Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Frozen conflict'

The secessionist conflict in Transdniestrian region of the Republic of Moldova have led to more than a decade of political dialogueon finding a peaceful solution to conflict resolution, proving that the current format of negotiations is inefficient. The increased interest of the EU in the resolution of this conflict is caused by prospective inclusion of Romania in the EU, placing the Transdniestrian conflict at EU periphery, where confrontation is contrary to the all-European orientation at stability and integration. Presumably the involvement of the EU could lead to finding a political solution to the Transdniestrian conflict. Thus, the purpose of this research is to explore how EU involvement in the Transdniestrian conflict could lead to its prospective resolution. The results of this research, in form of conclusions and recommendations, depict that a more active involvement of the EU in Transdniestrian conflict resolution, as consulter and mediator, make it feasible to find a solution to the long-lasting disputes in the Republic of Moldova.

Scholars in the peace and conflict field oftentimes argue that peace is somewhat underconceptualised. The Varieties of Peace network has made a substantial effort in furthering the conceptualisation of peace by creating a comprehensive framework, theorising peace as three different approaches: situational, relational and ideational. In this thesis, I explored how this framework can be applied in an empirical context and how the approaches relate to each other; testing the internal validity and assumptions of the framework. By shifting the common focus of peace from stability to a dynamic process of change, I studied how peace changes in an empirical context that is typically understood as static: frozen conflicts. In a case study on Abkhazia from 1994-2008, I used process-tracing to study how the three approaches relate to each other, either harmoniously or with dissonance, and to describe the changes of peace in a frozen conflict. I conclude that the Varieties of Peace framework has proven to be useful when studying the dynamics of peace and how it changes in a post-conflict setting. It has been especially useful in capturing the cyclical dynamic of change in a frozen conflict. The framework has comparative and comprehensive advantages in studying the peace as a complex, dynamic process, but inhibits some issues regarding the trade-off between complexity and parsimony and concerning the internal validity. Further research is needed in order to utilise its full potential as a framework that can be used to systematically study the varieties of peace in the world.

This thesis analyses the impact of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict on the foreign policy of Armenia. It could be claimed that Armenia&rsquo
s relations with the other countries have been shaped by the Nagorno-Karabakh problem. The thesis demonstrates that because of this conflict, Armenian foreign policy has become more dependent on Russia and the Armenian diaspora in Russia, France and the United States despite its desire to be an independent state. Although Levon Ter-Petrossian and Robert Kocharian have advocated different foreign policies, their actions have been similar due to the impact of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The thesis has six main chapters. The first chapter is the introduction. The second chapter explores history of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. In the third chapter the Armenian foreign policy under Levon Ter-Petrossian is examined. The fourth chapter discusses the foreign policy of Robert Kocharian. In the fifth chapter the foreign policies of the Ter-Petrossian and Kocharian are compared. The sixth chapter is the conclusion.

This thesis aims to explore the Transdniestr conflict in Moldova by examining the involvements of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) and the Russian Federation in their attempts at finding a working solution to this conflict. The thesis focuses on the reasons for the emergence of the Transdniestr conflict, the initiatives for the settlement of this conflict, and the causes, as of today, why the conflicting parties and the mediators have not been successful in reaching a working settlement. Contrary to the line of thinking on this conflict which suggests that the conflict has its roots in domestic factors in Moldova and Transdniestr such as ethnicity, socio-economic underdevelopment and the weakness of democratic institutions, this thesis argues that the primary reason behind the persistence of this conflict is international. It is the radically different definitions of the conflict by the OSCE and the Russian Federation that makes the conflict very difficult to solve. Russia tends to value the Transdniestr region as a geostrategic tool for maintaining its influence over post-Soviet Moldova and its neighbourhood. Since the involvement of the OSCE in this conflict limits Russia&rsquo
s capacity to use the Transdniestr region as a geostrategic tool, it becomes extremely difficult to alter the status quo that contributes to the existing impasse rather than to its opening of new avenues for the peaceful settlement of this conflict.

This thesis deals with role of the European Union in the ethnic conflicts of South Caucasus, notably in South Ossetia and Abkhazia. In the first part, the author concentrates on the evolution of situation in South Ossetia and Abkhazia as well as on the role of international actors in these territories, before the outbreak of war between Russia and Georgia in August 2008. The master thesis continues with the analysis of the EU's engagement in break-away territories where author focuses on the evaluation of specific policies and instruments used by the EU towards the two ethnic territories and Georgia. The final section assesses the EU's responsiveness during the Russian-Georgian war and also the steps taken in the period after the violence. Therefore, the aim of this thesis is to evaluate the Union's policies in South Ossetia and Abkhazia before, during and after the breakthrough war in August 2008. In this context, the author concludes that EU policies have failed because of unability to prevent a renewed outbreak of violence. Failure depended on the EU's reluctance to get involved in political and security issues and also on Russia's influence on decision-making process of the EU member states.

Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações Internacionais
A Dissertação trata a problemática da influência securitária dos conflitos ‘congelados’, concentrando na influência do conflito em Nagorno-Karabakh dentro do Cáucaso e do proposto Complexo Securitário do Mar Negro-Cáspio (CSMNC). Utilizando como bases teóricas a Geopolítica Crítica e a Teoria dos Complexos Securitários Regionais, o mestrando efetua uma análise em três níveis teórico-conceptuais, iniciando no proposto Complexo, nomeadamente nas principais problemáticas securitárias e nas dinâmicas de securitização dos atores respetivos, passando depois para uma análise do Cáucaso, do seu ponto de vista conceptual, e da conflitualidade no mesmo. Em último, realiza-se primeiramente uma revisão acerca da problemática do conflito ‘congelado’, nomeadamente naquilo que o causa e na realidade das dinâmicas conflituais e não-conflituais nos territórios onde os conflitos ocorrem. Após tal revisão, transitar-se-á para a análise do conflito em Nagorno-Karabakh, de uma forma a obter uma compreensão holística das dinâmicas que o causaram, consolidaram e hoje perpetuam. Adicionalmente, serão analisadas as narrativas dos beligerantes e a posição dos atores internacionais no conflito, assim como as dificuldades de uma resolução efetiva para o diferendo, de uma forma a proceder a uma análise sobre a influência do conflito nos dois níveis superiores
The Dissertation deals with the issue of the security influence of ‘frozen’ conflicts, specifically the influence of the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh in the Caucasus and the proposed Black-Caspian Seas Security Complex (BCSSC). Using Critical Geopolitics and Regional Security Complex Theory as theoretical supports, the candidate issues a three-level theoretical-conceptual analysis, initiating in the proposed Complex, namely the main security problems and on the corresponding actors’ securitization dynamics, on through an analysis on the Caucasus, from a conceptual standpoint, and the conflicts in it. Lastly, a review concerning the issue of ‘frozen’ conflicts is initially carried out, namely on what causes them and on the conflictual and non-conflictual dynamics in the territories in which the conflicts occur. After such a review, an analysis of the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh is carried out, in order to obtain a holistic understanding of the dynamic forces that caused, consolidated and today perpetuate it. Additionally, the belligerents’ narratives and the international actors’ position in the conflict will be examined, as well as the complexities regarding an effective solution to the dispute, in order to proceed to an analysis on the influence of the conflict on the two levels above.
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Le conflit civil moldave entre 1989 et 1992 a laissé un pays et une population divisés entre le fleuve Dniestr/Nistru. Malgré la victoire de la Pridnestrovie (RMP) dans sa guerre d’indépendance, elle n’a pas atteint son objectif de devenir un Etat reconnu. L’Accord de cessez-le-feu de 1992 qui a mis officiellement fin à la guerre a renforcé la séparation de la RMP par la création d’une zone tampon et l’établissement des forces de maintien de la paix. Comme convenu dans cet accord, la fin du nouveau statu quo et donc la résolution finale du conflit devraient passer obligatoirement par la détermination d’un nouveau statut politique pour la RMP. Faute d’avoir réussi à déterminer un statut officiel, le conflit est resté gelé. Lors de la période d’après-guerre, l’équilibre des pouvoirs a favorisé la RMP sur le plan économique, énergétique et sécuritaire, la plaçant dans une position de force vis-à-vis de la Moldavie. Cependant, puisqu’une reconnaissance étatique n’a jamais été accordée à la RMP, cette dernière a donc hérité d’un déficit symbolique que seule la Moldavie pouvait lui octroyer par la reconnaissance. Une politique active de reconnaissance envers la RMP entre 1994 et 1998 a été le facteur déterminant dans la transformation du conflit, conduisant à la signature de trois « grands accords ». Le célèbre Mémorandum de Moscou de 1997 a souligné ce processus transformatif au travers duquel les deux « opposants » se sont dès lors considérés comme « partenaires » au sein des négociations. Au cours de l’année 1998, Chisinau et Tiraspol se sont engagées sur le chemin de la paix en adoptant des mesures de confiance et de sécurité avec l’Accord d’Odessa
The Moldovan civil conflict between 1989 and 1992 left the country and the people permanently divided between the banks to the Dniestr/Nistru River. Despite Pridnestrovia’s (PMR) victory in its war of independence, it would not achieve its goal of being a recognized state. The ceasefire agreement of 1992 officially put an end to the war and solidified Prinestrovia’s separation through the creation of a security zone and the establishement of peacekeeping forces. Furthermore, the resolution of the conflict and the end of the new status quo had to be synchronized with the accordance of a new political status for the PMR. As an official status was never determined, the conflict has remained frozen. During the post-war period, the balance of power favored the PMR from an economic, energy and security perspective, providing it with major leverage over Moldova. However, given that the PMR was never attributed statehood meant that it inherited a symbolic deficit because only Moldova could provide it with recognition. Moldova’s policy of recognition towards the PMR between 1994 and 1998 would be the determing factor in the transformation of the conflict, leading to the signing of three “major accords”. The historic Moscow Memorandum of 1997 highlighted this transformative process by which the two “opponants” considered eachother as “partners” within the negociation process. By 1998, Chisinau and Tiraspol embarked upon the path of confidence building and security measures with the Odessa Accord of 1998

Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.
Thesis Advisor(s): Freeman, Michael E. ; Second Reader: Giordano, Frank R. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 14, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Russian-Georgian War of August of 2008, Deterrence Theory, Security Dilemma, Perception, Accidental War, Spiral Model, Game Theory, Game of Chicken, USSR, Fall of the Soviet Union, Republic of Georgia, Russia, South Ossetian Conflict, Abkhaz Conflict, Frozen Conflicts, Frozen Peace Processes. Includes bibliographical references (p. 53-58). Also available in print.

Reconciliation is important for reducing the likelihood of future conflict between groups but can be particularly difficult to achieve. This remains true within divided societies as the result of frozen conflict. This thesis asks why do some individuals, in the context of divided societies engaged in frozen conflict, have more positive reconciliatory attitudes than others? The approach of community center peacebuilding organizations (CCPB) was identified as one possible solution to this question. The hypothesis suggests that individuals who engage in such organizations will have more positive reconciliatory attitudes compared to the average community member. This is based on a theoretical framework that relies on contact theory, suggesting that the CCPB model establishes the necessary conditions for nurturing more reconciliatory attitudes in individuals. It is suggested to achieve this through positive intergroup contact that is generalizable to the outgroup as a whole.  A quantitative study based on 101 cases from original survey data is used to test this hypothesis. Using a logistic regression, support is found that establishes a significant positive correlation between engagement in CCPB and reconciliatory attitudes.   Key Words: reconciliation, contact theory, peacebuilding, community center, shared space, frozen conflict, divided societies, Cyprus

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s):Mikhail Tsypkin, Donald Abenheim. "December 2006". Includes bibliographical references (p. 91-98). Also available in print.

Of the territorial intra-state conflicts around the world, there are some that live in the ‘no war, no peace’ environment. The so-called frozen conflicts have attracted significant scholarly and policy attention to explain their durability over time, and sustainability of the de facto regimes that live within such environment. This study shifts the focus from looking at the frozen state of the conflict to improving the understanding of how they become frozen in the first place. My question: ‘why do some territorial conflicts become frozen while others do not?’ sheds light on consistent-patron action during wartime to explain how, through the establishment of trade, territorial conflicts become frozen. Additional novel contributions are provided by conceptualizing patron-state support and focusing on trade as part of state-building mechanisms. A structured, focused comparison with a most-similar case design compares Nagorno-Karabakh Republic and Republika Srpska Krajina conflicts. My findings show partial support to the tested hypotheses that indicate a consistent patron-state’s trade establishment with de facto regime leads to frozen conflict. Empirical limitations within the cases limit the ability to draw stronger conclusions. Of the territorial intra-state conflicts around the world, there are some that live in the ‘no war, no peace’ environment. The so-called frozen conflicts have attracted significant scholarly and policy attention to explain their durability over time, and sustainability of the de facto regimes that live within such environment. This study shifts the focus from looking at the frozen state of the conflict to improving the understanding of how they become frozen in the first place. My question: ‘why do some territorial conflicts become frozen while others do not?’ sheds light on consistent-patron action during wartime to explain how, through the establishment of trade, territorial conflicts become frozen. Additional novel contributions are provided by conceptualizing patron-state support and focusing on trade as part of state-building mechanisms. A structured, focused comparison with a most-similar case design compares Nagorno-Karabakh Republic and Republika Srpska Krajina conflicts. My findings show partial support to the tested hypotheses that indicate a consistent patron-state’s trade establishment with de facto regime leads to frozen conflict. Empirical limitations within the cases limit the ability to draw stronger conclusions.

