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Journal articles on the topic 'FSLN'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 27 April 2022

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1

Bendaña, Alejandro. "Democratizing the FSLN — and Nicaragua." NACLA Report on the Americas 39, no. 1 (July 2005): 4–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714839.2005.11722360.

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2

Golovina, Natalia Sergueyevna, and Elmer Luis Mosher Valle. "Discurso de paz del Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional." Revista Científica de FAREM-Estelí, no. 27 (September 24, 2018): 81–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/farem.v0i27.7061.

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Los partidos políticos nacen con el propósito de lucha por el poder en un determinado país bajo una u otra doctrina que determina la forma de este poder. La democracia y los gobiernos que buscan bienestar de todos los pobladores sin excepción, son los nuevos enfoques de nueva sociedad de convivencia pacífica y armónica de todos sus miembros. En este ensayo se pretende realizar una interpretación del Discurso de paz del Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN); el presente ensayo se ha estructurado en tres partes: En la primera parte se presenta una revisión teórica sobre los conceptos de la paz y el discurso político; en la segunda parte se describe el contexto político y socio-económico del nacimiento de FSLN; la tercera parte narra sobre la necesidad de la paz sentida por el pueblo nicaragüense, y de la pérdida y recuperación del poder de FSLN en las últimas décadas y la relación del fracaso y triunfo con el discurso de paz.
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3

Lacaze, Catherine. "El FSLN y la «iconización» de Sandino." Caravelle, no. 98 (June 1, 2012): 59–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/caravelle.1140.

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4

Bendaña, Alejandro. "The Rise And Fall Of The Fsln." NACLA Report on the Americas 37, no. 6 (May 2004): 21–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714839.2004.11722409.

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5

Levitsky, Steven. "FSLN party congress: A cautious first step." Journal of Communist Studies 7, no. 4 (December 1991): 539–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523279108415117.

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6

Sequeira, Sofía Cortés. "“Aventureros pequeño-burgueses” y “la vieja generación revolucionaria”: el FSLN y el PVP (1966-1970)." Diálogos Revista Electrónica 22, no. 1 (September 23, 2020): 114–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.15517/dre.v22i1.42407.

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El objetivo principal de este artículo es analizar las relaciones entre las direcciones políticas del PVP y del FSLN en la década de 1960, a partir de la correspondencia sostenida entre Manuel Mora Valverde y Carlos Fonseca Amador, para poder identificar las contradicciones, discrepancias y coincidencias entre los dirigentes de ambas organizaciones, la primera de corte comunista, y la segunda una guerrilla nacionalista nacida bajo la impronta del modelo cubano. En este sentido, partimos de la interrogante de cómo fueron las relaciones entre el Partido Vanguardia Popular (PVP) y el Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) durante la década de 1960, siendo ambas organizaciones de naturaleza distinta y mantenido líneas políticas diferentes sobre la estrategia a seguir en la lucha antisomocista. Como hipótesis central sostenemos que el establecimiento de relaciones entre ambas organizaciones fue un proceso complejo, marcado por desconfianzas y diferencias mutuas, arrastradas desde la fundación misma del FSLN hacia finales de la década de 1960, ya que ambas eran expresión de dos corrientes revolucionarias distintas, que en todo el continente discrepaban en función de las vías y estrategias para combatir a los regímenes dictatoriales que dominaban la región.
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7

van Ommen, Eline. "The Nicaraguan Revolution's Challenge to the Monroe Doctrine: Sandinistas and Western Europe, 1979–1990." Americas 78, no. 4 (October 2021): 639–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2021.3.

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AbstractThis article analyzes the revolutionary diplomacy of the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) through the prism of Nicaraguan and Western European relations during the final decade of the Cold War. It contends that —despite the FSLN's ideological affiliation with Third World national liberation movements, Cuba, and the socialist bloc—the campaign to influence Western European foreign policies was central to the Sandinista government's international strategy. By pushing Western European governments to play a prominent role in Central America's violent Cold War conflicts, the Sandinistas sought to undermine US power in the isthmus and alter the inter-American dynamics that shaped their region's history up to the late 1970s. Furthermore, by building financial ties with Western European countries, the FSLN could avoid complete financial dependency on the Soviet bloc and strengthen Nicaragua's image as a nonaligned state. The Sandinistas’ campaign to challenge US hegemony in Central America through a pragmatic outreach to Western Europe was largely successful, but it came at the cost of implementing domestic reforms that ran counter to their own ambitions. Ultimately, this prompted the FSLN to hold elections in 1990, which resulted in their removal from power.
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8

Cruz Feliciano, Héctor. "The Perils of Reconciliation: Achievements and Challenges of Daniel Ortega and the Modern FSLN." Latin American Perspectives 46, no. 1 (October 3, 2018): 247–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x18803876.

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Against the background of unprecedented levels of support and popularity since recovering power, the experience of the Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) shows that alliances unorthodox for a leftist party have rendered electoral results at the cost of putting more profound structural transformations on hold. Ten years after its electoral comeback, the FSLN has a lot to show for itself, largely because of the stable climate attributable to its decision to make peace with its historical foes. At the same time, its efforts at empowering the citizenry have been limited at best. Entrenched in the wealth of political capital it has accumulated, it is in a good position to take calculated risks in favor of bold redistributive policies. Not taking more daring steps toward the socialist transformation of society at this juncture could in due time cost it its role as articulator of the leftist agenda in Nicaragua. En un contexto de niveles de apoyo y popularidad sin precedentes desde la recuperación del poder, la experiencia del Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) muestra que alianzas heterodoxas para un partido de izquierda han dado resultados electorales a costa de detener transformaciones estructurales más profundas. Diez años después de su regreso electoral, el FSLN tiene muchos logros que mostrar, en gran parte debido al clima estable atribuible a su decisión de hacer las paces con sus enemigos históricos. Al mismo tiempo, sus esfuerzos para empoderar a la ciudadanía han sido limitados en el mejor de los casos. Afirmado en la abundancia de capital político que ha acumulado, se encuentra en una buena posición para tomar riesgos calculados a favor de políticas redistributivas audaces. No dar pasos más audaces hacia la transformación socialista de la sociedad en esta coyuntura podría, a su debido tiempo, costarle su papel como articulador de la agenda izquierdista en Nicaragua.
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9

Ali, Hasan, Priya Ranjan Prasad Verma, Sunil Kumar Dubey, Jayachandran Venkatesan, Youngwan Seo, Se-Kwon Kim, and Sandeep Kumar Singh. "In vitro–in vivo and pharmacokinetic evaluation of solid lipid nanoparticles of furosemide using Gastroplus™." RSC Advances 7, no. 53 (2017): 33314–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1039/c7ra04038e.

