Journal articles on the topic 'Frozen green peas'

Abstract Nightshade berries containing glycoalkaloids can be a contaminant in green peas. Methodology was developed to detect this contamination. The glycoalkaloid α-solasonine was extracted from frozen green peas with 1% (v/v) acetic acid, cleaned up on a C18 cartridge, and determined by liquid chromatography with UV detection at 200 nm. Method performance characteristics for the determination of α-solasonine include linearity from 140 to 1500 ng injected (r = 0.9996–0.9999); recovery ranging from 68 to 79%; limit of quantitation (LOQ) = 4.5 ppm (280 ng standard), and limit of detection = 0.64 ppm (40 ng standard). At the LOQ, the expanded uncertainty at 95% confidence was 0.38 × the reported value. The method was applied to the detection of α-solasonine in frozen green peas in a 2-year study of 60 samples of frozen green peas from Ontario, Canada. None of the samples contained α-solasonine. No unripe berries of Solanum nigrum were detected visually in the samples.

The effects of irradiation (0, 1.8, and 4.5 kGy) on the quality of frozen corn and peas were investigated during a 12-month period of postirradiation storage at −18°C. Irradiation of frozen corn and peas caused a reduction in ascorbic acid content of both vegetables and a loss of texture in peas but had no significant effects on instrumental color parameters (L*, a*, and b*), carotenoid and chlorophyll content, or antioxidant capacity of corn and peas. Irradiation reduced microbial loads of frozen peas and increased display life at 23°C of thawed peas by preserving the green color, apparently because of slower increases in the population of acid-producing microorganisms in the irradiated samples. Overall, irradiation significantly reduced the microbial load and increased the display life of peas and had minimal detrimental effects on the quality of frozen corn and peas.

The Agricultural Research Service of the United States Department of Agriculture announced the release of `Bettergreen' southernpea on 30 April 1991. `Bettergreen' is a cream-type cultivar that is homozygous for a newly discovered gene(s) conditioning a unique green cotyledon trait. `Bettergreen' can be harvested at the near-dry seed stage of maturity without loss of the seed's fresh green color. The color of the peas harvested upon reaching “dry-stage” maturity is light olive, and the color is present in both the seed coat and the cotyledons. The fresh peas are small (22 g per 100 peas), ovate to reniform in shape, and have excellent culinary quality. The dried peas have a smooth seed coat. `Bettergreen' is recommended for use as a home garden and fresh market cultivar for spring, mid-season, and fall plantings throughout the southeastern United States. It is particularly recommended for trial as a commercial processing cultivar for the frozen food industry.

The purpose of the current study is to identify the motivating factors in purchasing frozen food in Kathmandu. Frozen food is considered one of the growing food industry, and bears the ability to sustain itself in today’s market. The research used casual-comparative and descriptive research design with a quantitative and qualitative approach to get an in-depth understanding of the subject matter. The convenience sampling technique was to collect the data where 156 samples were collected using a survey questionnaire from the consumer who bought frozen food from the department store in the Balaju area of Kathmandu. Along with this in-depth interview was taken with the store representative to find out the highly preferable frozen food. A test of ANOVA was run to understand the relationship between demographic variables and motivation factors and purchase intention. The correlation coefficient was used to test the relationship between dependent and independent variables. Research findings reveal that there is no significant relationship between age, gender, and employment status on motivation factor and purchase intention, however, the finding revealed that there is a significant relationship between education and purchase intention. Similarly, the research uncovered that the consumer’s motivation in regards to purchasing frozen food is highly dependent on intrinsic factors (taste, ingredients, nutritional value, value for money), and extrinsic factors (brand, advertisement, convenience, education). Along with this study also revealed on a household, the most purchase frozen food product is frozen MO: MO and on industrial related with the restaurant and hotels, the most purchased frozen food product is the frozen green peas, French fries, and sweet corn.

ABSTRACT The growth characteristics of Listeria monocytogenes inoculated onto frozen foods (corn, green peas, crabmeat, and shrimp) and thawed by being stored at 4, 8, 12, and 20°C were investigated. The growth parameters, lag-phase duration (LPD) and exponential growth rate (EGR), were determined by using a two-phase linear growth model as a primary model and a square root model for EGR and a quadratic model for LPD as secondary models, based on the growth data. The EGR model predictions were compared with growth rates obtained from the USDA Pathogen Modeling Program, calculated with similar pH, salt percentage, and NaNO2 parameters, at all storage temperatures. The results showed that L. monocytogenes grew well in all food types, with the growth rate increasing with storage temperature. Predicted EGRs for all food types demonstrated the significance of storage temperature and similar growth rates among four food types. The predicted EGRs showed slightly slower rate compared with the values from the U.S. Department of Agriculture Pathogen Modeling Program. LPD could not be accurately predicted, possibly because there were not enough sampling points. These data established by using real food samples demonstrated that L. monocytogenes can initiate growth without a prolonged lag phase even at refrigeration temperature (4°C), and the predictive models derived from this study can be useful for developing proper handling guidelines for thawed frozen foods during production and storage.

Sales of organic foods at retail have grown at rates from 20 to 35% in many countries throughout Europe, Asia, and the Americas during the 1990s. Yet market shares of organic foods remain quite small, less than 3% of retail value in all countries throughout the world. As mainstream retail outlets have begun to carry and promote organic foods, lack of availability of organic foods has become less of an impediment to consumer demand. The major impediment to continued growth in organic food demand is high price premiums for organic foods over conventional food counterparts. Some of the highest price premiums at retail are displayed by fresh and frozen vegetables and fruit: premiums as high as 250% for frozen green peas (Pisum sativum L.) in the United States have been recorded. Indirect evidence in the form of willingness-to-pay studies and retail pricing experiments indicate that the majority of consumers will not pay such high price premiums for organic fruit and vegetables. Small market shares at retail tend to corroborate consumers' unwillingness to pay such high prices. How much prices of organic fruit and vegetables would have to be reduced relative to conventional produce in order to increase market shares of organic produce is not clear.

Systematic kinetic modeling is required to predict frozen systems behavior in cold dynamic conditions. A one-step procedure, where all data are used simultaneously in a non-linear algorithm, is implemented to estimate the kinetic parameters of both primary and secondary models. Compared to the traditional two-step methodology, more precise estimates are obtained, and the calculated parameter uncertainty can be introduced in realistic shelf life predictions, as a tool for cold chain optimization. Additionally, significant variability of the real distribution/storage conditions is recorded, and must be also incorporated in a kinetic prediction scheme. The applicability of the approach is theoretically demonstrated in an analysis of data on frozen green peas Vitamin C content, for the calculation of joint confidence intervals of kinetic parameters. A stochastic algorithm is implemented, through a double Monte Carlo scheme incorporating the temperature variability during distribution, drawn from cold chain databases. Assuming a distribution scenario of 130 days in the cold chain, 93 ± 110 days remaining shelf life was predicted compared to 180 days assumed based on the use by date. Overall, through the theoretical case study investigated, the uncertainty of models’ parameters and cold chain dynamics were incorporated into shelf life assessment, leading to more realistic predictions.

Sales of organic foods at retail have grown at rates from 20% to 35% in many countries throughout Europe, Asia, and the Americas during the 1990s. Yet market shares of organic foods remain quite small, less than 5%of retail value in all countries throughout the world. As mainstream retail outlets have begun to carry and promote organic foods, lack of availability of organic foods has become less of an impediment to consumer demand. The major impediment to continued growth in organic food demand is high price premiums for organic foods over conventional food counterparts. Some of the highest price premiums at retail are displayed by fresh and frozen vegetables and fruit; premiums as high as 250% for frozen green peas in the United States have been recorded. Indirect evidence in the form willingness-to-pay studies and retail pricing experiments indicate that the majority of consumers will not pay such high price premiums for organic fruit and vegetables. Small market shares at retail tend to corroborate consumers' willingness to pay such high prices. How much prices of organic fruit and vegetables would have to be reduced relative to conventional produce in order to increase market shares of organic produce is not clear.

This article provides an overview of the production and use of field pea in European farming systems. Pea is cultivated in Europe for both human consumption and for animal feeding. For food, pea is consumed as dry seeds, green pods or green seeds (fresh, canned or frozen). Field pea is also used for animal feed. Pea production has declined in the region; however, interest in pea cultivation has recently revived. Pea production provides several agronomic advantages in the Mediterranean region supporting more sustainable cropping systems and reduced nitrogen fertiliser use. Furthermore, peas for animal feed partly substitute for the increasingly expensive imported soybean. In addition to describing the current situation of pea cultivation and the future perspectives, this chapter reports on the adaptability of pea in Europe, cropping techniques with emphasis on modern farming practices and varieties that make their cultivation more profitable and more attractive to growers, and the cropping systems that are commonly used for field pea production. The currently applied cropping practices in the region, including rotation, soil tillage practices, fertilisation, sowing and crop density, weed, pest and disease management, irrigation and harvesting, are outlined.