Game reserves and other forms of protected areas are growing in South Africa and particularly in the province of KwaZulu-Natal. There is an experienced increase in the demand of wildlife production and nature tourism and game reserves are thought to be profitable and ideal for combining biodiversity conservation and tourism. People living in or adjacent to these areas however often contest the establishment of such, and reconciliation sometimes seems unattainable. This study investigates a current case in KwaZulu-Natal where local people dispute the development of the eMakhosini-Ophathe Heritage Park and as a result the completion of the park is delayed. The objectives of this study were to place the park in contexts relevant to the current conflicts, to identify the stakeholders and their perceptions and further to explain these. The underlying vision of the park was also investigated and this was co-analysed with the stakeholder analysis. The results showed a general negative view on park management but differing views on the park itself. This is explained with the notable difference on how stakeholders are affected by the park: some will benefit economically and some are supposed to relocate. Negative views on park management stem essentially from lack of trust and transparency and there are doubts in management’s capacity to develop and run the park. The vision of the park embodies a very static view of nature, culture and people; and when transformed into practice conflicts arise.

Farm Dwellers the Forgotten People? Consequences of Conversions to Private Wildlife Production in KwaZulu-Natal (University of KwaZulu-Natal, Republic of South Africa)

This thesis examines constraints of the EU’s engagement in the frozen conflicts of the South Caucasus, namely, the Abkhazia, the South Ossetia, and the Nagorno-Karabakh conflicts. The study begins with a puzzle in which the EU’s ambition for prioritizing the resolution of frozen conflicts mismatches with the reality related to the status quo of frozen conflicts. By using an abductive reasoning in an observed surprising fact, the research highlights that the complexity of the region can be the main contributor to the EU’s limitations.   With this purpose, the ENP as a normative power of the EU is analyzed to identify how the EU is attempting to be a major actor in the region in order to secure its borders. Subsequently, the limitations of the EU in engaging in frozen conflicts are examined from ‘security dilemma’, ‘balance of power’ and ‘bandwagoning’ neorealism perspectives together with a comparative study on the three conflicts. The results show that the complexity of the region is a principal constraint for the EU. In particular, geopolitical rivalries with Russia and small states with their alliances contribute to the complexity of the region. However, this study also explores the idea that the complexity of the region is not only the best explanation for the EU’s limitations, but also the EU’s structure per se creates a lack of credibility with relations to the respective Caucasian states. For future studies, I suggest that the analysis of the social learning mechanism of the EU will be an asset for understanding the region and avoiding Eurocentric approaches towards Caucasian political systems and people. Regarding the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, policymakers can consider that it is possible to change the EU’s low profile either by having clear strategies concerning the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict or replacing one of the co-chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group with the EU.

Ett livligt debatterat ämne är huruvida det var på grund av media som USA förlorade Vietnamkriget. Denna diskussion har skapat ett förhållningssätt mellan försvarsmakter och media världen över. Ett förhållande där journalisterna hävdar att medborgarna har rätt att veta och militären hävdar att soldaten har rätt att leva. Vidare tar de stora världsledarna stora mått och steg i syfte att säkerställa att hemmaopinionen är positivt inställd till deras gärningar. När Saddam Hussein planerade att anfalla Kuwait och i dennes bedömning av omvärldens reaktion, lägger han stor vikt vid hur eventuella intervenerande nationers hemmaopinion skulle inverka på deras deltagande. Mitt syfte med detta arbete är att studera mediarapporteringen i två konflikter, Vietnamkriget och Gulkriget, diskutera kring frågeställningen om vilken påverkan medias rapporteringskaraktär hade på den amerikanska hemmaopinionen i samband med dessa två konflikter. Under arbetets gång kommer jag att använda mig Westley och MacLeans kommunikationsteori samt Daniel C Hallin teori avseende rapporteringssfärer för att studera tre variabler: Presidentpåverkan, TV-påverkan och slutligen Journalistpåverkan.