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10

Santa Cruz, Juan Carlos. "Participación popular y grupos de poder en Nicaragua." Encuentro, no. 64 (April 28, 2003): 8–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/encuentro.v0i64.4186.

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En el presente trabajo se analiza el comportamiento del movimiento popular expresado en el Frente Nacional de los Trabajadores (FNT), tomando como referencia el acuerdo político llevado a cabo entre el Partido Liberal Constitucionalista (PLC) y el Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN), que desembocó en la última Reforma Constitucional. Se concluye que el FNT a pesar del discurso de supuesta autonomía, en los hechos, funciona bajo una estricta subordinación del principal dirigente político del FSLN, el que oficia como interlocutor válido cada vez que se promueven conflictos cuya solución tiene que darse en el ámbito institucional encabezado por el principal líder del PLC que a nuestro entender sigue dirigiendo a su partido desde la cárcel.
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11

Patterson, Henry. "The 1996 Elections and Nicaragua’s Fragile Transition." Government and Opposition 32, no. 3 (July 1997): 380–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1997.tb00776.x.

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SIX YEARS AFTER THE ELECTIONS OF 1990 FOLLOWING THE DEFEAT OF the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) which had ruled Nicaragua since it led the popular insurrection to overthrow the corrupt and dictatorial Somoza regime in 1979, the Sandinistas experienced their second bruising encounter with electoral democracy. Daniel Ortega, who as outgoing president of the republic was defeated by Violeta Chamorro of the National Opposition Union (UNO) in 1990, was once again defeated. This time the defeat was much less of a shock. Chamorro's victory in 1990 had surprised many observers despite the fact that a number of opinion polls had predicted the result. These had been dismissed by the Sandinistas as politically suspect as they had been carried out by Costa Rican organizations. Up until the opening of the FSLN's campaign in June 1996, polls had shown Ortega as the clear underdog with a gap of up to 20 per cent between him and Arnoldo Alemán, the candidate of the rightist Liberal Alliance. However, an unexpectedly cohesive and effective FSLN campaign had narrrowed the gap and by September polls were showing the two with between 38 and 46 per cent each. But, as in 1990, the ‘don't knows’ would vote decisively against the FSLN on polling day.
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12

Valenta, Jiri. "Nicaragua: Soviet-Cuban Pawn or Non-aligned Country?" Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 27, no. 3 (1985): 163–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165605.

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It is now six years since the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) toppled the regime of Nicaraguan dictator Anastasio Somoza Debayle. Even today, the nature of the FSLN - its road to power, its political complexion and orientation, and its objectives - remains the subject of heated debate. Some still argue that the Sandinista regime is a nationalistic, non-aligned, although radical, Third World government. Others emphasize the Marxist-Leninist overtones characterizing its seizure and consolidation of power, its foreign relations, and its efforts to introduce socialist transformation to Nicaraguan society.Basically, there are two exaggerated views of Nicaraguan foreign policy: one depicts Nicaragua as a communist pawn of Moscow and Havana; the other views Nicaragua as a classical non-aligned Third World nation. Neither school of thought reflects the complex reality of Nicaraguan politics and foreign policy.
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13

Gibson, Bill. "The Nicaraguan Economy in the Medium Run." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 33, no. 2 (1991): 23–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165830.

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What are the medium-term prospects for the Nicaraguan economy where, by medium term, we refer to the year 2000? The difficult task of fortune telling is made enormously more complicated by the political economy that was established in the country by the Frente Sandinista de Liberacion Nacional (FSLN) after the 1979 revolution in which they, with the aid of diverse social factions, overthrew the government of Anastasio Somoza Debayle. After more than a decade, the FSLN then handed over power, in mid-1990, to a coalition of opposition parties (the Union Nacional Opositora or UNO) headed by Violeta Chamorro. The 1990 election brought the first peaceful transfer of power in Nicaraguan history but, perhaps, represented more an abdication by the beleaguered Sandinistas than it did a sea change in the balance of class conflict.
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14

Quandt, Midge. "Nicaragua Unbinding the Ties: Popular Movements & the FSLN." Report on the Americas 26, no. 4 (February 1993): 11–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714839.1993.11723049.

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15

De Herlihy, Laura Hobson. "¿YATAMA Vive Aún?: Conversando con Brooklin Rivera1, Hazel Law y Blass Coleman." Wani 71 (October 24, 2016): 69–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/wani.v71i0.2946.