1. It has been suggested that deconjugation of food folates with pig kidney, compared with chicken pancreas, may increase measureable folate by approximately 50% (Phillips & Wright, 1983). Therefore deconjugation with conjugases from these two enzyme sources was optimized and compared. Folate was measured microbiologically with Lactobacillus casei (ATCC 7469) as the test organism at pH 5·6.2. Treatment for 6 h with 200 mg pig kidney/200 mg sample was compared with the conventional assay employing overnight incubation with 20 mg chicken pancreas/5 g sample. Comparison of the deconjugation systems showed chicken pancreas to be superior for peas (Pisum sativum) and beans (Phaseolus vulgaris), while there was no difference for potatoes.3. γ-Glutamyl hydrolase (conjugase; EC 3. 4.22. 12) treatment for 2 and 20 h with pig kidney and chicken pancreas was optimized for raw potatoes and green frozen peas. Treatments with pig kidney were conducted at pH 4·6, which is optimal, and at pH 5·2. There was no significant difference between 2 and 20 h treatments at pH 5·2. Treatments with chicken pancreas were conducted at pH 6·1. Treatment for 2 h was preferred as it resulted in significantly higher measureable folate activity in peas and potatoes, and because overnight treatment can be influenced by microbial production of folate.4. With optimal treatment conditions the source of enzymes did not significantly influence measureable folate activity. Chicken pancreas is the traditional source of conjugase in Scandinavia and was preferred for deconjugation.5. Chicken pancreas, 20 and 60 mg, was used for deconjugation of sixteen different food samples, each containing approximately 200 ng folate. Chicken pancreas at 60 mg/sample gave significantly higher results. Further addition of enzyme did not increase the folate values.6. A combined amylase treatment using heat-resistant α-amylase (EC 3.2.1.1) during extraction to ensure the gelatinization of the sample, and glucan 1,4-α-glucosidase (amyloglucosidase; EC 3.2.1.3), along with the incubation with chicken pancreas to complete the digestion, was shown to give a small but significant increase in folate values of starch-containing samples.7. Folate results using the recommended procedure are given for raw potatoes, wheat bran, rolled oats, wheat flour and dark rye bread.8. Chicken pancreas was shown to contain equally high amounts of amylases as did the α-amylase and amyloglucosidase sources. This finding may explain the relatively small benefit of a specific amylase addition.

Electroluminescence of GaInN/GaN multiple-quantum-well (QW) light-emitting diodes emitting in the green spectral region is analyzed at variable low temperature. Spectra are dominated by QW emission at RT throughout 7.7 K. Below 150 K, donor-acceptor pair recombination appears that must be assigned to residual impurities in either the barriers or the p-layers. The current-voltage behavior reveals shunt paths that carry up to several mA at low bias voltages. Below 20 K those paths are frozen out, but the device still emits predominantly from the QW. The peak energy exhibits a blue shift from RT to 158 K followed by a red shift from 158 K to 7.7 K. The deeper binding energy at low temperatures can hardly be affect by the injection current indicating that saturation of low-density states cannot be responsible for the transition between red and blue shifts.

“Ruaner” pear (Pyrus ussuriensis Maxim.) is a fruit crop that is frequently served frozen in China. It is a typical postharvest ripening fruit that needs to ripen after harvest before it can be eaten, and freezing–thawing is one way that pears are treated during postharvest ripening. In order to study the physical–chemical composition and quality-related changes in “Ruaner” pears that result the freezing–thawing period, “Ruaner” pears were kept in a freezer (−20 °C) for 7 days, after which they were transferred to room temperature for thawing. The color of the peel of the “Ruaner” pears changed from yellow-green to yellow and then brown. The chlorophyll content and titratable acidity (TA) decreased significantly throughout 0–12 h period. The carotenoid content tended to rise and then decrease, peaking at 3 h after thawing (HAT), while the soluble solids content (SSC), firmness, total phenolic content, and total flavonoid content all generally decreased. The composition of soluble sugars and organic acids was examined in “Ruaner” pears, and the major soluble sugars were fructose and glucose, with citric acid being the most abundant organic acid. The data suggest that freezing–thawing significantly changes firmness, water content, SSC, and TA in “Ruaner” pears. At 3–4 HAT, “Ruaner” pears have moderate hardness, high water content, low acid content, and higher total phenolic, total flavonoid, and soluble solids content. Therefore, 3–4 HAT is the best time for pears in terms of both table and processing quality.

Berries and vegetables can be sources of beneficial phytochemicals that may have antioxidant activity in the human diet. Information on type and quantity of phytochemicals may open new crop opportunities for berries and vegetables harvested in Alaska. A method was developed for detecting ascorbic acid and eight phenolic acids on an HPLC instrument using a reverse phase Merck Chromolith C18 column. The method used UV absorbance detection at 280nm to separate a standard solution of the following nine phytochemicals: ascorbic acid, gallic acid, protocatechuic acid, p-hydroxybenzoic acid, p-hydroxyphenylacetic acid, caffeic acid, syringic acid, p-coumaric acid and ferulic acid. The mobile phase was a mixture (3.5% to 14% gradient) of organic solvent (5 parts acetonitrile: 2 parts methanol) and aqueous solvent (2 mmol aqueous trifluoroacetic acid - TFA) at a flow rate of 2 mL/min. In 2003, over 60 samples of berries and 60 samples of baby greens were extracted and analyzed. Plant samples were extracted by blending 10-20g of frozen plant tissue with 5 parts TFA. The extracts were centrifuged, diluted 4:1 and filtered (0.2 μm). Chromatograms from HPLC analysis for all samples were complex in peak size and number. Chromatograms for six extracts of high bush cranberries, Viburnum edule, exhibited intense peaks that indicate the presence of caffeic acid, based on retention times. Chromatograms for seven extracts of rose hips, Rosa acicularis, exhibited peaks that indicate the presence of ascorbic acid, based on retention times. Gallic acid and p-hydroxybenzoic acid are apparent minor components in the leaves of some baby greens. This research will continue in 2004 with more plant samples and further method development for detection of other phytochemicals.

<p>The content and the profile distribution of the element composition of the 1 meter high peat deposits in flat frost mound bogs are investigated. The botanical composition of peat is described. The results of the botanical composition analysis of peat showed that deposits consist mainly of sphagnum mosses, lichens, shrubs, green mosses, pine wood, as well as pine and birch bark. A good correlation between the degree of peat decomposition and the brightness of dry peat measured by the CIE L*a*b* color model is revealed. As a result of the study of peat samples’ color, it has been found that this parameter can be used as an express method for the rapid assessment of peat degree decomposition. The highest concentration of the organic carbon occurs at the base of the peat deposit (64.4±0.2%). The nitrogen concentration in permafrost peat is higher than in thawed (1.0 ± 0.2% and 0.7 ± 0.1%, respectively, the difference is significant at p = 0.001). The C / N ratio decreases from 72 ± 16 in 0-40 cm in the thawed layer to 50 ± 10 in the frozen part (40-100 cm). Within the bottom low boundary of the seasonally thawed layer, a local increase in the N concentration was detected, as well as an almost 2-fold decrease in the C/N ratio. It is most likely related to the high increase in the rate of microbial activity on the border between the thawed layer and the permafrost peat. It was revealed that most of the elements are concentrated in the upper (thawed) part of the peat deposit. Among them, only Na, Mg, Ca, Zn, Ba, As and Sb have a significant difference. Despite the fact that significant differences according to non-parametric U-criterion Mann-Whitney test were identified only for 7 elements, the distribution of the rest along elements the frozen and thawed peat layer is similar in nature. So for Na, Mg, Al, P, K, Ca, Ti, Fe, Zn, Ba, Li, B, V, Cr, Mn, Co, Ni, Cu, Ga, As, Rb, Sr, Y, Zr, Nb, Mo, Cd, Sb, Cs, the upper quartiles of concentrations in the seasonally thawed layer are 1.2 - 6.9 times higher than in the permafrost peat, and for C, N, Al, Ba, B, V, Co, Cu , Zr, Nb, Mo it is 1,0 - 0,6 times lower, respectively. Generally, according to the element composition, it is safe to say that the differences stem from the botanical composition. In general, according to the elemental composition it can be said that the differences are primarily due to the botanical composition. The active layer comprises mainly sphagnum mosses and lichens, the woody peat already appears in the lower permafrost part of the deposit. A correlation between the brightness of peat and the total content of ash elements (R2 = 0.65, excluding 1 sample) was revealed within the active layer. Taking into account the fact that the brightness correlates with the degree of decomposition, it may be concluded that higher upper quartile of the concentrations of elements in the active layer relates to the slower peat accumulation rate for the last 3 thousand years and, correspondingly, a large accumulation of dust components from the atmosphere by the peat layers.</p>