I de båda fallstudierna hittar man likheter och olikheter. Tillvägagångssätten har varit olika men inte sällan har liknande resultat uppnåtts. Skillnaden är egentligen graden av beredskap inför hanteringen av medieuppgiften. I Vietnamkriget är den något trevande hanteringen i del framgångsrik men kan inte mäta sig med den grad av framgång som koalitionens mediehantering uppvisade. Två fundamentalt grundläggande beteenden kan identifieras. Mediehanteringen under Vietnamkriget är att anse som reaktiv i sin hantering samtidigt som densamma under Gulfkriget var att anse som proaktiv. Denna skillnad resulterar i att opinionen på den egna arenan under Gulfkriget blir långt mer hanterbar och generellt mycket mer positiv inställd. Rapporteringskaraktären har en stor inverkan på opinionsbildningen. Där den militärpolitiska intressenten har absolut mest att förlora på en ofördelaktig rapporteringskaraktär. Analysen om journalistpåverkan under Vietnamkriget styrker otvivelaktigt detta. Av de två fallstudierna är resultatet av en förändrad rapporteringskaraktär tydligast här.

One of the most important issues debated in retrospect of the Vietnam war is whether media is to be blamed for the defeat. However, the debate has created a form of antagonistic fellowship between armed forces and media around the world. A fellowship where the media claims the people’s right to know and the military claims the soldiers’ right to live. The arguments importance increases further in view of the steps taken by world leaders in order to keep the home front opinions in favour of their actions. When Saddam Hussein planned to invade Kuwait he took into account how the home opinions of possible nations, who would be likely to intervene, would hamper its leader’s actions on Kuwait’s behalf. The purpose of this work is to study two conflicts, the Vietnam War and the Gulf War, in order to discuss the possible impact media might have had on the home opinion in the USA. During the work I will study the conflict by using the communication theory developed by Westley and McLean and Daniel C Hallin theory of spheres of reporting. These to theories will be used to study the three conceptual factors. These factors have been constructed in order to be able to study conflict by analysing the impact three variables; the President, TV and journalists.

In both case studies you find both differences and similarities. The methods of approach have been different, but results not seldom coherent. There is difference is the degree of preparation in handling the media assignment. In the Vietnam War the methods of approach were occasionally successful but nowhere near the degree of success presented in the coalitions way of approach. Two rudimentary methods can be identified. The method of approach in handling media in the Vietnam War is to be labeled as reactive whilst the same during the Gulf War is to be labeled as progressive. This fundamental difference result in the opinion being far more positive and far easier handled during the Gulf War. The character of reporting has an impact on opinion. The military political part is the one with absolutely most at stake in losing favorable public opinion. The analysis on impact of journalism, during the Vietnam War, undoubtedly supports this. Of the two case studies, the result on opinion because of change in reporting character is most easily supported here. 

After the fall of the Soviet Union a number of violent ethnic disputes were concluded through the establishment of ceasefires but have yet to be finalized through peace accords. This development resulted in the creation of de facto states in a setting known as ‘frozen conflicts’. These de facto states have managed to endure decades of unrecognition, stuck in a situation of “no war, no peace” and constitutes today “effective” political entities. The post-war development in these frozen conflicts has continuously surprised academia, defying pessimistic prediction of their sustainability. Following the positive, hybridized peace etymology laid out by Oliver Richmond, this thesis aims at exploring the peace- and state processes that has occurred during the Nagorno Karabakh peace process in order to explain the ambiguous developments that have been going on despite the limbo-like state of unrecognition. The relation between external and internal processes is interrogated through a periodization of key events, and thereafter a comprehensive analysis of how the processes relate to each other over time. The thesis concludes that the strong presence of identity politics regarding the historical Nagorno Karabakh favors the often violent and protective state formation process but is at least partially controlled by the international attempts at peace building. Local formations of peace do not allow for a reintegration of Nagorno Karabakh into Azerbaijan, at least not without explicit and extensive security and autonomy guarantees. Likewise, the external processes of peace and state building does not allow for local agency from Nagorno Karabakh, as it is viewed through a negative ontology of peace. The processes does provide some rather successful developments, as the almost finalized Land swap deal and the Madrid principles, but lacks the momentum of conquering the dominance of perceived or actualized violent state formation processes.