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A partir de los resultados de las elecciones regionales autónomas del 2014, la correlación de fuerzas entre el FSLN y YATAMA cambió drásticamente en la RACN y la RACS. Estas entrevistas realizada a Brooklyn Rivera, Hazel Law y Blas Coleman describen los sucesos, las pugnas y los diversos enfoques que tienen destacados líderes tradicionales del pueblo miskito y que responden a las diversas estrategias y tomas de posiciones que existen actualmente entre la comunidad miskita.Wani Vol.71 2016 pp. 69-73Yatama kau raya sa? Brooklin Rivera, Hazel Law bara Blass Coleman wal aisanka dauki 2014 manka ra Klauna kabamintka iliksanka ra dia takan ba wina FSLN bara YATAMA wal ai karnika marikanka ba kasak pali sins takan kata RACN ra bara RACS ra. Naha makabi walanka nani Brooklin Rivera ra, Hazel Law bara Blass Coleman ra daukan ba marikisa dia takan ba bara blahwanka nani bara aisi miskitu ta upla nani lukanka bri ba naha ba natka yus munanka nani bui ansika yaban sa baku sim miskitu tawanka bapanka nani ra.¿Yatama kidi sangka yah?: Brooklin Rivera, Hazel Law dawi Blass Coleman balna karak yulbauwi talna 2014 kurihni yak kulnin aslah yalahwa sauni daklana yak tunan muihni anawi yakna yamna kaupak, FSLN dawi YATAMA karak banimak sitna kidi RACN dawak RACS yak satuk palni kalahna. Adika yulwi dakana kidi Brooklyn Rivera, Hazel Law y Blas Coleman balna yak yulwi dakana yak ais kalahwi kaina kidi, kaput bik adika Miskitu sulani kapat kalbauna satni yamwi kaina kidi yulni yuyulwi dawak sulani kapat amput tanit yak lapakwi kiunin kulnin lâni dudûwa kidi yuyulwi.
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Ferguson, Ann. "Identidades y discursos femeninos/feministas en Nicaragua y El Salvador." Realidad: Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades, no. 139 (May 30, 2014): 51–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/realidad.v0i139.3385.

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En este documento, compararé y contrastaré los movimientos de mujeres en El Salvador y en Nicaragua con respecto a sus relaciones con los partidos revolucionarios de izquierda, el FMLNy el FSLN, respectivamente.Realidad: Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades No.139, 2013: 51-69
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17

Johannes, Wilm. "The Significance of the Agrarian reform in Nicaragua." Journal of Social and Development Sciences 5, no. 3 (September 30, 2014): 138–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jsds.v5i3.814.

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The term "land reform" is in Nicaragua often-times presented as a feature only associated with the government of the Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) of the 1980s (see for example Rocha, 2010; “Land reform reformed,” 1997; Zalkin, 1990), yet in this article I argue that some type of land redistribution has been the policy of all governments both before and after the 1980s, and that this process continues during the current FSLN government, but that the direction and the magnitude of the redistribution has changed significantly over time. One needs to understand this history and the considerations about Nicaraguans make about previous land redistribution patterns in order to make sense of what land ownership means in this country. While the land reform of the 1980s was the most direct redistribution, this article argues that land reform in favor of small-scale producers has been taken up again after 2007, even though it does not form part of official government policy. At the same time other factors seem to be if more importance in lowering economic differences.
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18

ALLISON, MICHAEL E. "Why Splinter? Parties that Split from the FSLN, FMLN and URNG." Journal of Latin American Studies 48, no. 4 (July 26, 2016): 707–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x1600136x.

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AbstractFollowing the ends to the civil wars in Nicaragua, El Salvador and Guatemala, the revolutionary coalitions that had led the fight against authoritarian regimes began to fracture. However, none of the splinter parties that broke from the Sandinista National Liberation Front, Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front, and Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unit has succeeded on their own as political parties. In this article, I argue that there is no single reason to explain the poor performances of the Democratic Party (PD), the Renovating Movement (MR), and the Democratic Front Party (FDR) in El Salvador, the Sandinista Renovation Movement (Renovate-MRS) and the Movement to Rescue Sandinismo (Rescue-MRS) in Nicaragua, and the New Nation Alliance (ANN) in Guatemala. However, their limited financial resources, alliances with non-revolutionary centrist and centre-right parties, and voter tendency to overlook internal ideological and personal debates within the original political parties, especially the FSLN and FMLN, have not helped.
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19

Garcia Ruiz, Maria Andrea, Jair Camilo Prieto Venegas, and Ángela María Silva Aparicio. "La cultura política y el proceso de adaptación partidista de las guerrillas latinoamericanas." Agora U.S.B. 18, no. 2 (July 28, 2018): 330–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.21500/16578031.3463.

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El artículo pretende aportar en el debate sobre por qué algunos grupos guerrilleros latinoamericanos han sido exitosos en su proceso de adaptación partidista y otros en cambio no han logrado configurarse como una alternativa de poder real en sus respectivos sistemas políticos. Para tal fin se explora la relación entre la cultura política y el desempeño electoral del M-19, el FMLN, el FSLN, la URNG y el MLN-Tupamaros.
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20

Ramakrishnan, Girija, Alexis Meeker, and Bojan Dragulev. "fslE Is Necessary for Siderophore-Mediated Iron Acquisition in Francisella tularensis Schu S4." Journal of Bacteriology 190, no. 15 (June 6, 2008): 5353–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1128/jb.00181-08.

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ABSTRACT Strains of Francisella tularensis secrete a siderophore in response to iron limitation. Siderophore production is dependent on fslA, the first gene in an operon that appears to encode biosynthetic and export functions for the siderophore. Transcription of the operon is induced under conditions of iron limitation. The fsl genes lie adjacent to the fur homolog on the chromosome, and there is a canonical Fur box sequence in the promoter region of fslA. We generated a Δfur mutant of the Schu S4 strain of F. tularensis tularensis and determined that siderophore production was now constitutive and no longer regulated by iron levels. Quantitative reverse transcriptase PCR analysis with RNA from Schu S4 and the mutant strain showed that Fur represses transcription of fslA under iron-replete conditions. We determined that fslE (locus FTT0025 in the Schu S4 genome), located downstream of the siderophore biosynthetic genes, is also under Fur regulation and is transcribed as part of the fslABCDEF operon. We generated a defined in-frame deletion of fslE and found that the mutant was defective for growth under iron limitation. Using a plate-based growth assay, we found that the mutant was able to secrete a siderophore but was defective in utilization of the siderophore. FslE belongs to a family of proteins that has no known homologs outside of the Francisella species, and the fslE gene product has been previously localized to the outer membrane of F. tularensis strains. Our data suggest that FslE may function as the siderophore receptor in F. tularensis.
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21

Pérez, Andrés. "The FSLN after the Debacle: The Struggle for the Definition of Sandinismo." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 34, no. 1 (1992): 111–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166151.