Ubiquity of Listeria monocytogenes in the environment impacts the food industry and presents concerns for frozen food facilities. This study determined the prevalence and numbers of Listeria species and L. monocytogenes on raw produce arriving at frozen food facilities. Raw produce was collected using multi-level blinding protocols to ensure anonymity of participants and avoid traceback. Five raw vegetables were selected: corn, carrots, green beans, peas, and spinach. Raw products were collected after arrival at the facilities but before any cleaning or other pre-processing steps that are typically performed inside the facility. The FDA BAM method for detection of Listeria spp. and L. monocytogenes was followed, with PCR screening followed by selective plating methods. Listeria numbers were estimated from positive samples using MPN methodology. A total of 290 samples were collected, with 96 and 17 samples positive for Listeria spp. (33.1%) and L. monocytogenes (5.9%), respectively. Enumeration data for the 96 Listeria spp. samples indicated 82 samples had greater than 100 MPN Listeria spp./g and 14 samples less than 100 MPN Listeria spp./g. The prevalence of Listeria spp. varied by commodity: spinach (66.7%), peas (50%), corn (32.2%), green beans (22.2%), and carrots (13%). L. monocytogenes prevalence was determined in corn (13.6%), peas (6.3%), and green beans (4.2%) arriving at processing facilities. Such data was previously unavailable to frozen vegetable processors and is valuable in implementing process control standards. The prevalence and pathogen concentration data from raw commodities found in this study can provide the industry information to conduct more accurate quantitative risk assessments and provide a baseline to model and target appropriate pathogen reduction steps during processing.

The Dutch Households bought in 2010 compared with the year before a little less vegetables and less fruit. However because of a higher price level the supermarket sales of fruits and vegetables increased with 7% to almost €3 billion. A Dutch household bought 72.4 kilo fresh vegetables in 2010. This is 2% less than in 2009. Tomatoes are the most bought vegetable followed by onion and cucumber. Although the Dutch households bought less vegetables, the spending increased with 5%. The average price of vegetables was 7% higher than in 2009. In 2010 a Dutch household bought almost 88 kilo fresh fruit. Compared with 2009 this was 2% less. Apple is far out the most popular, followed by orange and banana. Also the spending on fruit decreased a little, specially on strawberry, kiwi and banana. The sales of vegetables is realized for almost 90% by the supermarket channel. Albert Heijn has a market share of 38%, followed by Superunie and C1000. Also for fruit the supermarket is the most important retail channel. However fruit is also sold for 20% in grocery stores and markets. The total turnover from supermarkets of vegetables was in 2010 over €2 billion, 8% more than in 2009. 85% of this is fresh product (fresh and pre-treated). Canned vegetables become less popular. The turnover was decreasing 2% to just under €200 million. Green beans are the most popular, followed by peas and carrots. However more money was spend on frozen vegetables (+5%) and pickles (+1%). Over 40% of the supermarket turnover of frozen vegetables is spend on spinach. The supermarket turnover of fruit increased in 2010 with 3% to €1,25 billion. From this 93% is fresh unprocessed fruit. The turnover of pre-treated (washed and sliced) is increasing, but still not more than 3%. Although with a modest share, the spending on frozen fruit also increased in 2010 to €5,5 million. The turnover of canned fruit however was decreasing with 6% compared with 2009. The supermarket turnover of pre-treated fruit was €35 million. Albert Heijn is the absolute market leader for pretreated fruit. In 2010 70% of the sales was realized by Albert Heijn. Mixed fresh pre-treated fruit, mainly fruit salads, account for 40% of the total supermarket turnover of processed fruit. Canned pineapple is the most important canned fruit in supermarkets, followed by fruit cocktail and peach. There is a high degree of awareness of consumers regarding the “must” to use enough fruit and vegetables. Despite of this, consumers do not always eat enough healthy products. Reasons for this are the busy life of the modern young people and the perception that vegetables are “not easy” to use. Therefore preparing a meal has to be easy and fast with suitable products Here is an important task for concept and product development.

Silver nanoparticles (AgNPs) offer a broad range of high commercial value applications. However, current techniques to synthesize AgNPs using chemical and physical approaches are toxic to the environment and not cost-effective in the long-term. Therefore, utilization of green biological synthesis technique to produce AgNPs is one of the solutions. In this study, marine polychaete Diopatra claparedii was used to investigate its potential in synthesizing AgNPs. Specimens were collected from tidal flats adjacent to the mangrove forest in the west coast of Peninsular Malaysia and divided into two groups: freshly prepared (acclimatized in aquaria) and frozen (kept in the freezer) samples. Samples from both groups were cut, finely pulverized, filtrated, and mixed with silver nitrate (AgNO3) at room temperature. Colour changes were recorded after 24 hours, 2 weeks, and 8 weeks of incubation. Formation of AgNPs was quantified using UV-Vis spectroscopy analysis, where surface Plasmon resonance (SPR) peaks were observed in the range of 400–440 nm, confirming the formation of the AgNPs. Subsequently, the synthesized nanoparticles were validated using scanning electron microscope. AgNPs showed weak antibacterial activity because of aggregation. Further studies are required to confirm the findings.