Reference SERGEEVA, Oxana. Enteral Predispositions of the Conflict in Donbass. Prague, 2021. Master's thesis. Charles University,Facultyof Social Sciences,Institute of SecurityStudies. Abstract The Revolution in Ukraine of 2014 has brought a lot of regional and international changes. Even though the crisis appears to be over, the new official authorities of Ukraine and the self- proclaimedDonetsk and Lugansk people's republics are still conflicting.It has commonly been assumed that the armed conflict in Donbas was the result of a latent Russian military aggression against Ukraine and that forces opposing the Ukrainian government do not represent the local populationrather being sponsored by the Russian authority.However, external incentives arguably could not lead to the emergence of a viable and widespread rebel movement unless there were internal predispositions to the emergence of armed separatism. It is vital to address problems within the country to identify domestic preconditions for invasion and conflict incitement. This researchwould argue that a key role in the emergence of the armed separatist movement in Donbas was played by at least two factors: historicallyformed polaritywithin the Ukrainian populationand the structure of the government. Thus, the armed conflict in Donbas was the result of a...

O fim da União das Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas desencadeou um vastíssimo conjunto de consequências geopolíticas que causou profundas modificações no equilíbrio de poderes a uma escala global. Como é evidente, o epicentro das maiores mudanças tomou lugar nas repúblicas que outrora integravam o bloco. Uma das que mais sentiu a turbulência dessa nova etapa da história do mundo foi a Geórgia, vizinha da Rússia a sul, já que este novo país contava no território sob sua responsabilidade com duas regiões de aspirações independentistas, a Abecásia e a Ossétia do Sul. Ora esses sentimentos de separatismo foram responsáveis por altos níveis de tensão e conflitualidade violenta que viriam a conhecer o seu apogeu em agosto de 2008, altura em que se registaram confrontações entre georgianos e russos, que se afirmaram apoiantes das pretensões abecásias e ossetas. A presente dissertação irá levar a cabo uma investigação destinada a compreender com clareza as motivações que estiveram no cerne destas discórdias, ao mesmo tempo que procurará compreender o que é um conflito congelado e de que forma pode este conceito enquadrar-se neste tipo de crise.
The collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics has originated a wide variety of geopolitical consequences which were responsable for deep modifications in the power balance of the world as a whole. Arguably, the most affected areas by this new changes were the republics that used to integrate the former block. Among them, one felt with particular impact this new chapter of the world history, Georgia, a neighbour in the south of Russia, since in this region were located two independentista regions, Abkhazia and South Ossetia. In that context, those goals feeded high levels of violence and conflicts, being the most chaotic moment in august 2008, when georgians fought against russians, supporters of the secessionists causes. Therefore, this dissertation will go deep into the motivations and circunstances that led to this severe confrontations, meanwhile it will understand what represents a frozen conflict and how it can be adapted to this crisis situation.

This thesis has for major aim to present the de facto state through another approach, by placing their intrinsic frozen conflict situation as a rational choice rather than a symptom of the lack of recognition. To do so, the case studies of Transnistria and Somaliland have been chosen since, the de facto state's academic field had, so far, focus more on the Caucasus' cases - therefore lack of similar comparisons. It appears indeed that, both these cases possess numerous similarities - such as not basing their identity on ethnicity or religion. Thus, through an empirical research, it has been possible to approach the establishment of these two de facto states and the reason behind the lack of international recognition; but also the role and influence of the frozen conflict within their internal evolution as well as their role in its perpetuation; and finally, the place of their parent state and the international community in the continuation of the status quo. It seems thus that, if it remains unlikely to find out if Somaliland and Transnistria do use the frozen conflict as a political tool to reach their political goals - namely international recognition but also identity building -, it appears that all actors involved in these conflicts do benefit from the perpetuation of such status quo.

