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1

Finkelman, Paul. "The Captive's Quest for Freedom: Fugitive Slaves, the 1850 Fugitive Slave Law, and the Politics of Slavery." Journal of American History 106, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 178–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaz220.

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2

Grant, S. M. "The captive’s quest for freedom: fugitive slaves, the 1850 fugitive slave law, and the politics of slavery." Slavery & Abolition 39, no. 4 (October 2, 2018): 775–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0144039x.2018.1537202.

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Homestead, Melissa J. "“When I Can Read My Title Clear”: Harriet Beecher Stowe and the Stowe v. Thomas Copyright Infringement Case." Prospects 27 (October 2002): 201–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300001198.

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In 1853, Harriet Beecher Stowe filed a copyright suit against F. W. Thomas, a Philadelphia printer who had published an unauthorized German translation of Uncle Tom's Cabin in his newspaper, Die Freie Presse. Stowe brought suit in the federal circuit court in Philadelphia, thus ironically placing her claim in the hands of Justice Robert Grier, a notable enforcer of slaver-owners' interests under the Fugitive Slave Law. Grier found that Stowe's property rights in her novelistic plea for resistance to the Fugitive Slave Law were very narrow and that she could not prevent Thomas from publishing a translation without her authorization. In the conclusion to the court's opinion, Grier wrote,
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4

Minifee, Paul. "Rhetoric of Doom and Redemption: Reverend Jermain Loguen's Jeremiadic Speech Against the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850." Journal for the History of Rhetoric 16, no. 1 (January 1, 2013): 29–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jhistrhetoric.16.1.0029.

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ABSTRACT In his monumental speech protesting the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850, Rev. Jermain W. Loguen urges his fellow townsmen of Syracuse, NY, an “open city” to fugitives, to defy the new federal legislation by protecting the city's fugitives from federal marshals en route to apprehend them. My analysis of Loguen's speech examines his use of American and African American jeremiadic strategies to convince his audience of primarily white Christian abolitionists that their unified resistance against the new law was part of God's providential plan to redeem the nation of the sin of slavery. My study also reveals how Loguen's appeals to manhood, through associating divine punishment with the emasculation of American men, as well as his establishment of “identification” around shared religious and political values, proved effective in rallying Syracuse's citizens to defend their God-given freedom.
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DEAN GRODZINS. "“Slave Law” versus “Lynch Law” in Boston: Benjamin Robbins Curtis, Theodore Parker, and the Fugitive Slave Crisis, 1850-1855." Massachusetts Historical Review 12 (2010): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5224/masshistrevi.12.1.0001.

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Knowles, Helen J. "Seeing the Light: Lysander Spooner's Increasingly Popular Constitutionalism." Law and History Review 31, no. 3 (July 23, 2013): 531–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248013000242.

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On Tuesday July 4, 1854, it was hot and humid at Harmony Grove; “the heat of the weather…was extreme.” But this did not deter a large audience from gathering at this location in Framingham, Massachusetts. This was the spot upon which many of them had assembled, under the organization of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, for the past 8 years. They came by crowded railroad cars (from Boston, Milford, and Worcester), and by horse and carriage from many other surrounding towns, eager to hear speeches by prominent members of the antislavery community. William Lloyd Garrison was not the first to speak, but his actions were the most memorable. Addressing the audience, Garrison held up, and systematically burned, three documents: a copy of the 1850 Fugitive Slave Act; a copy of a recent court decision that ordered the free state of Massachusetts to use its facilities to assist in the capture of fugitive slaves; and a copy of the United States Constitution. This was no mere symbolic act; it conveyed an important part of the Garrisonian argument. Namely, that the Constitution was “a covenant with death, and an agreement with hell.”
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7

Schmitt, Jeffrey M. "The Antislavery Judge Reconsidered." Law and History Review 29, no. 3 (July 21, 2011): 797–834. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248011000332.

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It is conventionally believed that neutral legal principles required antislavery judges to uphold proslavery legislation in spite of their moral convictions against slavery. Under this view, an antislavery judge who ruled on proslavery legislation was forced to choose, not between liberty and slavery, but rather between liberty and fidelity to his conception of the judicial role in a system of limited government. Focusing on the proslavery Fugitive Slave Act of 1850, this article challenges the conventional view by arguing that the constitutionality of the fugitive act was ambiguous; meaning that neutral legal principles supported a ruling against the fugitive act as well as a ruling in favor of it, and that prominent antislavery judges were influenced to uphold the act by a belief that doing so was necessary in order to preserve the Union.
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McMullen, Kevin. "“This Damned Act”: Walt Whitman and the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850." Walt Whitman Quarterly Review 37, no. 1,2 (January 1, 2019): 1–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.13008/0737-0679.2358.