Background “The sense of taste,” write Nelson and colleagues in a 2002 issue of Nature, “provides animals with valuable information about the nature and quality of food. Mammals can recognize and respond to a diverse repertoire of chemical entities, including sugars, salts, acids and a wide range of toxic substances” (199). The authors go on to argue that several amino acids—the building blocks of proteins—taste delicious to humans and that “having a taste pathway dedicated to their detection probably had significant evolutionary implications”. They imply, but do not specify, that the evolutionary implications are positive. This may be the case with some amino acids, but contemporary tastes, and changes in them, are far from universally beneficial. Indeed, this article argues that modern food production shapes and distorts human taste with significant implications for health and wellbeing. Take the western taste for fried chipped potatoes, for example. According to Schlosser in Fast Food Nation, “In 1960, the typical American ate eighty-one pounds of fresh potatoes and about four pounds of frozen french fries. Today [2002] the typical American eats about forty-nine pounds of fresh potatoes every year—and more than thirty pounds of frozen french fries” (115). Nine-tenths of these chips are consumed in fast food restaurants which use mass-manufactured potato-based frozen products to provide this major “foodservice item” more quickly and cheaply than the equivalent dish prepared from raw ingredients. These choices, informed by human taste buds, have negative evolutionary implications, as does the apparently long-lasting consumer preference for fried goods cooked in trans-fats. “Numerous foods acquire their elastic properties (i.e., snap, mouth-feel, and hardness) from the colloidal fat crystal network comprised primarily of trans- and saturated fats. These hardstock fats contribute, along with numerous other factors, to the global epidemics related to metabolic syndrome and cardiovascular disease,” argues Michael A. Rogers (747). Policy makers and public health organisations continue to compare notes internationally about the best ways in which to persuade manufacturers and fast food purveyors to reduce the use of these trans-fats in their products (L’Abbé et al.), however, most manufacturers resist. Hank Cardello, a former fast food executive, argues that “many products are designed for ‘high hedonic value’, with carefully balanced combinations of salt, sugar and fat that, experience has shown, induce people to eat more” (quoted, Trivedi 41). Fortunately for the manufactured food industry, salt and sugar also help to preserve food, effectively prolonging the shelf life of pre-prepared and packaged goods. Physiological Factors As Glanz et al. discovered when surveying 2,967 adult Americans, “taste is the most important influence on their food choices, followed by cost” (1118). A person’s taste is to some extent an individual response to food stimuli, but the tongue’s taste buds respond to five basic categories of food: salty, sweet, sour, bitter, and umami. ‘Umami’ is a Japanese word indicating “delicious savoury taste” (Coughlan 11) and it is triggered by the amino acid glutamate. Japanese professor Kikunae Ikeda identified glutamate while investigating the taste of a particular seaweed which he believed was neither sweet, sour, bitter, or salty. When Ikeda combined the glutamate taste essence with sodium he formed the food additive sodium glutamate, which was patented in 1908 and subsequently went into commercial production (Japan Patent Office). Although individual, a person’s taste preferences are by no means fixed. There is ample evidence that people’s tastes are being distorted by modern food marketing practices that process foods to make them increasingly appealing to the average palate. In particular, this industrialisation of food promotes the growth of a snack market driven by salty and sugary foods, popularly constructed as posing a threat to health and wellbeing. “[E]xpanding waistlines [are] fuelled by a boom in fast food and a decline in physical activity” writes Stark, who reports upon the 2008 launch of a study into Australia’s future ‘fat bomb’. As Deborah Lupton notes, such reports were a particular feature of the mid 2000s when: intense concern about the ‘obesity epidemic’ intensified and peaked. Time magazine named 2004 ‘The Year of Obesity’. That year the World Health Organization’s Global Strategy on Diet, Physical Activity and Health was released and the [US] Centers for Disease Control predicted that a poor diet and lack of exercise would soon claim more lives than tobacco-related disease in the United States. (4) The American Heart Association recommends eating no more than 1500mg of salt per day (Hamzelou 11) but salt consumption in the USA averages more than twice this quantity, at 3500mg per day (Bernstein and Willett 1178). In the UK, a sustained campaign and public health-driven engagement with food manufacturers by CASH—Consensus Action on Salt and Health—resulted in a reduction of between 30 and 40 percent of added salt in processed foods between 2001 and 2011, with a knock-on 15 percent decline in the UK population’s salt intake overall. This is the largest reduction achieved by any developed nation (Brinsden et al.). “According to the [UK’s] National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE), this will have reduced [UK] stroke and heart attack deaths by a minimum of 9,000 per year, with a saving in health care costs of at least £1.5bn a year” (MacGregor and Pombo). Whereas there has been some success over the past decade in reducing the amount of salt consumed, in the Western world the consumption of sugar continues to rise, as a graph cited in the New Scientist indicates (O’Callaghan). Regular warnings that sugar is associated with a range of health threats and delivers empty calories devoid of nutrition have failed to halt the increase in sugar consumption. Further, although some sugar is a natural product, processed foods tend to use a form invented in 1957: high-fructose corn syrup (HFCS). “HFCS is a gloopy solution of glucose and fructose” writes O’Callaghan, adding that it is “as sweet as table sugar but has typically been about 30% cheaper”. She cites Serge Ahmed, a French neuroscientist, as arguing that in a world of food sufficiency people do not need to consume more, so they need to be enticed to overeat by making food more pleasurable. Ahmed was part of a team that ran an experiment with cocaine-addicted rats, offering them a mutually exclusive choice between highly-sweetened water and cocaine: Our findings clearly indicate that intense sweetness can surpass cocaine reward, even in drug-sensitized and -addicted individuals. We speculate that the addictive potential of intense sweetness results from an inborn hypersensitivity to sweet tastants. In most mammals, including rats and humans, sweet receptors evolved in ancestral environments poor in sugars and are thus not adapted to high concentrations of sweet tastants. The supranormal stimulation of these receptors by sugar-rich diets, such as those now widely available in modern societies, would generate a supranormal reward signal in the brain, with the potential to override self-control mechanisms and thus lead to addiction. (Lenoir et al.) The Tongue and the Brain One of the implications of this research about the mammalian desire for sugar is that our taste for food is about more than how these foods actually taste in the mouth on our tongues. It is also about the neural response to the food we eat. The taste of French fries thus also includes that “snap, mouth-feel, and hardness” and the “colloidal fat crystal network” (Rogers, “Novel Structuring” 747). While there is no taste receptor for fats, these nutrients have important effects upon the brain. Wang et al. offered rats a highly fatty, but palatable, diet and allowed them to eat freely. 33 percent of the calories in the food were delivered via fat, compared with 21 percent in a normal diet. The animals almost doubled their usual calorific intake, both because the food had a 37 percent increased calorific content and also because the rats ate 47 percent more than was standard (2786). The research team discovered that in as little as three days the rats “had already lost almost all of their ability to respond to leptin” (Martindale 27). Leptin is a hormone that acts on the brain to communicate feelings of fullness, and is thus important in assisting animals to maintain a healthy body weight. The rats had also become insulin resistant. “Severe resistance to the metabolic effects of both leptin and insulin ensued after just 3 days of overfeeding” (Wang et al. 2786). Fast food restaurants typically offer highly palatable, high fat, high sugar, high salt, calorific foods which can deliver 130 percent of a day’s recommended fat intake, and almost a day’s worth of an adult man’s calories, in one meal. The impacts of maintaining such a diet over a comparatively short time-frame have been recorded in documentaries such as Super Size Me (Spurlock). The after effects of what we widely call “junk food” are also evident in rat studies. Neuroscientist Paul Kenny, who like Ahmed was investigating possible similarities between food- and cocaine-addicted rats, allowed his animals unlimited access to both rat ‘junk food’ and healthy food for rats. He then changed their diets. “The rats with unlimited access to junk food essentially went on a hunger strike. ‘It was as if they had become averse to healthy food’, says Kenny. It took two weeks before the animals began eating as much [healthy food] as those in the control group” (quoted, Trivedi 40). Developing a taste for certain food is consequently about much more than how they taste in the mouth; it constitutes an individual’s response to a mixture of taste, hormonal reactions and physiological changes. Choosing Health Glanz et al. conclude their study by commenting that “campaigns attempting to change people’s perception of the importance of nutrition will be interpreted in terms of existing values and beliefs. A more promising strategy might be to stress the good taste of healthful foods” (1126). Interestingly, this is the strategy already adopted by some health-focused cookbooks. I have 66 cookery books in my kitchen. None of ten books sampled from the five spaces in which these books are kept had ‘taste’ as an index entry, but three books had ‘taste’ in their titles: The Higher Taste, Taste of Life, and The Taste of Health. All three books seek to promote healthy eating, and they all date from the mid-1980s. It might be that taste is not mentioned in cookbook indexes because it is a sine qua non: a focus upon taste is so necessary and fundamental to a cookbook that it goes without saying. Yet, as the physiological evidence makes clear, what we find palatable is highly mutable, varying between people, and