citizenship. Building on Carl Schmitt’s friend-enemy distinction, we argue that in contemporary societies the public and the private dimensions of the enemy have conflated, as the result of two concurrent phenomena: the politicization of otherness and the privatization of enemies. An integrated framework including approaches of social psychology and semiotic cultural psychology is proposed to account for both phenomena. The notions of symbolic universes and semiotic capital are introduced as key concepts to understand the current socio-political dynamics and to promote fairer, more inclusive societies.
9
Díaz-Dávalos, Angel M. "Tales of (Self-)Destruction." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 37, no. 2 (2021): 290–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2021.37.2.290.
Full textAbstract:
Narconarratives often portray drug-trafficking culture through an “us versus them” or “friend versus enemy” Manicheism. This dichotomy erases the role of the government in the history of narcoviolence and reproduces a formulaic and a marketable “good versus evil” distinction commonly found throughout the Mexican literary field. In this article, I analyze two short stories that deconstruct this narrative, “Z” (Julián Herbert) and “Hombres armados” (Daniel Espartaco Sánchez), from the collection Narcocuentos. I approach these stories through the concept of biopolitics, emphasizing the relationship between state and (il)legal violence(s), as well as the authors’ positions in the literary field. These stories reframe the friend-versus-enemy rhetoric, offering unidentifiable perpetrators and victims instead. Moreover, they challenge the hegemonic discourse by using two figures that thrive at the boundaries between life and death: the zombie and the homo sacer. However, the anthology’s failure to attract a wide readership reveals that Herbert’s and Espartaco Sánchez’s attempts to subvert the traditional drug-trafficking “grand narrative” has not been commercially successful in challenging the deeply engrained us-versus-them Manicheism.
10
Xu, Feng. "Policing Chinese Politics: A History." Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, no. 2 (2006): 454–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423906389986.
Full textAbstract:
Policing Chinese Politics: A History, Michael Dutton, Durham: Duke University Press, pp. xiii, 411.This book is an empirically rich illumination of Carl Schmitt's notion that “the political” rests ultimately on a friend/enemy distinction. It depicts “the birth, life and death cycle” of this ever-shifting dynamic in modern Chinese history (303–4), through the lens of the coupling of the political with policing. The result is a tale that must enhance the reputation of this already-respected political scientist.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Friend-enemy-distinction"
1
Delaune, Timothy A. "Democratizing the Criminal: Jury Nullification as Exercise of Sovereign Discretion Over The Friend-Enemy Distinction." 2013. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations/AAI3603074.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation examines jury nullification - the ability of American juries in particular criminal cases to ignore or override valid law to be applied to defendants by acquitting them in cases in which the facts are undisputed or clear - as an exercise of sovereignty over the friend-enemy distinction as those terms are defined by Carl Schmitt. It begins with a biography of Schmitt and a description of his concept of sovereignty as ultimate decisional power. It then discusses sovereignty in the American context, with particular attention to the principles of the Founding and the nature of the fictively constructed American people. It next applies Schmitt's concept of decisional sovereignty to the American context, concluding that sovereignty in America is diffuse, and its exercise by particular governmental actors is to some degree cloaked, and that the sovereignty of the American people, while crucial to the founding moment, is largely latent in ordinary times. This application of Schmitt to sovereignty in America also demonstrates the deep tension between democratic popular sovereignty and rule-of-law liberalism. The dissertation then turns to Schmitt's understanding of the distinction between friend and enemy as the central political axis, and argues that the criminal in the American context is functionally the enemy, if not the absolute enemy of the polity. It then discusses in detail the mechanics and history of jury nullification, ultimately concluding that jury nullification both operates at the crucial political moment at which enemies are generated (or not) through the application of criminal law to defendants, and is an act of popular sovereignty, intended by the Founders to help preserve a balance between democracy and liberalism by maintaining a central political role for the people.