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Schmidt, James D. "R. J. M. Blackett. The Captive’s Quest for Freedom: Fugitive Slaves, the 1850 Fugitive Slave Law, and the Politics of Slavery." American Historical Review 124, no. 3 (June 1, 2019): 1071–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz272.

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10

Gray, Nicole H. "The Sounds and Stages of Emerson’s Social Reform." Nineteenth-Century Literature 69, no. 2 (September 1, 2014): 208–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncl.2014.69.2.208.

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Nicole H. Gray, “The Sounds and Stages of Emerson’s Social Reform” (pp. 208–232) This essay argues that Ralph Waldo Emerson’s antislavery reform efforts in the 1850s depended on a theory of transformation and mediation that shares ground with his linguistic and philosophical experiments. I base this claim on a reading of the sounds and citations at work in one political address, delivered in 1854 as part of an extended public reaction to the passage of the Fugitive Slave Law in 1850. This essay takes up three different ways in which the structure of citation and revision (“recitation”) function in relation to this address. First, I discuss recitation in terms of critics’ conceptualization of Emerson’s general approach to language. Second, I consider Emerson’s recitation of a line from “La Marseillaise,” a revolutionary tune that became the French national anthem, in his journals and his speech. Finally, I turn to Emerson’s re-vision of his audience within this address, and in the space of his orations in general.
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Sinha, Manisha. "The Captive's Quest for Freedom: Fugitive Slaves, the 1850 Fugitive Slave Law, and the Politics of Slavery by R. J. M. Blackett." Journal of the Civil War Era 9, no. 2 (2019): 309–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwe.2019.0033.

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12

Moss, Hilary J. "The Tarring and Feathering of Thomas Paul Smith: Common Schools, Revolutionary Memory, and the Crisis of Black Citizenship in Antebellum Boston." New England Quarterly 80, no. 2 (June 2007): 218–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq.2007.80.2.218.

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The essay explores an 1851 incident of violence among black Bostonians centering on conflicts about the merits of school desegregation. The episode reveals differing concepts of and approaches to citizenship in the African-American community, tensions that were exacerbated by abolitionist activity, Revolutionary memory, and the Fugitive Slave Law.
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Younger, Joseph P. "“Naturals of This Republic:” Slave Law, Sovereignty, and the Legal Politics of Citizenship in the Río de la Plata Borderlands, 1845–1864." Law and History Review 30, no. 4 (November 2012): 1099–132. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248012000521.

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In 1859, Cándido Xavier Azambuja appeared before officials in Salto, Uruguay demanding the return of an alleged fugitive slave, Pedro, pursuant to the terms of the 1851 Extradition Treaty between Brazil and Uruguay. According to Cándido's testimony, Pedro had fled from his brother Geronimo's estancia located near the Brazilian town of Bagé close to the Uruguayan border. Upon questioning, Cándido admitted that Pedro and Geronimo had been in the Estado Oriental briefly in 1851 in order to drive several herds of cattle back into Brazil, but argued that Pedro returned with his master and had never been to the Uruguayan Republic before or since. In response, Pedro argued that he was not a fugitive Brazilian slave, but rather a “natural of this republic.” Pedro claimed that he was born in Tacuarembó, Uruguay, and promptly produced the baptismal records to prove it. Pedro went on to note that his entire family consisted of free Uruguayans like himself. He then claimed that Cándido had repeatedly attempted “to make him a slave,” going so far as to remove him forcibly from his home and carry him across the border into Brazil. He requested protection from these continued threats to his and his family's basic rights under Uruguayan law.
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Basinger, S. J. "Regulating Slavery: Deck-Stacking and Credible Commitment in the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850." Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization 19, no. 2 (October 1, 2003): 307–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jleo/ewg013.

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15

Minifee, Paul. "Rhetoric of Doom and Redemption: Reverend Jermain Loguen's Jeremiadic Speech Against the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850." Advances in the History of Rhetoric 16, no. 1 (January 2013): 29–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15362426.2012.746752.