capable of changing significantly in comparatively short periods of time. The good news from the research studies is that the changes wrought by high salt, high sugar, high fat diets need not be permanent. Luciano Rossetti, one of the authors on Wang et al’s paper, told Martindale that the physiological changes are reversible, but added a note of caution: “the fatter a person becomes the more resistant they will be to the effects of leptin and the harder it is to reverse those effects” (27). Morgan Spurlock’s experience also indicates this. In his case it took the actor/director 14 months to lose the 11.1 kg (13 percent of his body mass) that he gained in the 30 days of his fast-food-only experiment. Trivedi was more fortunate, stating that, “After two weeks of going cold turkey, I can report I have successfully kicked my ice cream habit” (41). A reader’s letter in response to Trivedi’s article echoes this observation. She writes that “the best way to stop the craving was to switch to a diet of vegetables, seeds, nuts and fruits with a small amount of fish”, adding that “cravings stopped in just a week or two, and the diet was so effective that I no longer crave junk food even when it is in front of me” (Mackeown). Popular culture indicates a range of alternative ways to resist food manufacturers. In the West, there is a growing emphasis on organic farming methods and produce (Guthman), on sl called Urban Agriculture in the inner cities (Mason and Knowd), on farmers’ markets, where consumers can meet the producers of the food they eat (Guthrie et al.), and on the work of advocates of ‘real’ food, such as Jamie Oliver (Warrin). Food and wine festivals promote gourmet tourism along with an emphasis upon the quality of the food consumed, and consumption as a peak experience (Hall and Sharples), while environmental perspectives prompt awareness of ‘food miles’ (Weber and Matthews), fair trade (Getz and Shreck) and of land degradation, animal suffering, and the inequitable use of resources in the creation of the everyday Western diet (Dare, Costello and Green). The burgeoning of these different approaches has helped to stimulate a commensurate growth in relevant disciplinary fields such as Food Studies (Wessell and Brien). One thing that all these new ways of looking at food and taste have in common is that they are options for people who feel they have the right to choose what and when to eat; and to consume the tastes they prefer. This is not true of all groups of people in all countries. Hiding behind the public health campaigns that encourage people to exercise and eat fresh fruit and vegetables are the hidden “social determinants of health: The conditions in which people are born, grow, live, work and age, including the health system” (WHO 45). As the definitions explain, it is the “social determinants of health [that] are mostly responsible for health iniquities” with evidence from all countries around the world demonstrating that “in general, the lower an individual’s socioeconomic position, the worse his or her health” (WHO 45). For the comparatively disadvantaged, it may not be the taste of fast food that attracts them but the combination of price and convenience. If there is no ready access to cooking facilities, or safe food storage, or if a caregiver is simply too time-poor to plan and prepare meals for a family, junk food becomes a sensible choice and its palatability an added bonus. For those with the education, desire, and opportunity to break free of the taste for salty and sugary fats, however, there are a range of strategies to achieve this. There is a persuasive array of evidence that embracing a plant-based diet confers a multitude of health benefits for the individual, for the planet and for the animals whose lives and welfare would otherwise be sacrificed to feed us (Green, Costello and Dare). Such a choice does involve losing the taste for foods which make up the lion’s share of the Western diet, but any sense of deprivation only lasts for a short time. The fact is that our sense of taste responds to the stimuli offered. It may be that, notwithstanding the desires of Jamie Oliver and the like, a particular child never will never get to like broccoli, but it is also the case that broccoli tastes differently to me, seven years after becoming a vegan, than it ever did in the years in which I was omnivorous. When people tell me that they would love to adopt a plant-based diet but could not possibly give up cheese, it is difficult to reassure them that the pleasure they get now from that specific cocktail of salty fats will be more than compensated for by the sheer exhilaration of eating crisp, fresh fruits and vegetables in the future. Conclusion For decades, the mass market food industry has tweaked their products to make them hyper-palatable and difficult to resist. They do this through marketing experiments and consumer behaviour research, schooling taste buds and brains to anticipate and relish specific cocktails of sweet fats (cakes, biscuits, chocolate, ice cream) and salty fats (chips, hamburgers, cheese, salted nuts). They add ingredients to make these products stimulate taste buds more effectively, while also producing cheaper items with longer life on the shelves, reducing spoilage and the complexity of storage for retailers. Consumers are trained to like the tastes of these foods. Bitter, sour, and umami receptors are comparatively under-stimulated, with sweet, salty, and fat-based tastes favoured in their place. Western societies pay the price for this learned preference in high blood pressure, high cholesterol, diabetes, and obesity. Public health advocate Bruce Neal and colleagues, working to reduce added salt in processed foods, note that the food and manufacturing industries can now provide most of the calories that the world needs to survive. “The challenge now”, they argue, “is to have these same industries provide foods that support long and healthy adult lives. And in this regard there remains a very considerable way to go”. If the public were to believe that their sense of taste is mutable and has been distorted for corporate and industrial gain, and if they were to demand greater access to natural foods in their unprocessed state, then that journey towards a healthier future might be far less protracted than these and many other researchers seem to believe. References Bernstein, Adam, and Walter Willett. “Trends in 24-Hr Sodium Excretion in the United States, 1957–2003: A Systematic Review.” American Journal of Clinical Nutrition 92 (2010): 1172–1180. Bhaktivedanta Book Trust. 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IntroductionThe death of Chris Cornell in the spring of 2017 shook me. As the lead singer of Soundgarden and a pioneer of early 1990s grunge music, his voice revealed an unbridled pain and joy backed up by the raw, guitar-driven rock emanating from the Seattle, Washington music scene. I remember thinking, there’s only one left, referring to Eddie Vedder, lead singer for Pearl Jam, and lone survivor of the four seminal grunge bands that rose to fame in the early 1990s whose lead singers passed away much too soon. Alice in Chains singer Layne Staley died in 2002 at the age of 35, and Nirvana front man Kurt Cobain’s death in 1994 had resonated around the globe. I thought about when Cornell and Staley said goodbye to their friend Andy Wood, lead singer of Mother Love Bone, after he overdosed on heroine in 1990. Wood’s untimely death at the age of 24, only days before his band’s debut album release, shook the close-knit Seattle music scene and remained a source of angst and inspiration for a genre of music that shaped youth culture of the 1990s.When grunge first exploded on the pop culture scene, I was a college student flailing around in pursuit of an English degree I had less passion for than I did for music. I grew up listening to The Beatles and Prince; Led Zeppelin and Miles Davis; David Bowie and Willie Nelson, along with a litany of other artists and musicians crafting the kind of meaningful music I responded to. I didn’t just listen to music, I devoured stories about the musicians, their often hedonistic lifestyles; their processes and epiphanies. The music spoke to my being in the world more than the promise of any college degree. I ran with friends who shared this love of music, often turning me on to new bands or suggesting some obscure song from the past to track down. I picked up my first guitar when John Lennon died on the eve of my eleventh birthday and have played for the past 37 years. I rely on music to relocate my sense of self. Rhythm and melody play out like characters in my life, colluding to make me feel something apart from the mundane, moving me from within. So, when I took notice of grunge music in the fall of 1991, it was love at first listen. As a pop cultural phenomenon, grunge ruptured the music and fashion industries caught off guard by its sudden commercial appeal while the media struggled to galvanize its relevance. As a subculture, grunge rallied around a set of attitudes and values that set the movement apart from mainstream (Latysheva). The grunge sound drew from the nihilism of punk and the head banging gospel of heavy metal, tinged with the swagger of 1970s FM rock running counter to the sleek production of pop radio and hair metal bands. Grunge artists wrote emotionally-laden songs that spoke to a particular generation of youth who identified with lyrics about isolation, anger, and death. Grunge set off new fashion trends in favor of dressing down and sporting the latest in second-hand, thrift store apparel, ripping away the Reagan-era starched white-collared working-class aesthetic of the 1980’s corporate culture. Like their punk forbearers who railed against the status quo and the trappings of success incurred through the mass appeal of their art, Kurt Cobain, Eddie Vedder, and the rest of the grunge cohort often wrestled with the momentum of their success. Fortunes rained down and the media ordained them rock stars.This auto-ethnography revisits some of the cultural impacts of grunge during its rise to cultural relevance and includes my own reflexive interpretation positioned as a fan of grunge music. I use a particular auto-ethnographic orientation called “interpretive-humanistic autoethnography” (Manning and Adams 192) where, along with archival research (i.e. media articles and journal articles), I will use my own reflexive voice to interpret and describe my personal experiences as a fan of grunge music during its peak of popularity from 1991 up to the death of Cobain in 1994. It is a methodology that works to bridge the personal and popular where “the individual story leaves traces of at least one path through a shifting, transforming, and disappearing cultural landscape” (Neumann 183). Grunge RootsThere are many conflicting stories as to when the word “grunge” was first used to describe