Books on the topic "Friend-enemy-distinction"
1
Botwinick, Aryeh. Same/Other versus Friend/Enemy. Edited by Jens Meierhenrich and Oliver Simons. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199916931.013.002.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter endeavors to show that the relevant contrasting term to friend in liberal political theory is not enemy but self. Given the skepticism that suffuses liberal theory, the self remains an endlessly problematic construct that gives us ongoing opportunities for reimagining and reconstructing what the behavior of both friends and enemies is truly like. The chapter examines key terms in the liberal epistemological vocabulary such as skepticism, empiricism, nominalism, and conventionalism to clarify their import for the liberal conceptions of personal identity, friend, and enemy. Throughout, the chapter shows how the Levinasian deployment of the same–other distinction with its devolution upon the concept of infinity offers us a revealing guide to liberal political thought and practice and thereby also constitutes an important implicit critique of Schmitt.
2
Bell, Nathan. Refugees. Rowman & Littlefield, 2021. https://doi.org/10.5040/9798881810900.
Full textAbstract:
There have never been more refugees, across the world from Myanmar to Syria, than at this moment. Many more millions of refugees are likely to be displaced by the effects of climate change. Why has politics failed to produce adequate responses to these challenges, and not heeded the lessons of refugee crises of the past? Are human rights and international law, or more radically, the case for 'open borders', sufficient to address them? Nathan Bell argues for nothing less than a new concept of the political: that societies (liberal or not, in the mode of the sovereign state or some other form) embrace an ethos of responsibility for others, where the right to seek asylum becomes foundational for politics itself. Such a proposal is at the antipodes of Schmitt's friend-enemy distinction, such that hospitality and not hostility forms the basis of political decision-making. This book comprises two halves: the first establishes the theoretical basis of the ethos of responsibility, with particular reference to the writings of Hannah Arendt, Emmanuel Levinas and Jacques Derrida, while the second half examines these theorists in the context of historical and contemporary case studies. Finally, the book calls for a ‘politics of hauntology’ in memory of the missing - those who might have been rescued, and those yet to come, who are already among the disappeared. In this urgent work, Bell demonstrates that a radical reconfiguration of the understanding of politics is required in order to safeguard the future and human dignity of stateless persons.
Book chapters on the topic "Friend-enemy-distinction"
1
Haara, Heikki. "Pufendorf’s Revaluation of Hobbes’s Friend–Enemy Distinction and Law of War." In Pufendorf's International Political and Legal Thought. Oxford University PressOxford, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192883353.003.0012.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This chapter is the first systematic study of the friend–enemy distinction in Pufendorf’s natural law philosophy. Pufendorf’s treatment of friendship and enmity among individuals and between the states is an informative example of how he struggled to respond to Hobbes’s theory of the state of nature, which he, for the most part, accepted. Pufendorf attempts to recast Hobbes’s doctrine of natural enmity without reverting to the Aristotelian conception of friendship as the foundation of human sociability (i) to support his denial that the state of nature is a state of war and (ii) to explain the legitimate limits and scope of enmity. An examination of Pufendorf’s theory of peace and war from the perspective of who is the enemy particularly clarifies how he justified the legitimate scope of violence in the domestic and international realms.
2
Collison, Luke. "Modal Aporias: Derrida on the reale Möglichkeit of Friends and Enemies in Schmitt." In Derrida's Politics of Friendship. Edinburgh University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474486736.003.0024.
Full textAbstract:
Derrida’s engagement with Carl Schmitt, in Politics of Friendship, pursues multiple, intertwined deconstructive strategies. This chapter retraces the lines of approach made through the modal category “real possibility”, a modality that appears to lie in the space of spectrality, between the usual categories of possibility and actuality. Elaborating Derrida’s attempted “spectral inversion” of Schmitt’s friend/enemy distinction, the chapter critiques a key moment in which Derrida equivocates between the exceptional and the improbable. Instead of the spectral, the chapter suggests that post-thermodynamic models of energy offer a better model for Schmitt’s use of the real possibility, based on his interest in Georges Sorel.
3
Bryant, Jan. "Introduction: The Gift of Being Disgusted." In Artmaking in the Age of Global Capitalism. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474456944.003.0001.