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Palmateer Pennee, Donna. "Benjamin Drew and Samuel Gridley Howe on Race Relations in Early Ontario: Mythologizing and Debunking Canada West’s “Moral Superiority”." Journal of Canadian Studies 56, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 99–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jcs-2020-0025.

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This essay examines the respective mythologizing and debunking of Canada’s “moral superiority” over the United States on matters of white-Black race relations in Benjamin Drew’s 1856 The Refugee: or the Narratives of Fugitive Slaves in Canada and Samuel Gridley Howe’s 1864 The Refugees from Slavery in Canada West. Their accounts of the impact of the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 and American Civil War on Canadian and American political reputations are instructive. The historical presence of Black people in the making of Ontario’s history and its relationship to American antebellum history helps to understand in part from where the superiority myth originates. The impact of the American Civil War on the making of Canada as a political entity has been studied by historians but its cultural force is less studied, particularly in literary studies. The relative absence of such knowledge seems part and parcel of the negative definition of Canada as not-American, indeed anti-American, and has helped to continue the mythology of Canada’s moral superiority over the US on matters of white-Black relations. Drew’s and Howe’s work on the substantial presence of Black settlers in early Ontario has been invaluable for the study of both the diaspora and settlement of Black freedom seekers in Upper Canada/Canada West in the antebellum period. Analysis of the rhetoric of national differences on racism in Drew’s The Refugee (1856) and Howe’s The Refugees (1864), particularly on education and law, counters, as does a wealth of scholarship by Black scholars, the myth of Canada’s racial benevolence.
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17

Malavasic, Alice E. "The Captive's Quest for Freedom: Fugitive Slaves, the 1850s Fugitive Slave Law, and the Politics of Slavery by R. J. M. Blackett." Journal of Southern History 85, no. 1 (2019): 165–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/soh.2019.0024.

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18

Marcia C. Robinson. "The Tragedy of Edward “Ned” Davis: Entrepreneurial Fraud in Maryland in the Wake of the 1850 Fugitive Slave Law." Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 140, no. 2 (2016): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.5215/pennmaghistbio.140.2.0167.

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Golden, Kathryn Benjamin. "R. J. M. Blackett, A Captive’s Quest for Freedom: Fugitive Slaves, the 1850 Fugitive Slave Law, and the Politics of Slavery. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2018. Pp. 511. $28.30 (paper)." Journal of African American History 105, no. 1 (January 2020): 125–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/706566.

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20

Specq, François. "Emerson’s Rhetoric of Empowerment in “Address to the Citizens of Concord on The Fugitive Slave Law” (1851)." Cahiers Charles V 37, no. 1 (2004): 115–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/cchav.2004.1392.

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21

Lennon, Conor. "Slave Escape, Prices, and the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850." Journal of Law and Economics 59, no. 3 (August 2016): 669–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/689619.

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22

Range, Melissa. "The House of Representatives Passes the “Gag Rule” Prohibiting the Taking up of Antislavery Petitions, 1836, and: Radical Abolitionist Women Come Out of the Church, 1840s, and: Public Opinion Shifts after the Passing of the Fugitive Slave Law, 1850, and: Enter the Wide-Awakes, 1860, and: To the Slave Power, and: George Moses Horton, Poet, Chatham County, North Carolina." Hopkins Review 15, no. 3 (June 2022): 177–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/thr.2022.0089.

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23

Sebok, Anthony J. "Judging the Fugitive Slave Acts." Yale Law Journal 100, no. 6 (April 1991): 1835. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/796788.

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24

Baker, H. Robert. "The Fugitive Slave Clause and the Antebellum Constitution." Law and History Review 30, no. 4 (November 2012): 1133–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248012000697.

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Among the most long-lasting constitutional controversies in the antebellum era was the interpretation of the fugitive slave clause. It was the subject of repeated legislative and judicial construction at both the state and the federal level. It raised delicate questions about federalism and the balancing of property rights and personal liberty. Slaveholders and abolitionists brought irreconcilable constitutional positions to the table, ultimately dividing Northerners from Southerners. However, it was not just divergent political commitments that made it difficult to fix a stable meaning to the fugitive slave clause. The text itself was ambiguous enough to make it amenable to multiple interpretations. For precisely this reason, an examination of the changing interpretations of the fugitive slave clause uncovers antebellum constitutional praxis, allowing us to see how historical actors interpreted the Constitution and how those interpretations shifted over time.
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Couey, J. Blake, and Jeremy Schipper. "Hide the Outcasts: Isaiah 16:3–4 and Fugitive Slave Laws." Harvard Theological Review 115, no. 4 (October 2022): 519–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001781602200030x.