the sound of a particular style of alternative music seeping from the dank basements and shoddy rehearsal spaces in towns like Olympia, Aberdeen, and Seattle. Lester Bangs, the preeminent cultural writer and critic of all things punk, pop, and rock in the 1970s was said to have used the word at one time (Yarm), and several musicians lay claim to their use of the word in the 1980s. But it was a small Seattle record label founded in 1988 called Sub Pop Records that first included grunge in their marketing materials to describe “the grittiness of the music and the energy” (Yarm 195).This particular sound grew out of the Pacific Northwest blue-collar environment of logging towns, coastal fisheries, and airplane manufacturing. Seattle’s alternative music scene unfolded as a community of musicians responding to the tucked away isolation of their musty surroundings, apart from the outside world, free to submerge themselves in their own cultural milieu of rock music, rain, and youthful rebellion.Where Seattle stood as a major metropolitan city soaked in rainclouds for much of the year, I was soaking up the desert sun in a rural college town when grunge first leapt into the mainstream. Cattle ranches and cotton fields spread across the open plains of West Texas, painted with pickup trucks, starched Wrangler Jeans, and cowboy hats. This was not my world. I’d arrived the year prior from Houston, Texas, an urban sprawl of four million people, but I found the wide-open landscape a welcome change from the concrete jungle of the big city. Along with cowboy boots and western shirts came country music, and lots of it. Garth Brooks, Reba McEntire, George Straight; some of the voices that captured the lifestyle of my small rural town, twangy guitars and fiddles blaring on local radio. While popular country artists recorded for behemoth record labels like Warner Brothers and Sony, the tiny Sub Pop Records championed the grunge sound coming out of the Seattle music scene. Sub Pop became a playground for those who cared about their music and little else. The label cultivated an early following through their Sub Pop Singles Club, mailing seven-inch records to subscribers on a monthly basis promoting new releases from up-and-coming bands. Sub Pop’s stark, black and white logo showed up on records sleeves, posters, and t-shirts, reflecting a no-nonsense DIY-attitude rooted in in the production of loud guitars and heavy drums.Like the bands it represented, Sub Pop did not take itself too seriously when one of their best-selling t-shirts simply read “Loser” embracing the slacker mood of newly minted Generation X’ers born between 1961 and 1981. A July 1990 Time Magazine article described this twenty-something demographic as having “few heroes, no anthems, no style to call their own” suggesting they “possess only a hazy sense of their own identity” (Gross & Scott). As a member of this generation, I purchased and wore my “Loser” t-shirt with pride, especially in ironic response to the local cowboy way of life. I didn’t hold anything personal against the Wrangler wearing Garth Brooks fan but as a twenty-one-year-old reluctant college student, I wanted to rage with contempt for the status quo of my environment with an ambivalent snarl.Grunge in the MainstreamIn 1991, the Seattle sound exploded onto the international music scene with the release of four seminal grunge-era albums over a six-month period. The first arrived in April, Temple of the Dog, a tribute album of sorts to the late Andy Wood, led by his close friend, Soundgarden singer/songwriter, Chris Cornell. In August, Pearl Jam released their debut album, Ten, with its “surprising and refreshing, melodic restraint” (Fricke). The following month, Nirvana’s Nevermind landed in stores. Now on a major record label, DGC Records, the band had arrived “at the crossroads—scrappy garageland warriors setting their sights on a land of giants” (Robbins). October saw the release of Soundgarden’s Badmotorfinger as “a runaway train ride of stammering guitar and psycho-jungle telegraph rhythms” (Fricke). These four albums sent grunge culture into the ether with a wall of sound that would upend the music charts and galvanize a depressed concert ticket market.In fall of 1991, grunge landed like a hammer when I witnessed Nirvana’s video for “Smells Like Teen Spirit” on MTV for the first time. Sonically, the song rang like an anthem for the Gen Xers with its jangly four-chord opening guitar riff signaling the arrival of a youth-oriented call to arms, “here we are now, entertain us” (Nirvana). It was the visual power of seeing a skinny white kid with stringy hair wearing baggy jeans, a striped T-shirt and tennis shoes belting out choruses with a ferociousness typically reserved for black-clad heavy metal headbangers. Cobain’s sound and look didn’t match up. I felt discombobulated, turned sideways, as if vertigo had taken hold and I couldn’t right myself. Stopped in the middle of my tracks on that day, frozen in front of the TV, the subculture of grunge music slammed into my world while I was on my way to the fridge.Suddenly, grunge was everywhere, As Soundgarden, Nirvana, and Pearl Jam albums and performances infiltrated radio, television, and concert halls, there was no shortage of media coverage. From 1992 through 1994, grunge bands were mentioned or featured on the cover of Rolling Stone 33 times (Hillburn). That same year, The New York Times ran the article “Grunge: A Success Story” featuring a short history of the Seattle sound, along with a “lexicon of grunge speak” (Marin), a joke perpetrated by a former 25-year-old Sub Pop employee, Megan Jasper, who never imagined her list of made-up vocabulary given to a New York Times reporter would grace the front page of the style section (Yarm). In their rush to keep up with pervasiveness of grunge culture, even The New York Times fell prey to Gen Xer’s comical cynicism.The circle of friends I ran with were split down the middle between Nirvana and Pearl Jam, a preference for one over the other, as the two bands and their respective front men garnered much of the media attention. Nirvana seemed to appeal to people’s sense of authenticity, perhaps more relatable in their aloofness to mainstream popularity, backed up with Cobain’s simple-yet-brilliant song arrangements and revealing lyrics. Lawrence Grossberg suggests that music fans recognise the difference between authentic and homogenised rock, interpreting and aligning these differences with rock and roll’s association with “resistance, refusal, alienation, marginality, and so on” (62). I tended to gravitate toward Nirvana’s sound, mostly for technical reasons. Nevermind sparkled with aggressive guitar tones while capturing the power and fragility of Cobain’s voice. For many critics, the brilliance of Pearl Jam’s first album suffered from too much echo and reverb muddling the overall production value, but twenty years later they would remix and re-release Ten, correcting these production issues.Grunge FashionAs the music carved out a huge section of the charts, the grunge look was appropriated on fashion runways. When Cobain appeared on MTV wearing a ragged olive green cardigan he’d created a style simply by rummaging through his closet. Vedder and Cornell sported army boots, cargo shorts, and flannel shirts, suitable attire for the overcast climate of the Pacific Northwest, but their everyday garb turned into a fashion trend for Gen Xers that was then milked by designers. In 1992, the editor of Details magazine, James Truman, called grunge “un fashion” (Marin) as stepping out in second-hand clothes ran “counter to the shellacked, flashy aesthetic of 1980s” (Nnadi) for those who preferred “the waif-like look of put-on poverty” (Brady). But it was MTV’s relentless airing of Nirvana, Pearl Jam, and Soundgarden videos that sent Gen Xers flocking to malls and thrift-stores in search grunge-like apparel. I purchased a pair of giant, heavyweight Red Wing boots that looked like small cars on my feet, making it difficult to walk, but at least I was prepared for any terrain in all types of weather. The flannel came next; I still wear flannos. Despite its association with dark, murky musical themes, grunge kept me warm and dry.Much of grunge’s appeal to the masses was that it was not gender-specific; men and women dressed to appear unimpressed, sharing a taste for shapeless garments and muted colors without reference to stereotypical masculine or feminine styles. Cobain “allowed his own sexuality to be called into question by often wearing dresses and/or makeup on stage, in film clips, and on photo shoots, and wrote explicitly feminist songs, such as ‘Sappy’ or ‘Been a Son’” (Strong 403). I remember watching Pearl Jam’s 1992 performance on MTV Unplugged, seeing Eddie Vedder scrawl the words “Pro Choice” in black marker on his arm in support of women’s rights while his lyrics in songs like “Daughter”, “Better Man”, and “Why Go” reflected an equitable, humanistic if somewhat tragic perspective. Females and males moshed alongside one another, sharing the same spaces while experiencing and voicing their own response to grunge’s aggressive sound. Unlike the hypersexualised hair-metal bands of the 1980s whose aesthetic motifs often portrayed women as conquests or as powerless décor, the message of grunge rock avoided gender exploitation. As the ‘90s unfolded, underground feminist punk bands of the riot grrrl movement like Bikini Kill, L7, and Babes in Toyland expressed female empowerment with raging vocals and buzz-saw guitars that paved the way for Hole, Sleater-Kinney and other successful female-fronted grunge-era bands. The Decline of GrungeIn 1994, Kurt Cobain appeared on the cover of Newsweek magazine in memoriam after committing suicide in the greenhouse of his Seattle home. Mass media quickly spread the news of his passing internationally. Two days after his death, 7,000 fans gathered at Seattle Center to listen to a taped recording of Courtney Love, Cobain’s wife, a rock star in her own right, reading the suicide note he left behind.A few days after Cobain’s suicide, I found myself rolling down the highway with a carload of friends, one of my favorite Nirvana tunes, “Come As You Are” fighting through static. I fiddled with the radio to clear up the signal. The conversation turned to Cobain as we cobbled together the details of his death. I remember the chatter quieting down, Cobain’s voice fading as we gazed out the window at the empty terrain passing. In that reflective moment, I felt like I had experienced an intense, emotional relationship that came to an abrupt end. This “illusion of intimacy” (Horton and Wohl 217) between myself and Cobain elevated the loss I felt with his passing even though I had no intimate, personal ties to him. I counted this person as a friend (Giles 284) because I so closely identified with his words and music. I could not help but feel sad, even angry that he’d decided