The EU is engaged in managing territorial conflicts in the five Eastern Partnership countries at various levels and capacity. Based on this very difference the author sets out to find the reason behind the difference in EU’s efforts in managing conflicts in these countries, and what lie behind EU’s choice to act or otherwise. The author also focuses on exploring the EU’s approach in managing the conflicts and attempts to examine why EU’s engagement becomes salient in some cases while not in others.The author’s central aim in the research is to explore, understand, and explain the variation in the efforts of EU and motivations that lie behind its efforts in managing territorial conflicts in the EaP countries. In order to explain the variation the author proposes a framework based on two competing concepts – the normative and the interest based considerations, which helps observe the application of EU instruments in the conflicts. The author finds that pursuance of norms and values lie at the heart of EU’s efforts. Normative considerations such as promotion and protection of norms and values primarily human rights and pursuit of multilateralism better relate with the likelihood of EU engagement in managing the conflicts. Further, the EU’s concern for its internal security, although very limited, also explains the likelihood of EU actions in managing the conflicts. The author observes that the EU prefers implementing instruments that can be termed as non-invasive and refrains from using stricter measures such as sanctions. Furthermore, EU efforts are aimed at managing the conflict situation rather than attempting the resolution of the conflict. The EU follows a reactive need based approach to managing the conflicts and is inconsistent. This the author argues may be an informed decision from EU considering the lack of support among the conflicting parties for its active role in the conflict or a result of the persisting circumstances whereby EU does not have ample political or economic clout over the conflicting parties.Based on the discussions of the analysis the author argues that in some of the cases EU’s efforts are salient because it is creating conditions for eventual settlement by de-isolating the secessionist entities with their parent state and, preventing incidences from escalating to violence by bridging communication between conflicting parties. While reasons such as EU’s limited leverage against some of the conflicting parties, parallelism among EU institutions, ambiguity in EU’s policy towards some conflict cases and, lack of enough expertise of the region have reduced the effectiveness and salience of EU’s efforts. Finally, the author asserts that unless EU is able to offer the secessionist entities something equivalent or better than what these entities stand to gain from their current state, the efforts from EU regardless of the motivations will not have desired result. Hence, the author suggests that the EU needs to continue its policy of engagement with the secessionist entities furthering opportunities for the secessionist entities of economic engagement with EU single market. By further deliberate action to change its’ own and the parent states’ linkages with secessionist authorities, EU will be creating conditions that may have considerable impact in facilitating an eventual settlement. Furthermore, this linkage will generate more leverage hence making it possible for the EU to draw upon harsher measures, if the need arises.
UE zaangażowana jest w zarządzanie konfliktami terytorialnymi na obszarach pięciu krajów Partnerstwa Wschodniego na różnych poziomach i w różnym zakresie. W oparciu o te różnice autor dąży do znalezienia przyczyn występowania nierówności w działaniach UE obejmujących zarządzanie konfliktami w tych krajach oraz powodów, dla których Unia decyduje się na podejmowanie określonych działań lub na zastosowanie innych rozwiązań. Skupia się także na zgłębieniu postawy Unii w zarządzaniu konfliktami oraz próbuje zbadać, dlaczego w niektórych przypadkach zaangażowanie UE odgrywa istotną rolę, a w innych nie.Celem pracy jest zgłębienie, zrozumienie i wyjaśnienie różnic w działaniach podejmowanych przez UE oraz w motywach, którymi się kieruje w podejmowaniu działań w zakresie zarządzania konfliktami terytorialnymi w krajach Partnerstwa Wschodniego. Autor proponuje uczynienie tego w ramach opartych na dwóch konkurujących ujęciach – ujęciu normatywnym oraz rozważaniach bazujących na dbałości o interesy wspólnoty i państw członkowskich, które pomogą w przestrzeganiu stosowania właściwych instrumentów unijnych w zarządzaniu konfliktami.Autor twierdzi, że u podstaw podejmowanych przez Unię działań leży zachowanie zgodności z ustalonymi normami i wyznawanymi wartościami. Względy normatywne, takie jak promowanie oraz ochrona norm i wartości, w tym przede wszystkim praw człowieka, oraz dążenie do multilateralizmu w większym zakresie odnoszą się do prawdopodobieństwa zaangażowania UE w zarządzanie konfliktami. Troska Unii o bezpieczeństwo wewnętrzne, choć bardzo ograniczona, również tłumaczy prawdopodobieństwo prowadzenia przez UE działań w zakresie zarządzania konfliktami. Zdaniem autora Unia preferuje implementację instrumentów, które mogą być określone jako nieinwazyjne, oraz powstrzymuje się od wdrażania bardziej rygorystycznych środków, takich jak sankcje. Jej działania mają raczej na celu zarządzanie sytuacją konfliktową, a nie rozwiązanie samego konfliktu. W zarządzaniu konfliktami Unia stosuje strategię reaktywną i podejmuje kroki doraźne, co jest działaniem niekonsekwentnym. Stosowanie takich rozwiązań może być świadomą decyzją UE, biorąc pod uwagę brak poparcia ze strony uczestników konfliktu dla aktywnej roli Unii w sporze lub skutkiem sytuacji, w której Unia nie ma wystarczającego znaczenia politycznego ani gospodarczego dla stron konfliktu.Zdaniem autora w niektórych przypadkach działania Unii mają istotne znaczenie, ponieważ tworzą warunki dla osiągnięcia możliwego porozumienia poprzez ponowne przyłączenie regionów przejawiających tendencje separatystyczne do ich rodzimego kraju oraz zapobiegają eskalacji napięć i przekształceniu się incydentów w potencjalne konflikty zbrojne poprzez usprawnienie komunikacji pomiędzy stronami sporu. Jednak czynniki takie jak ograniczony wpływ Unii na niektóre ze stron konfliktu, paralelizm działania instytucji unijnych, niejednoznaczna polityka UE w odniesieniu do niektórych konfliktów oraz niewystarczająca wiedza specjalistyczna w zakresie danego obszaru zmniejszyły skuteczność i znaczenie działań podejmowanych przez Unię.Autor stwierdza, że dopóki Unia nie będzie mogła zaoferować jednostkom przejawiającym tendencje separatystyczne rozwiązania równie dobrego – lub lepszego – niż to, co terytoria te chcą same uzyskać od swoich państw, działania podejmowane przez UE nie przyniosą oczekiwanych rezultatów, niezależnie od towarzyszącej im motywacji. Autor sugeruje, że Unia powinna w dalszym ciągu realizować politykę angażowania się w regulowanie konfliktów na obszarach dążących do odrębności i umożliwiać i aktywny udział w jednolitym rynku UE. Poprzez dalsze celowe działania zmierzające do zmiany charakteru relacji między władzami rejonów wykazujących tendencje separatystyczne a ich rodzimymi państwami oraz samą Unią, UE będzie stwarzać warunki, które mogą mieć istotny wpływ na osiągnięcie porozumienia.