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…ideological rectification is worthless without corresponding practical behavior, yet without a Marxist ideological orientation positive practical behavior is insufficient.Carlos Fonseca AmadorLast TestamentThe Sandinistas celebrated their first party congress on 19 July 1991, the eleventh anniversary of the day of the “Triumph,” but this time the Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) had little to celebrate and a lot to worry about. The party that once claimed so surely to be the vanguard of the revolution … the vanguard of all Nicaraguan patriots … the vanguard of national liberation … the vanguard of the workers and peasants … the living instrument of the revolutionary classes … the guide toward a new societywas now struggling to reconstitute itself as an effective political organization after being ousted from power in 1990 by the population it claimed to represent and lead.
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22

Martí i Puig, Salvador. "The Adaptation of the FSLN: Daniel Ortega's Leadership and Democracy in Nicaragua." Latin American Politics and Society 52, no. 4 (2010): 79–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2010.00099.x.

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AbstractThis article explores the capacity of the Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) to adapt to a changing Nicaraguan political environment over the last three decades. It focuses on the FSLN's transformation from the 1980s until its recent return to power. The analysis uses the tools offered by studies on the transformation and adaptation of political parties in adverse contexts. It concentrates on the four key stages of the FSLN's transformation: the 1980s, the five-year period following the FSLN's defeat in the elections (1990–1995), the following decade in opposition (1996–2006), and the return to government. The key elements of the FSLN's adaptation relate to the centralization of party resources around the undisputed leadership of Daniel Ortega.
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23

Davis, Charles L., Edwin E. Aguilar, and John G. Speer. "Associations and Activism: Mobilization of Urban Informal Workers in Costa Rica and Nicaragua." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 41, no. 3 (1999): 35–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166158.

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Studies of Latin American civil society tend to assume that popular organizations promote “high-intensity” forms of political participation while political parties mainly encourage voting. This study compares the influence of these two forces in the urban informal sector. Association involvement, low in both samples, is related to “higher-intensity” participation, but the differential influence of associations and parties holds only for Costa Rica; Nicaragua’s revolutionary FSLN has fostered a more politically active citizenry.
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Amador Rodríguez, Belén, and Pablo Tatés Anangonó. "Los medios de comunicación de masas, contra la dictadura somocista." Textos y Contextos (segunda época), no. 18 (June 12, 2019): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.29166/tyc.v0i18.1741.

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En este trabajo analizamos la influencia de los medios de comunicación de masas en el derrocamiento de la dictadura en Nicaragua. Tras dos años de lucha armada, la organización guerrillera Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) se hizo con el poder y puso fin a la dinastía de los Somoza en 1979. A través de la revisión bibliográfica pondremos especial atención en los nexos existentes entre los acontecimientos políticos, militares y comunicativos.
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Vilas, Carlos M. "Especulaciones sobre una sorpresa: las elecciones en Nicaragua." Secuencia, no. 17 (January 1, 1990): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.18234/secuencia.v0i17.298.

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<p>Se presentan aspectos centrales del proceso electoral, ubicándolos en el marco de democratización de Nicaragua y de pacificación regional, en un contexto de aguda crisis económica. Se postulan hipótesis para explicar el resultado de los comicios de 1990 y la orientación mayoritaria del voto. Finalmente, se plantean algunos desarrollos probables dentro del país y en la región a raíz de la derrota del FSLN. Ponencia al Ciclo America Latina a la Hora de las Elecciones, Instituto Mora.</p>
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Jauberth R., Rodrigo. "Comentario." Secuencia, no. 17 (January 1, 1990): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.18234/secuencia.v0i17.300.

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<p>Los procesos electorales en Nicaragua y Costa Rica contrastan por el grado de politización y conciencia de los ciudadanos que los conforman. El ejercicio de la democracia electoral en Costa Rica se sustenta en actos de manipulación por parte del Estado mientras que en Nicaragua las elecciones representaron un momento estratégico del proceso democrático que nació con el triunfo de la Revolución de 1979, momento fundacional de ese Estado. Surgen interrogantes con res- pecto a la derrota del FSLN.</p>
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Serra Vázquez, Luis Héctor. "La sociedad civil nicaragüense: sus organizaciones y sus relaciones con el Estado." Encuentro, no. 78 (December 9, 2007): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/encuentro.v0i78.3672.

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Este libro presenta un panorama del desarrollo alcanzado por las organizaciones de la sociedad civil y el rol que han jugado en la democratización del sistema político y en el desarrollo humano de Nicaragua. Teóricamente la sociedad civil es enfocada como un “Tercer Sector” basado en el principio de asociación solidaria, distinto del “Sector Estatal” regido por la lógica del poder y el control, y del “Sector del Mercado”, basado en relaciones de competencia en búsqueda del lucro mercantil. El estudio aborda las interrelaciones de estos tres sectores en los “espacios de gobernanza” existentes en la Nicaragua contemporánea y los retos planteados por el nuevo gobierno del FSLN.
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Barcárcel Benítez, Citlali. "Vanguardia y revolución en las sociedades periféricas. Jaime Wheelock (entrevista de Martha Harnecker). Vanguardia y revolución en las sociedades periféricas, Siglo XXI Editores, México, 1986, 118." Estudios Latinoamericanos 1, no. 2 (February 9, 1987): 100. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/cela.24484946e.1987.2.46749.

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Jaime Wheelock (entrevista de Martha Harnecker). <em>Nicaragua: el Papel de la Vanguardia</em>, Edit. Contrapunto, Buenos Aires, 1986, 118pp.<p>Jaime Wheelock, Ministro de Desarrollo Agropecuario y de Reforma Agraria nicaragüense, a la vez Conadante de la Revolución y miembro de la Dirección Nacional del Fente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN), aborda y analiza la realidad socioeconómica de Nicaragua, establece cómo esta especificidad determinó el tipo de vanguardia política y militar, las etapas de gestación, crecimiento y maduración de la misma y las condiciones históricas que hicieron posible el trinfo revolucionario en el país centroamericano.</p>
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Nani, David Francisco. "Dialéctica víctima-perpetrador como causación de la novela Con sangre de hermanos." Revista del CESLA: International Latin American Studies Review, no. 27 (June 30, 2021): 133–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.36551/2081-1160.2021.27.133-157.