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AbstractIsaiah 16:3–4, part of an obscure prophecy about ancient Moab, appeared frequently in nineteenth-century writings about slavery in the United States, particularly in the context of opposition to fugitive slave laws. The verses were linked with other biblical passages to create a network of proof texts to justify assisting persons who escaped slavery. Eventually, the line “hide the outcast” from verse 3 took on a life of its own as an abolitionist slogan, largely independently of its biblical context. Rebuttals of these uses of the texts by anti-abolitionist writers, which began to appear in the 1850s, criticized the decontextualization of the verses, and one novel response attempted to link the text to interracial intimacy. Despite these rebuttals, the use of the text continued apace throughout the 1850s–1860s in response to the 1850 Fugitive Slave Act and the execution of John Brown.
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Brown, Thomas J. "The Fugitive Slave Act in Emerson's Boston." Law & Social Inquiry 25, no. 02 (2000): 669–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.2000.tb00977.x.

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Middleton, Stephen. "The Fugitive Slave Crisis in Cincinnati, 1850-1860: Resistance, Enforcement, and Black Refugees." Journal of Negro History 72, no. 1-2 (January 1987): 20–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jnhv72n1-2p20.

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Wingert, Cooper. "Fugitive Slave Renditions and the Proslavery Crisis of Confidence in Federalism, 1850–1860." Journal of American History 110, no. 1 (June 1, 2023): 40–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaad170.

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Kurtz, Jeffrey B. "“Condemning Webster: Judgment and audience in Emerson's ‘fugitive slave law’ “." Quarterly Journal of Speech 87, no. 3 (August 2001): 278–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00335630109384337.

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Murtini, Anugrah. "Act of Resistance against Government Policies in Slavery as Reflected in Uncle Tom’s Cabin." LETS 1, no. 2 (June 10, 2020): 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.46870/lets.v1i2.27.

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The aims of this research were to find the implementation of government policies toward the African-American slaves in America and act of resistance against slavery system as reflected in the novel Uncle Tom’s Cabin. The research employs a descriptive qualitative method by applying sociological approach in analyzing Uncle Tom’s Cabin with reference to Wellek and Warren on the relationship between literary work and social context in which it was written. Data sources are primary and supporting data. The primary data are taken from Uncle Tom’s Cabin, and supporting data are taken from the books, journals, articles, and some sources from internet. In this novel, the researcher found that; 1) Government policies toward the African-American slaves reflected in Uncle Tom’s Cabin are Slave Codes 1705 and Fugitive Slave Act 1850 2) the act of resistence by the slaves against slavery system reflected in this novel is passive resistence. Passive resistences are shown by the characters of the slave such as runnaway, tell a lie, and protesting the authority of their owner.
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Thompson, Patricia. "“Father” Samuel Snowden (c. 1770–1850): Preacher, Minister to Mariners, and Anti-Slavery Activist." Methodist History 60, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 136–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/methodisthist.60.1.0136.

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ABSTRACT This article traces the life and ministry of the Rev. Samuel Snowden, the first Black pastor in the New England Conference of the United Methodist Church, who began his life as a slave on the eastern shore of Maryland. In 1818 he was called from Portland, Maine, to pastor the growing Black Methodist Episcopal congregation in Boston, Massachusetts. There he grew the first Black Methodist Episcopal congregation in New England and became a well-known and respected preacher and anti-slavery activist with a special ministry to Black seaman. At the end of his life, he opened his home as a refuge for fugitive slaves. Snowden’s son, Isaac Humphrey, became one of the first three Black men to enroll in Harvard Medical School.
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Peterson, Beverly. "Stowe and Whittier Respond in Poetry to the Fugitive Slave Law." Resources for American Literary Study 26, no. 2 (January 1, 2000): 184–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/resoamerlitestud.26.2.0184.