The thesis aims to discuss effectiveness of the international conflict resolution in the region of the South Caucasus, analyzing the challenges to international efforts to solve the three conflict cases: the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh is among the frozen disputes in the region, the others Abkhazia and the South Ossetia are nominally independent states, however de facto occupied by Russia. It is the fact that three regional players Russia, Turkey and Iran and global players Russia, US, EU have different type of impacts to conflict settlements in the region which directly relate to their political and economic interests. Therefore, after two decades of mediation by powerful states provided no final resolution with numerous attempts at mediation, wherein the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) has taken the lead. The complicated and interdepended relations of states make this region highly sensitive area for war and peace in the world theatrical chessboard. Author also analyzes the effectiveness of conflict management between the parties by focusing on conflicts in the South Caucasus region mentioning their historical, political, security and ethnic dimensions, where international organizations, namely OSCE, UN, EU involve.

O trabalho desenvolvido no âmbito desta dissertação de mestrado enquadra-se nas actividades do Centro de Excelência Jean Monnet “Peace Relations, Ontologies and Narratives in Europe: EU and its Eastern Neighbours” (PRONE), 611269- EPP-1-2019-1-PT-EPPJMO-CoE, Universidade de Coimbra.
A República Moldava da Transnístria é uma região separatista integrada no território da Moldova. O conflito entre as partes permanece por resolver desde 1992, altura em que se envolveram numa curta guerra após a dissolução da União das Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas que culminou com o estabelecimento deste Estado de facto em solo moldavo. A presente dissertação pretende demonstrar que a pedra basilar da sobrevivência da Transnístria é a Federação Russa que actua como protectora da região separatista no domínio militar, económico e político. Na análise do interesse russo na região, é utilizada uma abordagem neo-realista, na qual é ponderado o peso de competição geopolítica com o Ocidente, e uma abordagem construtivista, onde é conferida importância à questão da identidade e das percepções.
The Transnistrian Moldovan Republic is a separatist region that is part of the Moldovan territory. The conflict between Moldova and Transnistria remains unsolved since 1992, when the two sides engaged in a brief war after the dissolution of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics that ended with the establishment of this de facto State in Moldovan territory. The aim of this dissertation is to demonstrate that the cornerstone of the Transnistria survival is the Russian Federation, which acts as the protector of the region in the military, economic and political field. In order to understand the Russian interest in this region, this research uses the neorealist theory, arguing about the importance of the geopolitical competition with the Western powers, and a social constructivist theory, where the issue of identities and perceptions is highlighted.

The dissertation deals with the state of the relations between the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe and the Russian Federation. The main questions to be addressed are: "Has the Russian attitude towards the OSCE changed? How has Russia dealt with the OSCE in the last years? Do the OSCE security commitments play any role in the formation of the Russian foreign policy?" To answer these questions different approaches from international relations theories have been used, but especially, those that better reflect the importance of national constrains in foreign affairs. The formation of national interests is therefore, a key element to understand and assess the evolution of the Russian foreign policy and, subsequently, the evolution of the OSCE- Russia relations. A case of study is included to show better how Russian policies upon the OSCE have evolved from a positive engagement towards scepticism about the future of Russia within the Organisation. 1