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Este escrito trata acerca de la novela Con sangre de hermanos. Demuestra cómo los personajes primero son profundamente afectados por la represión de la Guardia Nacional somocista. Luego ellos afrontan los traumas y las disociaciones de una forma no ética: asesinando y persiguiendo a los miembros de la oposición. Más aun, los sandinistas parecen anuentes a ser “zonas grises” y a sacrificarse a sí mismos por el partido izquierdista. Culmina el escrito con un FSLN (Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional) alimentado por los crímenes y las traiciones contra sus propios miembros. En conclusión, tenemos que el libro se estructura como una novela de perpetradores.
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AMADOR RODRÍGUEZ, BELÉN. "La importancia de Radio Sandino durante la revolución nicaragüense (1977-1979)." MARCO (Márketing y Comunicación Política) 6 (September 15, 2020): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.15304/marco.id6888.

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A través de la literatura existente y desde la Historia Social de la Comunicación, partiendo del concepto “propaganda sandinista”, he analizado la importancia de Radio Sandino, un medio de comunicación clandestino que resultó clave en la victoria del Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN). Desde 1977 hasta 1979 se produce en Nicaragua una “guerra psicológica”, también denominada “propaganda de guerra” en la que la censutra, que es otro instrumento esencial en el control del flujo de la información y el control del pensamiento, tiene un papel relevante. Los sandinistas, como grupo guerrillero, pretendieron influir en la sociedad para terminar con la dictadura de la dinastía de los Somoza en Nicaragua, y Radio Sandino fue uno de sus instrumentos a nivel de comunicación para conseguirlo.
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Vanden, Harry E., and Waltraud Queiser Morales. "Nicaraguan Relations with the Non-Aligned Movement." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 27, no. 3 (1985): 141–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165603.

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Pronouncements by the Reagan Administration not withstanding, the oft repeated accusation that Nicaragua is but a Soviet or Cuban pawn does not appear consistent with a closer examination of the facts (see NACLA, 1985). Beginning with the original 1969 FSLN (Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional) Program, the Sandinista leadership which now rules Nicaragua has steadfastly maintained its nonaligned orientation. In fact, since coming to power, the Sandinistas have not only become active members of the Nonaligned Movement, but have also used their ties with the Nonaligned to explain their policies and to garner much needed international support for their actions. In the process, they appear to have taken full advantage of policy options created by the development of the Nonaligned Movement and only recently available to Latin American nations.
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Klich, Ignacio. "Latin America, the United States and the Birth of Israel: The case of Somoza's Nicaragua." Journal of Latin American Studies 20, no. 2 (November 1988): 389–432. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00003047.

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With the downfall of the Somoza regime and coming to power of the Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) in July 1979, Israeli– Nicaraguan relations declined, to be eventually cut off three years later. An important contributing factor to the deterioration and breach of relations was Israel's involvement with Anastasio (Tachito) Somoza Debayle, in particular the military assistance which his faltering regime received from the Likud government until shortly before the end. By no means Tachito's sole armourer,1 the salience of Israel's role was, nonetheless, noted by many, including Somoza Debayle himself.2 This, however, was justified by Israeli prime minister Menachem Begin as the sole honourable course of action in view of earlier favours to the Zionist cause, going back to the pre-state period, by Tachito's father, Anastasio (Tacho) Somoza García.
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Luciak, Ilja A. "Mujeres en transición. Izquierda revolucionaria, igualdad de género y democratización. Una comparación entre El Salvador y Nicaragua." ECA: Estudios Centroamericanos 53, no. 597-598 (August 31, 1998): 619–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.51378/eca.v53i597-598.6369.

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En este artículo, el autor examina el problema de género tal como éste es enfrentado por el FSLN, en Nicaragua, y el FMLN en El Salvador. El trabajo se apoya en dos conceptos claves: el de género --entendido como la forma en que el sexo y la sexualidad se convierten en relaciones de poder en la sociedad-, y el de igualdad -que tiene tanto una dimensión formal como sustancial. Una de sus conclusiones más relevantes es que en el examen de las experiencias políticas de la izquierda salvadoreña y nicaragüense, es preciso discernir entre los avances positivos en términos de igualdad formal, y una reformulación fundamental de las relaciones tradicionales de género, condición previa para la realización de una igualdad sustantiva. ECA Estudios Centroamericanos, Vol. 53, No. 597-598, 1998: 619-641.
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McGee, Marcus J., and Karen Kampwirth. "The Co-optation of LGBT Movements in Mexico and Nicaragua: Modernizing Clientelism?" Latin American Politics and Society 57, no. 4 (2015): 51–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2015.00290.x.

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AbstractBefore the 1980s, LGBT groups in Latin America were largely (though not entirely) excluded from the state. This article argues that a combination of factors—democratization, social movement demands, neoliberal globalization and its accompanying discourse of modernity—has led many state actors to seek to incorporate LGBT groups into the state. Considering two cases of self-proclaimed revolutionary parties, Mexico's PRI and Nicaragua's FSLN, the article examines how and why these parties incorporated LGBT organizations and what impact such incorporation had on the LGBT groups themselves. In both countries, LGBT groups benefited from clientelistic resources at the same time that they found themselves deradicalizing, often forced to accept visibility without rights. But in Nicaragua, a more recent revolutionary experience and ties to a combative, autonomous feminist movement have allowed some LGBT activists to resist the state's efforts to co-opt their movement.
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Muschelli, John, Elizabeth Sweeney, Martin Lindquist, and Ciprian Crainiceanu. "fslr: Connecting the FSL Software with R." R Journal 7, no. 1 (2015): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.32614/rj-2015-013.