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Peterson, Beverly. "Stowe and Whittier Respond in Poetry to the Fugitive Slave Law." Resources for American Literary Study 26, no. 2 (2000): 184–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rals.2000.0028.

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34

Kirsch, Geoffrey R. "“So Much a Piece of Nature”: Emerson, Webster, and the Transcendental Constitution." New England Quarterly 91, no. 4 (December 2018): 625–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq_a_00706.

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This essay tracks Ralph Waldo Emerson's obsession with Daniel Webster, from early hero-worship to bitter disillusionment over the Fugitive Slave Act to posthumous vindication. It argues that Webster's trajectory parallels that of the Constitution, and concludes that the postbellum Constitution embodies Webster's positivist reverence and Emerson's faith in higher law.
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SCHERMERHORN, CALVIN. "Arguing Slavery's Narrative: Southern Regionalists, Ex-slave Autobiographers, and the Contested Literary Representations of the Peculiar Institution, 1824–1849." Journal of American Studies 46, no. 4 (March 1, 2012): 1009–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002187581100140x.

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AbstractIn the twenty-five years before 1850, southern writers of regional literature and ex-slave autobiographers constructed a narrative of United States slavery that was mutually contradictory and yet mutually influential. That process involved a dynamic hybridization of genres in which authors contested meanings of slavery, arriving at opposing conclusions. They nevertheless focussed on family and the South's distinctive culture. This article explores the dialectic of that argument and contends that white regionalists created a plantation-paternalist romance to which African American ex-slaves responded with depictions of slavery's cruelty and immorality. However, by the 1840s, ex-slaves had domesticated their narratives in part to sell their works in a literary marketplace in which their adversaries’ sentimental fiction sold well. Scholars have not examined white southern literature and ex-slave autobiography in comparative context, and this article shows how both labored to construct a peculiar institution in readers’ imagination. Southern regionalists supplied the elements of a pro-slavery argument and ex-slave autobiographers infused their narratives with abolitionist rhetoric at a time in which stories Americans told about themselves became increasingly important in the national political crisis over slavery extension and fugitive slaves. It was on that discursive ground that the debates of the 1850s were carried forth.
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Linda Myrsiades. "Legal Practice and Pragmatics in the Law: The 1821 Trials of John Reed, “Fugitive Slave”." Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 138, no. 3 (2014): 305. http://dx.doi.org/10.5215/pennmaghistbio.138.3.0305.

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Finkelman, Paul. "The Kidnapping of John Davis and the Adoption of the Fugitive Slave Law of 1793." Journal of Southern History 56, no. 3 (August 1990): 397. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2210284.

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Myrsiades, Linda. "Legal Practice and Pragmatics in the Law: The 1821 Trials of John Reed, “Fugitive Slave”." Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 138, no. 3 (October 2014): 305–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pmh.2014.a923355.

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Zahler, Reuben. "Complaining Like a Liberal: Redefining Law, Justice, and Official Misconduct in Venezuela, 1790-1850." Americas 65, no. 3 (January 2009): 351–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.0.0069.

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One night in April 1822, a slave snuck into Caracas' main plaza, and under cover of darkness, threw the feces of his entire household into the public well. A month later, a local magistrate appeared at the store of José Castellano and Manuel Gonzalez with a contingent of soldiers and arrested them for having ordered their slave to commit this heinous crime. From their jail cell, the two men asserted their innocence and insisted that the magistrate had behaved unacceptably: “Because we have never had any previous warning, because we have not previously been called to appear in court and also because there is no proof … [the magistrate] cannot have been authorised to commit the public insult that he has shamelessly and scandalously put upon our persons.” Their defense relied not only on questions of evidence but also on attacks against the magistrate's civility; they claimed that his actions had transgressed both proper legal and social behavior. This combination of legislative and non-legislative concerns was typical for complaints against officials from the colonial period, and we see it persist directly after independence. In the coming years, however, the formal responsibilities of government employees would change, as would the paradigm for complaints against them.
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Asaka, Ikuko. "Different Tales of John Glasgow: John Brown’s Evolution to Slave Life in Georgia." Journal of Black Studies 49, no. 3 (January 10, 2018): 212–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934717749417.