to end his life.Fueled by depression and a heroin addiction, Cobain’s death signaled an end to grunge’s collective appeal while shining a spotlight on one of the more dangerous aspects of its ethos. A 1992 Rolling Stone article mentioned that several of Seattle’s now-famous international musicians used heroin and “The feeling around town is, the drug is a disaster waiting to happen” (Azzerad). In 2002, eight years to the day of Cobain’s death, Layne Staley, lead singer of Alice In Chains, another seminal grunge outfit, was found dead of a suspected heroin overdose (Wiederhorn). When Cornell took his own life in 2017 after a long battle with depression, The Washington Post said, “The story of grunge is also one of death” (Andrews). The article included a Tweet from a grieving fan that read “The voices I grew up with: Andy Wood, Layne Staley, Chris Cornell, Kurt Cobain…only Eddie Vedder is left. Let that sink in” (@ThatEricAlper).ConclusionThe grunge movement of the early 1990s emerged out of musical friendships content to be on their own, on the outside, reflecting a sense of isolation and alienation in the music they made. As Cornell said, “We’ve always been fairly reclusive and damaged” (Foege). I felt much the same way in those days, sequestered in the desert, planting my grunge flag in the middle of country music territory, doing what I could to resist the status quo. Cobain, Cornell, Staley, and Vedder wrote about their own anxieties in a way that felt intimate and relatable, forging a bond with their fan base. Christopher Perricone suggests, “the relationship of an artist and audience is a collaborative one, a love relationship in the sense, a friendship” (200). In this way, grunge would become a shared memory among friends who rode the wave of this cultural phenomenon all the way through to its tragic consequences. But the music has survived. Along with my flannel shirts and Red Wing boots.References@ThatEricAlper (Eric Alper). “The voices I grew up with: Andy Wood, Layne Staley, Chris Cornell, Kurt Cobain…only Eddie Vedder is left. Let that sink in.” Twitter, 18 May 2017, 02:41. 15 Sep. 2018 <https://twitter.com/ThatEricAlper/status/865140400704675840?ref_src>.Andrews, Travis M. “After Chris Cornell’s Death: ‘Only Eddie Vedder Is Left. 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Introduction Food has always been an essential component of daily life. Today, thinking about food is a much more complicated pursuit than planning the next meal, with food studies scholars devoting their efforts to researching “anything pertaining to food and eating, from how food is grown to when and how it is eaten, to who eats it and with whom, and the nutritional quality” (Duran and MacDonald 234). This is in addition to the work undertaken by an increasingly wide variety of popular culture researchers who explore all aspects of food (Risson and Brien 3): including food advertising, food packaging, food on television, and food in popular fiction. In creating stories, from those works that quickly disappear from bookstore shelves to those that become entrenched in the literary canon, writers use food to communicate the everyday and to explore a vast range of ideas from cultural background to social standing, and also use food to provide perspectives “into the cultural and historical uniqueness of a given social group” (Piatti-Farnell 80). For example in Oliver Twist (1838) by Charles Dickens, the central character challenges the class system when: “Child as he was, he was desperate with hunger and reckless with misery. He rose from the table, and advancing basin and spoon in hand, to the master, said, somewhat alarmed at his own temerity–‘Please, sir, I want some more’” (11). Scarlett O’Hara in Margaret Mitchell’s Gone with the Wind (1936) makes a similar point, a little more dramatically, when she declares: “As God is my witness, I’m never going to be hungry again” (419). Food can also take us into the depths of another culture: places that many of us will only ever read about. Food is also used to provide insight into a character’s state of mind. In Nora Ephron’s Heartburn (1983) an item as simple as boiled bread tells a reader so much more about Rachel Samstat than her preferred bakery items: “So we got married and I got pregnant and I gave up my New York apartment and moved to Washington. Talk about mistakes [...] there I was, trying to hold up my end in a city where you can’t even buy a decent bagel” (34). There are three ways in which writers can deal with food within their work. Firstly, food can be totally ignored. This approach is sometimes taken despite food being such a standard feature of storytelling that its absence, be it a lonely meal at home, elegant canapés at an impressively catered cocktail party, or a cheap sandwich collected from a local café, is an obvious omission. Food can also add realism to a story, with many authors putting as much effort into conjuring the smell, taste, and texture of food as they do into providing a backstory and a purpose for their characters. In recent years, a third way has emerged with some writers placing such importance upon food in fiction that the line that divides the cookbook and the novel has become distorted. This article looks at cookbooks and cookery in popular fiction with a particular focus on crime novels. Recipes: Ingredients and Preparation Food in fiction has been employed, with great success, to help characters cope with grief; giving them the reassurance that only comes through the familiarity of the kitchen and the concentration required to fulfil routine tasks: to chop and dice, to mix, to sift and roll, to bake, broil, grill, steam, and fry. Such grief can come from the breakdown of a relationship as seen in Nora Ephron’s Heartburn (1983). An autobiography under the guise of fiction, this novel is the first-person story of a cookbook author, a description that irritates the narrator as she feels her works “aren’t merely cookbooks” (95). She is, however, grateful she was not described as “a distraught, rejected, pregnant cookbook author whose husband was in love with a giantess” (95). As the collapse of the marriage is described, her favourite recipes are shared: Bacon Hash; Four Minute Eggs; Toasted Almonds; Lima Beans with Pears; Linguine Alla Cecca; Pot Roast; three types of Potatoes; Sorrel Soup; desserts including Bread Pudding, Cheesecake, Key Lime Pie and Peach Pie; and a Vinaigrette, all in an effort to reassert her personal skills and thus personal value. Grief can also result from loss of hope and the realisation that a life long dreamed of will never be realised. Like Water for Chocolate (1989), by Laura Esquivel, is the magical realist tale of Tita De La Garza who, as the youngest daughter, is forbidden to marry as she must take care of her mother, a woman who: “Unquestionably, when it came to dividing, dismantling, dismembering, desolating, detaching, dispossessing, destroying or dominating […] was a pro” (87). Tita’s life lurches from one painful, unjust episode to the next; the only emotional stability she has comes from the kitchen, and from her cooking of a series of dishes: Christmas Rolls; Chabela Wedding Cake; Quail in Rose Petal Sauce; Turkey Mole; Northern-style Chorizo; Oxtail Soup; Champandongo; Chocolate and Three Kings’s Day Bread; Cream Fritters; and Beans with Chilli Tezcucana-style. This is a series of culinary-based activities that attempts to superimpose normalcy on a life that is far from the everyday. Grief is most commonly associated with death. Undertaking the selection, preparation and presentation of meals in novels dealing with bereavement is both a functional and symbolic act: life must go on for those left behind but it must go on in a very different way. Thus, novels that use food to deal with loss are particularly important because they can “make non-cooks believe they can cook, and for frequent cooks, affirm what they already know: that cooking heals” (Baltazar online). In Angelina’s Bachelors (2011) by Brian O’Reilly, Angelina D’Angelo believes “cooking was not just about food. It was about character” (2). By the end of the first chapter the young woman’s husband is dead and she is in the kitchen looking for solace, and survival, in cookery. In The Kitchen Daughter (2011) by Jael McHenry, Ginny Selvaggio is struggling to cope with the death of her parents and the friends and relations who crowd her home after the funeral. Like Angelina, Ginny retreats to the kitchen. There are, of course, exceptions. In Ntozake Shange’s Sassafrass, Cypress & Indigo (1982), cooking celebrates, comforts, and seduces (Calta). This story of three sisters from South Carolina is told through diary entries, narrative, letters, poetry, songs, and spells. Recipes are also found throughout the text: Turkey; Marmalade; Rice; Spinach; Crabmeat; Fish; Sweetbread; Duck; Lamb; and, Asparagus. Anthony Capella’s The Food of Love (2004), a modern retelling of the classic tale of Cyrano de Bergerac, is about the beautiful Laura, a waiter masquerading as a top chef Tommaso, and the talented Bruno who, “thick-set, heavy, and slightly awkward” (21), covers for Tommaso’s incompetency in the kitchen as he, too, falls for Laura. The novel contains recipes and contains considerable information about food: Take fusilli […] People say this pasta was designed by Leonardo da Vinci himself. The spiral fins carry the biggest amount of sauce relative to the surface area, you see? But it only works with a thick, heavy sauce that can cling to the grooves. Conchiglie, on the other hand, is like a shell, so it holds a thin, liquid sauce inside it perfectly (17). Recipes: Dishing Up Death Crime fiction is a genre with a long history of focusing on food; from the theft of food in the novels of the nineteenth century to the utilisation of many different types of food such as chocolate, marmalade, and sweet omelettes to administer poison (Berkeley, Christie, Sayers), the latter vehicle for arsenic receiving much attention in Harriet Vane’s trial in Dorothy L. Sayers’s Strong Poison (1930). The Judge, in summing up the case, states to the members of the jury: “Four eggs were brought to the table in their shells, and Mr Urquhart broke them one by one into a bowl, adding sugar from a sifter [...he then] cooked the omelette in a chafing dish, filled it with hot jam” (14). Prior to what Timothy Taylor has described as the “pre-foodie era” the crime fiction genre was “littered with corpses whose last breaths smelled oddly sweet, or bitter, or of almonds” (online). Of course not all murders are committed in such a subtle fashion. In Roald Dahl’s Lamb to the Slaughter (1953), Mary Maloney murders her policeman husband, clubbing him over the head with a frozen leg of lamb. The meat is roasting nicely when her husband’s colleagues arrive to investigate his death, the lamb is offered and consumed: the murder weapon now beyond the recovery of investigators. Recent