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Amador Rordríguez, Belén, and Johanna Gabriela Cisneros Palacios. "Manifestaciones artísticas contra la dictadura somocista: la canción protesta y la poesía revolucionaria en Nicaragua." Dictatorships & Democracies, no. 6 (December 15, 2018): 187–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.7238/dd.v0i6.3145.

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En este trabajo analizamos la importancia de la canción protesta y la poesía revolucionaria como instrumentos de movilización durante la revolución sandinista (1977–1979) en Nicaragua. Durante este período se desarrolló un conflicto armado que acabó con el triunfo del Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN), movimiento guerrillero que desarrolló una serie de acciones que marcan un punto de inflexión en el campo de la comunicación social. Esta investigación, que parte de la necesidad de buscar nexos entre los acontecimientos políticos, militares y artísticos, se centra en la importancia de estas manifestaciones artísticas en oposición a la dictadura somocista. Para ello hemos realizado un análisis del discurso a través de una muestra significativa de piezas musicales y de poemas, pertenecientes a los cantautores Carlos y Luis Enrique Mejía Godoy y a la escritora Gioconda Belli, tres de los más importantes representantes de ambos géneros.
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Ferrero Blanco, María Dolores. "Dictadura y guerrilla en Nicaragua: Reflexiones sobre la finalización del conflicto, desmovilización y paz." Revista Temas, no. 12 (November 2, 2018): 237–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.15332/rt.v0i12.2045.

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El siguiente artículo postulado para ser publicado en la Revista TEMAS del Departamento de Humanidades de la Universidad Santo Tomás (Seccional Bucaramanga), fue preliminarmente socializado a manera de conferencia central en el XIV Congreso Internacional de Humanidades, evento académico en el que se quiso presentar un modelo de “posconflicto” diferente al colombiano –el nicaragüense–, para que pudiese servir como un referente de comparación, reflexión y estudio del contexto histórico posibilitado por los diálogos de paz entre la guerrilla de las FARC y el Gobierno de Colombia entre los años 2012-2016. En aras del orden y claridad didáctica, se expondrán los siguientes contenidos: la trayectoria de la dictadura de los Somoza en Nicaragua, sus enfrentamientos con la guerrilla del FSLN hasta el triunfo de la revolución, la década sandinista, la vía que se escogió para la finalización del conflicto, la construcción de la paz y la desmovilización.
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Mendez, Jennifer Bickham. "Organizing a Space of their Own? Global/Local Processes in a Nicaraguan Women’s Organization." Journal of Developing Societies 18, no. 2-3 (June 2002): 196–227. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0169796x0201800209.

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This article analyzes the internal, organizational processes within a Nicaraguan women worker’s organization, the Working and Unemployed Women’s Movement, “María Elena Cuadra” (MEC) to explore the ways in which place-centered, locally constituted political identities articulate with transnational flows of ideas and discourses to shape actors’ collective practices. MEC’s changing organizational practices reflect the influence of strategies and practices employed in the mass organizations of the FSLN and transnational flows of discourses and ideas about issues such as feminism, personal and political autonomy, and the relationship between individuals and a collective. I explore the impact of members’ experiences within the Sandinista mass organizations on MEC’s organizational practices and analyze MEC’s uneasy relationship with feminist organizations and Northern-based NGOs. While transnational linkages have opened new opportunities for groups like MEC, certain relations of inequality, such as those based on neocolonialism, persist. The case of MEC sheds light on the complex ways in which power operates through and within transnational organizational relations.
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Lacombe, Delphine. "El FSLN, “el peor de los escenarios”. Debates de la militancia feminista en el contexto preelectoral nicaragüense (2004-2006)." Revista Trace, no. 66 (December 1, 2014): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.22134/trace.66.2014.30.

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Esta contribución analiza los debates de la militancia feminista nicaragüense, ocurridos durante el año 2006. Algunos meses antes de la elección de Daniel Ortega, fue conformada una nueva organización feminista: el Movimiento Autónomo de Mujeres. Sus integrantes decidieron aliarse con el partido Movimiento de Renovación Sandinista, compartiendo con éste el objetivo prioritario de evitar la toma del poder por el Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional, considerado como “el peor escenario”. Este trabajo explica estos procesos y propone analizar sus consecuencias en las otras agrupaciones feministas y los significados del referente revolucionario en las divergencias estratégicas de la militancia.
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Balerini Casal, Emiliano Francisco. "La asesoría militar argentina en Honduras." Diálogos Revista Electrónica 19, no. 2 (June 29, 2018): 198. http://dx.doi.org/10.15517/dre.v19i2.31144.

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Este trabajo puede leerse la influencia que el Ejército argentino tuvo en las Fuerzas Armadas hondureñas para desestabilizar políticamente al gobierno del Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN), así como a las guerrillas de El Salvador y Guatemala, a partir de 1980. Para poder explicar lo anterior es necesario hacer un breve recorrido por la historia que rodeó a la Junta Militar Argentina entre 1976 y 1983, y el éxito que tuvo con su política contrainsurgente.La extraterritorialización de su sistema represivo, propuesta en la Conferencia de Ejércitos Americanos (CEA), en noviembre de 1979 en Bogotá, Colombia, es un punto que se debe analizar, pues es a partir de esta propuesta formal de asesoramiento militar a distintos países de la región que se dio la intervención del país sudamericano en Centroamérica.El autor pretende contribuir a los estudios y al debate que en los últimos tiempos se realizan en la materia en distintas universidades de América Latina, como la UNAM, en México y la UBA, en Argentina. EL artículo representa un acercamiento a la forma en la que operó la dictadura militar argentina en Honduras, país que sirvió como base para que se entrenara La Contra.
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Mantero, José María. "Faith, Liberation, and Revolution in Fire From the Mountain by Omar Cabezas." Catedral Tomada. Revista de crítica literaria latinoamericana 8, no. 14 (August 7, 2020): 221–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ct/2020.446.