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This article seeks to advance conversation on the literary and political agency of fugitive slave narrators and their far-reaching archival footprints by focusing on the evolution of John Brown’s narrative of John Glasgow, a Demerara-born free Black sailor with whom Brown toiled side by side on a Georgian plantation. In British and U.S. abolitionist discourse, Glasgow’s tragic story—he was imprisoned under Georgia’s seamen law upon arriving in Savannah and eventually fell into bondage—made him the symbol of the southern seamen acts’ egregious infringement of British freedom. Brown, a formerly enslaved expatriate resident in England, told this tale in his autobiography Slave Life in Georgia, but the authorship of this story has some ambiguity. It is believed by some scholars that the narrative’s editor, London-based White abolitionist Louis Alexis Chamerovzow, concocted the tale. By drawing on newly discovered documents, this article demonstrates that Brown originally attributed Glasgow’s enslavement to kidnapping by deceit, not to a Black seamen law. Furthermore, an examination of British diplomatic dispatches and the details of the Black seaman law operating in Savannah at that time posits the likelihood that Glasgow became enslaved by deception rather than law. What do we make of these findings? Instead of marshalling them to confirm Chamerovzow as the story’s creator, this article speculates that John Brown himself invented the Glasgow story and imagines a transatlantic Black political circuitry connecting England and Canada.
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Johnson, Linck C. ""Liberty Is Never Cheap": Emerson, "The Fugitive Slave Law," and the Antislavery Lecture Series at the Broadway Tabernacle." New England Quarterly 76, no. 4 (December 2003): 550. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1559843.

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Bryant, Joan L. "The Jerry Rescue: The Fugitive Slave Law, Northern Rights, and the American Sectional Crisis by Angela F. Murphy." Journal of the Civil War Era 6, no. 3 (2016): 447–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwe.2016.0048.

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Freitas, Judy Bieber. "Slavery and Social Life: Attempts to Reduce Free People to Slavery in the Sertão Mineiro, Brazil, 1850–1871." Journal of Latin American Studies 26, no. 3 (October 1994): 597–619. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00008531.

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In 1859 the district attorney of Montes Claros, in a long dispatch to the provincial chief of police, enumerating the many evils prevailing in his jurisdiction, included ‘craven traffickers who abduct little free children of colour whom they trick and seduce with fruits and presents, to sell as if they were slaves, trading them for livestock or mere trinkets’. This complaint was not an isolated incident; it reflected a larger trade in free people of colour which took place in the sertão of northern Minas Gerais after the closing of the transatlantic slave trade in 1851 and before the passage of the law of the free womb in 1871. The internal trade in free persons ceased in the early 1870s, when mandatory slave matriculation made illicit transactions more detectable.
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Middleton, Stephen. "The Rescue of Joshua Glover: A Fugitive Slave Law, the Constitution, and the Coming of the Civil War (review)." Journal of the Early Republic 28, no. 1 (2007): 119–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jer.2008.0007.

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45

허현. "“Take Your Pound of Flesh, but Not One Drop of Blood”: The Repeal Movement of the Ohio Fugitive Slave Law of 1839." EWHA SAHAK YEONGU ll, no. 47 (December 2013): 231–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.37091/ewhist.2013..47.007.

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46

Matheus, Marcelo Santos. "ESTRATÉGIAS SENHORIAIS, ARTIMANHAS CATIVAS: RELAÇÕES ESCRAVISTAS NA FRONTEIRA ENTRE O BRASIL E O URUGUAI (SÉCULO XIX)." Revista Prâksis 1 (February 15, 2019): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.25112/rpr.v1i0.1746.