years have also seen more and more crime fiction writers present a central protagonist working within the food industry, drawing connections between the skills required for food preparation and those needed to catch a murderer. Working with cooks or crooks, or both, requires planning and people skills in addition to creative thinking, dedication, reliability, stamina, and a willingness to take risks. Kent Carroll insists that “food and mysteries just go together” (Carroll in Calta), with crime fiction website Stop, You’re Killing Me! listing, at the time of writing, over 85 culinary-based crime fiction series, there is certainly sufficient evidence to support his claim. Of the numerous works available that focus on food there are many series that go beyond featuring food and beverages, to present recipes as well as the solving of crimes. These include: the Candy Holliday Murder Mysteries by B. B. Haywood; the Coffeehouse Mysteries by Cleo Coyle; the Hannah Swensen Mysteries by Joanne Fluke; the Hemlock Falls Mysteries by Claudia Bishop; the Memphis BBQ Mysteries by Riley Adams; the Piece of Cake Mysteries by Jacklyn Brady; the Tea Shop Mysteries by Laura Childs; and, the White House Chef Mysteries by Julie Hyzy. The vast majority of offerings within this female dominated sub-genre that has been labelled “Crime and Dine” (Collins online) are American, both in origin and setting. A significant contribution to this increasingly popular formula is, however, from an Australian author Kerry Greenwood. Food features within her famed Phryne Fisher Series with recipes included in A Question of Death (2007). Recipes also form part of Greenwood’s food-themed collection of short crime stories Recipes for Crime (1995), written with Jenny Pausacker. These nine stories, each one imitating the style of one of crime fiction’s greatest contributors (from Agatha Christie to Raymond Chandler), allow readers to simultaneously access mysteries and recipes. 2004 saw the first publication of Earthly Delights and the introduction of her character, Corinna Chapman. This series follows the adventures of a woman who gave up a career as an accountant to open her own bakery in Melbourne. Corinna also investigates the occasional murder. Recipes can be found at the end of each of these books with the Corinna Chapman Recipe Book (nd), filled with instructions for baking bread, muffins and tea cakes in addition to recipes for main courses such as risotto, goulash, and “Chicken with Pineapple 1971 Style”, available from the publisher’s website. Recipes: Integration and Segregation In Heartburn (1983), Rachel acknowledges that presenting a work of fiction and a collection of recipes within a single volume can present challenges, observing: “I see that I haven’t managed to work in any recipes for a while. It’s hard to work in recipes when you’re moving the plot forward” (99). How Rachel tells her story is, however, a reflection of how she undertakes her work, with her own cookbooks being, she admits, more narration than instruction: “The cookbooks I write do well. They’re very personal and chatty–they’re cookbooks in an almost incidental way. I write chapters about friends or relatives or trips or experiences, and work in the recipes peripherally” (17). Some authors integrate detailed recipes into their narratives through description and dialogue. An excellent example of this approach can be found in the Coffeehouse Mystery Series by Cleo Coyle, in the novel On What Grounds (2003). When the central protagonist is being questioned by police, Clare Cosi’s answers are interrupted by a flashback scene and instructions on how to make Greek coffee: Three ounces of water and one very heaped teaspoon of dark roast coffee per serving. (I used half Italian roast, and half Maracaibo––a lovely Venezuelan coffee, named after the country’s major port; rich in flavour, with delicate wine overtones.) / Water and finely ground beans both go into the ibrik together. The water is then brought to a boil over medium heat (37). This provides insight into Clare’s character; that, when under pressure, she focuses her mind on what she firmly believes to be true – not the information that she is doubtful of or a situation that she is struggling to understand. Yet breaking up the action within a novel in this way–particularly within crime fiction, a genre that is predominantly dependant upon generating tension and building the pacing of the plotting to the climax–is an unusual but ultimately successful style of writing. Inquiry and instruction are comfortable bedfellows; as the central protagonists within these works discover whodunit, the readers discover who committed murder as well as a little bit more about one of the world’s most popular beverages, thus highlighting how cookbooks and novels both serve to entertain and to educate. Many authors will save their recipes, serving them up at the end of a story. This can be seen in Julie Hyzy’s White House Chef Mystery novels, the cover of each volume in the series boasts that it “includes Recipes for a Complete Presidential Menu!” These menus, with detailed ingredients lists, instructions for cooking and options for serving, are segregated from the stories and appear at the end of each work. Yet other writers will deploy a hybrid approach such as the one seen in Like Water for Chocolate (1989), where the ingredients are listed at the commencement of each chapter and the preparation for the recipes form part of the narrative. This method of integration is also deployed in The Kitchen Daughter (2011), which sees most of the chapters introduced with a recipe card, those chapters then going on to deal with action in the kitchen. Using recipes as chapter breaks is a structure that has, very recently, been adopted by Australian celebrity chef, food writer, and, now fiction author, Ed Halmagyi, in his new work, which is both cookbook and novel, The Food Clock: A Year of Cooking Seasonally (2012). As people exchange recipes in reality, so too do fictional characters. The Recipe Club (2009), by Andrea Israel and Nancy Garfinkel, is the story of two friends, Lilly Stone and Valerie Rudman, which is structured as an epistolary novel. As they exchange feelings, ideas and news in their correspondence, they also exchange recipes: over eighty of them throughout the novel in e-mails and letters. In The Food of Love (2004), written messages between two of the main characters are also used to share recipes. In addition, readers are able to post their own recipes, inspired by this book and other works by Anthony Capella, on the author’s website. From Page to Plate Some readers are contributing to the burgeoning food tourism market by seeking out the meals from the pages of their favourite novels in bars, cafés, and restaurants around the world, expanding the idea of “map as menu” (Spang 79). In Shannon McKenna Schmidt’s and Joni Rendon’s guide to literary tourism, Novel Destinations (2009), there is an entire section, “Eat Your Words: Literary Places to Sip and Sup”, dedicated to beverages and food. The listings include details for John’s Grill, in San Francisco, which still has on the menu Sam Spade’s Lamb Chops, served with baked potato and sliced tomatoes: a meal enjoyed by author Dashiell Hammett and subsequently consumed by his well-known protagonist in The Maltese Falcon (193), and the Café de la Paix, in Paris, frequented by Ian Fleming’s James Bond because “the food was good enough and it amused him to watch the people” (197). Those wanting to follow in the footsteps of writers can go to Harry’s Bar, in Venice, where the likes of Marcel Proust, Sinclair Lewis, Somerset Maugham, Ernest Hemingway, and Truman Capote have all enjoyed a drink (195) or The Eagle and Child, in Oxford, which hosted the regular meetings of the Inklings––a group which included C.S. Lewis and J.R.R. Tolkien––in the wood-panelled Rabbit Room (203). A number of eateries have developed their own literary themes such as the Peacocks Tearooms, in Cambridgeshire, which blends their own teas. Readers who are also tea drinkers can indulge in the Sherlock Holmes (Earl Grey with Lapsang Souchong) and the Doctor Watson (Keemun and Darjeeling with Lapsang Souchong). Alternatively, readers may prefer to side with the criminal mind and indulge in the Moriarty (Black Chai with Star Anise, Pepper, Cinnamon, and Fennel) (Peacocks). The Moat Bar and Café, in Melbourne, situated in the basement of the State Library of Victoria, caters “to the whimsy and fantasy of the fiction housed above” and even runs a book exchange program (The Moat). For those readers who are unable, or unwilling, to travel the globe in search of such savoury and sweet treats there is a wide variety of locally-based literary lunches and other meals, that bring together popular authors and wonderful food, routinely organised by book sellers, literature societies, and publishing houses. There are also many cookbooks now easily obtainable that make it possible to re-create fictional food at home. One of the many examples available is The Book Lover’s Cookbook (2003) by Shaunda Kennedy Wenger and Janet Kay Jensen, a work containing over three hundred pages of: Breakfasts; Main & Side Dishes; Soups; Salads; Appetizers, Breads & Other Finger Foods; Desserts; and Cookies & Other Sweets based on the pages of children’s books, literary classics, popular fiction, plays, poetry, and proverbs. If crime fiction is your preferred genre then you can turn to Jean Evans’s The Crime Lover’s Cookbook (2007), which features short stories in between the pages of recipes. There is also Estérelle Payany’s Recipe for Murder (2010) a beautifully illustrated volume that presents detailed instructions for Pigs in a Blanket based on the Big Bad Wolf’s appearance in The Three Little Pigs (44–7), and Roast Beef with Truffled Mashed Potatoes, which acknowledges Patrick Bateman’s fondness for fine dining in Bret Easton Ellis’s American Psycho (124–7). Conclusion Cookbooks and many popular fiction novels are reflections of each other in terms of creativity, function, and structure. In some instances the two forms are so closely entwined that a single volume will concurrently share a narrative while providing information about, and instruction, on cookery. Indeed, cooking in books is becoming so popular that the line that traditionally separated cookbooks from other types of books, such as romance or crime novels, is becoming increasingly distorted. The separation between food and fiction is further blurred by food tourism and how people strive to experience some of the foods found within fictional works at bars, cafés, and restaurants around the world or, create such experiences in their own homes using fiction-themed recipe books. Food has always been acknowledged as essential for life; books have long been acknowledged as food for thought and food for the soul. 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