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Published in 1982, the testimonio Fire from the Mountain (La montaña es más que una inmensa estepa verde) by Omar Cabezas continues to generate interest in the field of Latin American literature, particularly amongst critics dedicated to the testimonio and post-testimonio. Considered one of the fundamental works of contemporary testimonio, Fire from the Mountain narrates the political and ideological coming of age of Cabezas during the years preceding the Sandinista revolution (1977-1979) in Nicaragua, the origins of his relationship with the Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN), and his efforts in the struggle against the dictatorship of Anastasio Somoza. Throughout the text there are frequent references to his own faith, Catholicism, and God as he comes to terms with the plight of the Nicaragua people and considers the moral imperative of the revolution to depose Somoza. Our intention is to demonstrate that, in Fire from the Mountain, Cabezas implicitly considers the influence of his faith, Catholicism, and God on the revolutionary struggle. We will first contextualize our study within discussions on the Latin American testimonio and proceed to frame our study of Fire from the Mountain within a liberational perspective that references liberation theology as our theoretical touchstone.
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Romero, Rafael. "¿Por qué George H. W. Bush aceptó una solución negociada al conflicto salvadoreño?" ECA: Estudios Centroamericanos 73, no. 754 (September 30, 2018): 327–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.51378/eca.v73i754.3172.

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En este artículo se demostrará que al menos cuatro factores influyeron en George Herbert Walker Bush para aceptar una solución negociada al conflicto interno que devino en la guerra civil de El Salvador. En primer lugar, la ofensiva del Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional (FMLN) del 11 de noviembre de 1989 demostró que no era posible una victoria militar de parte de ningún bando. En segundo lugar, el asesinato de los sacerdotes jesuitas, de una de sus empleadas y de su hija, el 16 de noviembre de 1989, demostró que la Fuerza Armada de El Salvador (FAES) no había cambiado su naturaleza criminal. En tercer lugar, la derrota electoral del Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) en Nicaragua, el 25 de febrero de 1990, implicaba en la óptica de Estados unidos que no habría más expansión comunista en la región. Por último, el colapso del bloque soviético, el 26 de diciembre de 1991, hizo pensar a Bush que la insurgencia salvadoreña se debilitaría mortalmente. Por lo tanto, la salida más pragmática era una solución negociada, sin que ello implicara ninguna amenaza seria a la hegemonía de Estados Unidos sobre El Salvador. ECA Estudios Centroamericanos, Vol. 73, No. 754, 2018: 327-347
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Bento, Fábio Régio. "Sobre o ateísmo do Socialismo Soviético – origens exógenas, influência internacional e repercussão nas políticas públicas locais." Correlatio 16, no. 2 (February 19, 2018): 461. http://dx.doi.org/10.15603/1677-2644/correlatio.v16n2p461-488.

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Neste artigo estudaremos as relações entre religião e socialismo soviético com o objetivo de identificar as características e origens da posição ateísta, em vez de laica, adotada pela URSS. Tal escolha do ateísmo como posição confessional do socialismo soviético promoveu a desqualificação moral e exclusão profissional dos revolucionários crentes no âmbito das políticas públicas locais e exportou tal política de exclusão para os países sob a área de influência política da URSS. Sustentaremos na presente pesquisa que tal posição adotada pelo socialismo soviético é de origem exógena ao marxismo. Mesmo sendo Karl Marx ateu, o materialismo do marxismo é materialismo sociológico, focado na análise das relações materiais de produção, não sendo, portanto, materialismo confessional.Em pesquisa anterior, de nossa autoria (BENTO, 2016), verificamos que Moscou promoveu tomadas de posição que vinculavam o marxismo ao ateísmo nas suas relações com a Frente Sandinista de Libertação Nacional (FSLN), na Nicarágua, e nas suas relações com Cuba, para citar dois exemplos. Em tal contexto investigativo emergiu a dúvida acadêmica que motivou a realização da presente pesquisa: qual a origem da orientação pró-ateísmo adotada pelo socialismo soviético? A pergunta é a nosso aviso relevante porque as interpretações produzidas pelo socialismo soviético operaram por décadas como referência paradigmática, deixando rastros hermenêuticos, certos ou equivocados, no âmbito de movimentos políticos e intelectuais socialistas que estiveram sob sua área internacional de influência.
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Sullivan, Jonathan Tabb, Erin Field Jeffery, John D. Shannon, and Girija Ramakrishnan. "Characterization of the Siderophore of Francisella tularensis and Role of fslA in Siderophore Production." Journal of Bacteriology 188, no. 11 (June 1, 2006): 3785–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1128/jb.00027-06.

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ABSTRACT We determined that LVS and Schu S4 strains of the human pathogen Francisella tularensis express a siderophore when grown under iron-limiting conditions. We purified this siderophore by conventional column chromatography and high-pressure liquid chromatography and used mass spectrometric analysis to demonstrate that it is structurally similar to the polycarboxylate siderophore rhizoferrin. The siderophore promoted the growth of LVS and Schu S4 strains in iron-limiting media. We identified a potential siderophore biosynthetic gene cluster encoded by fslABCD in the F. tularensis genome. The first gene in the cluster, fslA, encodes a member of the superfamily of nonribosomal peptide synthetase-independent siderophore synthetases (NIS synthetases) characterized by the aerobactin synthetases IucA and IucC. We determined that fslA is transcribed as part of an operon with downstream gene fslB and that the expression of the locus is induced by iron starvation. A targeted in-frame nonpolar deletion of fslA in LVS resulted in the loss of siderophore expression and in a reduced ability of F. tularensis to grow under conditions of iron limitation. Siderophore activity and the ability to grow under iron limitation could be regained by introducing the fslA + gene on a complementing plasmid. Our results suggest that the fslA-dependent siderophore is important for survival of F. tularensis in an iron-deficient environment.
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JUBB, NADINE. "Love, Family Values and Reconciliation for All, but What about Rights, Justice and Citizenship for Women? The FSLN, the Women's Movement, and Violence against Women in Nicaragua." Bulletin of Latin American Research 33, no. 3 (March 6, 2014): 289–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/blar.12205.