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A fronteira sul do Império brasileiro foi palco de constantes conflitos. Seja entre os luso-brasileiros e o Império espanhol, entre os brasileiros e orientais ou argentinos, seja a Guerra do Paraguai, a região teve poucos momentos de paz ao longo do século XIX. Do mesmo modo, durante o Oitocentos, o regramento sobre o sistema escravista brasileiro sofreu importantes percalços, como o fim do tráfico em 1850 e a Lei do Ventre Livre em 1871. No Brasil meridional, a abolição da escravidão no Uruguai foi outro fator de desestabilização da instituição escravista. Mesmo em meio a estas contendas e mesmo com as mudanças pelas quais passavam as relações escravistas (no Brasil e fora dele), ali se estabeleceu a mais expressiva criação de gado de todo o país. E, mais importante, produção pecuária que tinha na mão de obra escrava algo estruturante de sua organização. É neste contexto que estudamos a relação entre fronteira e escravidão no presente artigo. Nele, buscamos entender como senhores e escravos lidavam com o espaço fronteiriço, utilizando tal aspecto em seu benefício. Foi possível identificar que a fronteira ora servia para que cada um dos polos buscasse seus objetivos, ora para forjar acordos entre eles, sendo sempre um fator fundante das relações ali produzidas.Palavras-chave: Escravidão. Brasil meridional. Fronteira.ABSTRACTThe southern border of the Brazilian Empire was the scene of constant conflicts. Between the Luso-Brazilians and the Spanish Empire, between the Brazilians and the Orientals or the Argentines, or the Paraguayan War, the region had few moments of peace during the nineteenth century. Likewise, during the nineteenth century, the rule on the Brazilian slave system suffered major setbacks, such as the end of trafficking in 1850 and the Free Womb Law in 1871. In southern Brazil, the abolition of slavery in Uruguay was another destabilizing factor of the slave institution. Even in the midst of these struggles, and even with the changes through which slave relations passed (in Brazil and elsewhere), there was established the most expressive cattle breeding in the whole country. And, more important, livestock production that had on the labor slave something structuring of its organization. It is in this context that we study the relationship between frontier and slavery in this article. In it, we sought to understand masters and slaves dealing with the frontier space, using such aspect to their advantage. It was possible to identify that the frontier now served for each of the poles to pursue their objectives, sometimes served to forge agreements between them, always being a founding factor of the relations produced there.Keywords: Slavery. Southern Brazil. Border.
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von Frank, Albert J. "H. Robert Baker, The Rescue of Joshua Glover: A Fugitive Slave, the Constitution, and the Coming of the Civil War, Athens: Ohio University Press, 2006. Pp. 260. $38.95 (ISBN 0-8214-1690-1)." Law and History Review 26, no. 1 (2008): 208–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248000003746.

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48

Smith Naro, Nancy Priscilla. "Customary Rightholders and Legal Claimants to Land in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, 1870-1890." Americas 48, no. 4 (April 1992): 485–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006744.

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The transition from slave to free labor in the Americas involved many and varied forms of internal labor and land adjustments which affected slaves, landless farmers, and large scale producers in rural areas. Unlike Haiti and the United States South, the Brazilian process of emancipation was gradual and did not involve violent structural ruptures with the past. The Land Law of 1850, the Law of the Free Womb of 1871 and the 1885 Sexagenarian Law marked fundamental phases in an ongoing process of state participation in the organization of the free labor market, which culminated in Abolition on 13 May 1888, and the onset of the Republic on 15 November of the following year. Current analyses of the late nineteenth century emphasize continuity and define the state as its own agent, embarking on a course of conservative modernization which unfolded during the process of transition from the liberalism of a nineteenth-century empire to the interventionist Republic which was ushered in, in 1889. The planter class, joined with emerging but weak Brazilian industrial and financial sectors and upheld by the military, contributed to an Estado Oligárquico, in Marcelo Carmagnani's terminology, linked by coffee production into the world economy as a flourishing dependent peripheral economy. But the process, which until recently was associated with the coffee export sector and its relation to urbanization and industrialization, has now taken on broader dimensions. A developed domestic economy, composed of a complex and sophisticated internal food supply network, operated alongside the export economy throughout the nineteenth century. Although unstudied from the political perspective of small-scale food producers who were displaced by the coffee economy, the broader issue of food provision could not be dissociated from conservative modernization, the basic issues of which would be carried forth during the course of the First Republic in the form of “Ruralismo.”
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Blue, F. J. "H. ROBERT BAKER. The Rescue of Joshua Glover: A Fugitive Slave, the Constitution, and the Coming of the Civil War. (Law, Society, and Politics in the Midwest.) Columbus: Ohio State University Press. 2006. Pp. xiv, 251. $38.95." American Historical Review 112, no. 5 (December 1, 2007): 1540–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.112.5.1540.

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50

Cowan, Tynes. "The Black Avenger in Atlantic Culture by Grégory Pierrot, and: The Life and Legend of Bras-Coupé: The Fugitive Slave Who Fought the Law, Ruled the Swamp, Danced at Congo Square, Invented Jazz, and Died for Love by Bryan Wagner." African American Review 54, no. 3 (2021): 255–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/afa.2021.0017.

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