Full textAbstract:
This introductory chapter outlines the book’s theoretical concerns: how the political is thought as a distinction between politics (le politique) and the political (la politique); the need to argue for hope as a possibility of the present, disentangled from teleological or theological forms, framed by Andrew Benjamin; and, the indivisibility of politics and aesthetics (the political aesthetic) conceptualised by Rancière. It covers the crucial difference between Schmitt’s ‘enemy/friend conflict’ and ‘dissensus’, which Rancière poses as a struggle for emancipation played out on the aesthetic plane. An important thrust of the book is to see artists’ relationships to others as a quality and methodology that inheres in the practice itself. This is a demand for an ethics of practice (Simon Critchley) that disavows the autonomy of art as an act or an object separated from its making or worldly context. [139]
4
Mehring, Reinhard, and Daniel Steuer. "Carl Schmitt and the Politics of Identity." In Key Thinkers of the Radical Right. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190877583.003.0003.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter discusses the life and work of Carl Schmitt, a German legal scholar and professor of law who developed a constitutional theory that declared the liberal and parliamentary state under the rule of law to be outdated, a theory he used to justify rule by presidential decree in the Weimar Republic and then National Socialism. As a legal scholar, Schmitt avoided taking strong positions in terms of theological or philosophical claims, but his friend-enemy distinction provided a counterrevolutionary, apocalyptic, and anti-Semitic language and logic. Schmitt exerted a strong influence as a legal scholar and political commentator. He had a close friendship with Ernst Jünger; he argued for an “authoritarian” transformation of the Weimar Republic; and after 1933, he gave strong support to National Socialism and was influential in forming the Nazi understanding of the law and in the Nazi coordination [Gleichschaltung] of jurisprudence.
5
Karabela, Mehmet. "What Is Political about Political Islam?" In Political Theology on Edge. Fordham University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823298112.003.0012.
Full textAbstract:
Mehmet Karabela draws upon Carl Schmitt’s analysis more explicitly to interrogate and understand how Islamic and Western scholars have conceptualized an “apolitical” Islam that could then be politicized. He applies Schmitt’s friend/enemy distinction as characteristic of the political to the study of Islam and shows how Islam has always been political and religious at the same time in this context. Liberalism posits a separate realm of religion and politics that it charges Islam and other political religions wrongly mix, but there is no intrinsic separation of politics from religion in a post-secular context, and we have many lessons to learn of and from Islam. Rather than the modern nation-state, which is the locus for Schmitt, the polity of Islam is more situated on the Muslim community, which is less determinate and defined. Every community, particularly every religious community, is potentially political in the Schmittian context.
6
Rae, Gavin. "The Phantasmatic Fiction: Derrida on the Ground of Politics." In Derrida's Politics of Friendship. Edinburgh University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474486736.003.0023.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter focuses on the response that Derrida gives in the Politics of Friendship to the question of what grounds politics. Reconstructing and developing Derrida’s critical engagement with Schmitt’s friend/enemy distinction, the chapter identifies the question of language, as key to Derrida’s critique of Schmitt. With this, Derrida’s re-affirms the fundamental importance of his earlier concept of différance for understanding the ground of politics. Against traditional ahistoric substantial senses of “ground”, the chapter turns to Derrida’s innovative alternative, showing how he maintains that all politics is premised on a phantasmatic fictional story or discursive ground that generates, binds, and structures politics. Instead of its fictional nature rendering it unimportant, Derrida claims that this fiction is the necessary condition of politics. Thus the chapter shows the necessary and foundational role that fictions play in Derrida’s notion of politics, a theme that binds different texts within Derrida’s oeuvre.
7
Muldoon, Paul. "The Monumentalization of Shame." In The Penitent State. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198831624.003.0004.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This chapter investigates the complex role memorials play as expressions of public penance. It focuses on the Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe in Berlin, exploring how it functions as a form of political communication, a site of shared mourning, and a vehicle of trauma management. Drawing on the work of Jürgen Habermas, the chapter defends the Memorial as the expression of an affirmative biopolitics in which the German state marks a decisive break from a collective life context that maintained itself by usurping and destroying the lives of others. I then explore how the Memorial responds to (and offers consolation for) the vicarious trauma of later-born Germans who tread a thin line between identifying with and identifying as the victims. I suggest this consoling work weakens the admonitory force of the Memorial and its capacity to provoke reflection on the friend–enemy distinction that founds the nation-state.