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Cascante Matamoros, María José. "«Nicaragua y el FSLN. Un análisis de la realidad política desde 1979». David CLOSE y Salvador MARTÍ (eds.). Bacelona: Ediciones Bellaterra, 2010. 469 pp. ISBN: 978-84-7290-457-6." América Latina Hoy 56 (March 15, 2011): 193–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.14201/alh.7794.

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47

Meyer, Romain A., Fabian Walter, Claudia Cicone, Pierre Cox, Roberto Decarli, Roberto Neri, Mladen Novak, Antonio Pensabene, Dominik Riechers, and Axel Weiss. "Physical Constraints on the Extended Interstellar Medium of the z = 6.42 Quasar J1148+5251: [C ii]158 μm, [N ii]205 μm, and [O i]146 μm Observations." Astrophysical Journal 927, no. 2 (March 1, 2022): 152. http://dx.doi.org/10.3847/1538-4357/ac4e94.

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Abstract We report new Northern Extended Millimeter Array observations of the [C ii]158 μm, [N ii]205 μm, and [O i]146 μm atomic fine structure lines (FSLs) and dust continuum emission of J1148+5251, a z = 6.42 quasar, which probe the physical properties of its interstellar medium (ISM). The radially averaged [C ii]158 μm and dust continuum emission have similar extensions (up to θ = 2.51 − 0.25 + 0.46 arcsec , corresponding to r = 9.8 − 2.1 + 3.3 kpc , accounting for beam convolution), confirming that J1148+5251 is the quasar with the largest [C ii]158 μm-emitting reservoir known at these epochs. Moreover, if the [C ii]158 μm emission is examined only along its NE–SW axis, a significant excess (>5.8σ) of [C ii]158 μm emission (with respect to the dust) is detected. The new wide-bandwidth observations enable us to accurately constrain the continuum emission, and do not statistically require the presence of broad [C ii]158 μm line wings that were reported in previous studies. We also report the first detection of the [O i]146 μm and (tentatively) [N ii]205 μm emission lines in J1148+5251. Using FSL ratios of the [C ii]158 μm, [N ii]205 μm, [O i]146 μm, and previously measured [C i]369 μm emission lines, we show that J1148+5251 has similar ISM conditions compared to lower-redshift (ultra)luminous infrared galaxies. CLOUDY modeling of the FSL ratios excludes X-ray-dominated regions and favors photodissociation regions as the origin of the FSL emission. We find that a high radiation field (103.5–4.5 G 0), a high gas density (n ≃ 103.5–4.5 cm−3), and an H i column density of 1023 cm−2 reproduce the observed FSL ratios well.
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48

Kooi, TJM, QZ Tan, AUJ Yap, W. Guo, KJ Tay, and MS Soh. "Effects of Food-simulating Liquids on Surface Properties of Giomer Restoratives." Operative Dentistry 37, no. 6 (October 1, 2012): 665–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2341/11-419-l.

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SUMMARY This study examined the effects of food-simulating liquid (FSL) on the hardness and roughness of giomer restoratives based on pre-reacted glass ionomer (PRG) technology. The materials investigated included a regular (Beautifil II [BT]) and a recently introduced injectable (Beautifil Flow Plus F00 [BF]) hybrid PRG composite. A direct hybrid composite (Filtek Z250 [ZT]) and an indirect hybrid composite (Ceramage [CM]) were used for comparison. The materials were placed into customized square molds (5 mm × 5 mm × 2.5 mm), covered with Mylar strips, and cured according to manufacturers' instructions. The materials were then conditioned in air (control), distilled water, 50% ethanol solution, and 0.02 N citric acid at 37°C for seven days. Specimens (n=6) were then subjected to hardness testing (Knoop) and surface profilometry. Data were analyzed using one-way analysis of variance and post hoc Scheffe test (p&lt;0.05). Mean Knoop hardness values for the control group (air) ranged from 53.4 ± 3.4 (BF) to 89.5 ± 5.2 (ZT), while mean surface roughness values values ranged from 0.014 ± 0.002 (ZT) to 0.032 ± 0.001 (BT). All materials were significantly softened by FSL. The degree of softening by the different FSLs was material dependent. The hardness of giomers was most affected by citric acid and ethanol. The smoothest surface was generally observed with the control group. Giomer restoratives were significantly roughened by citric acid.
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Jenkinson, Mark, Christian F. Beckmann, Timothy E. J. Behrens, Mark W. Woolrich, and Stephen M. Smith. "FSL." NeuroImage 62, no. 2 (August 2012): 782–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.neuroimage.2011.09.015.

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50

Zhu, C., and F. W. Paul. "A Fourier Series Neural Network and Its Application to System Identification." Journal of Dynamic Systems, Measurement, and Control 117, no. 3 (September 1, 1995): 253–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/1.2799114.

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A distinctive neural network architecture, called the Fourier Series Neural Network (FSNN), is developed with particular consideration for applications in the area of system identification and control. This paper focuses on the theory of the FSNN and its application to system identification. This neural network is based on the topological structure of the multiple Fourier series, and is shown to be free of local minima. The global stability of the FSNN learning dynamics is guaranteed using the Delta learning rule. This paper demonstrates that the trained FSNN model approximates the Fourier series representation of an identified system with the network state weights approximating the coefficients of the Fourier series. This feature enables the FSNN to estimate the frequency spectrum of an unknown system, making the FSNN a powerful tool for controller design or on-line adaptive tuning based on system frequency response. The capabilities of the FSNN are demonstrated for linear and nonlinear systems by applying the FSNN to estimate the amplitude and phase spectrums of a second order linear transfer function and to model nonlinear inverse robot kinematics. These evaluations indicate that the FSNN modeling technique is applicable to both linear and nonlinear systems with multi-inputs and multi-outputs.
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