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1
Chen, Chern. "Deutsche militärische Ausbildungshilfe im Kalten Krieg: Nationalchinas Offiziere in der Bundeswehr 1964–1973." Militaergeschichtliche Zeitschrift 72, no. 1 (June 1, 2013): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mgzs-2013-0003.
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Abstract During the Cold War the Bonn government always insisted on the »principle of non-involvement« in its China policy, in order to maintain strict neutrality in the continuous conflicts in the Far East. For strategic and intelligence considerations, however, the Federal Intelligence Service and the Federal Ministry of Defense had tried to intensify the relations with National China. The contacts between Bonn and Taipei developed to a military training aid, which the Federal Ministry of Defense granted National Chinese officers for training purposes into the Federal Republic. In the period 1964 to 1973, a total of 27 National Chinese army officers were trained in the German Armed Forces schools and the Führungsakademie. The German military training aid was considered not only as a starting point of a diplomatic break-through, but also as a means to break the political ice age which resulted from the lack of diplomatic relations between West Germany and National China in the post-war period.
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Rustamova, Leili Rustamovna. "The reform of the Bundeswehr and the future of Germany’s peacekeeping activities." Мировая политика, no. 4 (April 2021): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2021.4.36992.
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The reform of the Bunderwehr has been in the focus of attention of Russian and foreign research since the unification of the country^ when Germany started speaking about its responsibility for peace and political stability. Germany’s army had to not only rearm and optimize military personnel, but also to conceptualize its new role in the world and extend its global representation for the purpose of conflict settlement. However, over the last years, the consideration of problems of the Bundeswehr reforming and development has become especially important due to the fact that the Bundeswehr faces new challenges and threats, including those of a non-military nature. The reforms of Germany’s army, which have been covered in the recent documents aimed at the substantiation of the increased use of the Bundeswehr abroad, reflect the political leaders’ aspiration to make it a more effective instrument of protection against hybrid threats and prevention of conflicts affecting Germany’s security. The purpose of the article is to analyze the reform of the Bundeswehr and their influence on Germany’s peacekeeping activities. The study is based on discourse-analysis and the analysis of the main documents, determining the directions of modernization of Germany’s army, and the documents, regulating peacekeeping activities, official reports of the Ministry of Defense, official reports of the Ministry of Defense, and mass media materials about the state and the problems of the armed forces. The scientific novelty of the research consists in the fact that it considers the reform of the Bundeswehr in its close correlation with its peacekeeping profile as the main sphere of using Germany’s army. Based on the analysis of the recent documents, regulating its activities, the author comes to the conclusion that its reforming is aimed at the expansion of peacekeeping activities, while peace-enforcement operations are considered as a last-ditch measure.
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Sindeev, A. "Bundeswehr Reform: Three Stages." World Economy and International Relations, no. 3 (2015): 86–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-3-86-94.
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The article examines the state of the Bundeswehr reform in the context of the European Security and Defence Policy. The emphasis is laid on the process of major decisions preparation, problems to be solved in the course of the reform, the state of the Bundeswehr, the role of a subjective facilitation, and on the approaches of three German Ministers of Defence. According to the article, the Bundeswehr is being transformed into an offensive army. It will be active outside Germany, and is gradually changing its essence as a parliamentary army. The reform was prepared gradually and imperceptibly to the public. In 2010, the Weise-Commission presented the reform proposals. The new Defence Minister De Maizière left these proposals unchanged. His merit was a good management of the reform. The scandal with the Euro Hawk forced him to resign. As the next Minister Von der Leyen was new to the Ministry of Defence, the reform of the Bundeswehr stopped. Germany will have to realize a dual strategy: а) to strengthen the military cooperation in the EU and NАТО; b) to maintain the own strength before the emergence of the EU security and defence structures and mechanisms.
4
Zhang, Yichuan. "Germanys Rearmament Plan: A Problem of Bureaucracy." Communications in Humanities Research 4, no. 1 (May 17, 2023): 418–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/4/20220630.
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The conflict in Ukraine that started on February 24th, 2022, had a transformative effect on the status of European security policy, with the most prominent outcome being Germanys break with its pacifist tradition and its policy of disarmament. The German governments plan to rebuild the Bundeswehr by raising its defense spending to 2% of its GDP, alongside the injection of a 100-billion-euro fund into its armed forces, was seen by many as the first step for Germany to a leading role in the new European Security Policy. However, increased funding is unlikely to be the deciding factor in whether Germany can successfully rearm, as the Bundeswehr is well funded in comparison to other standing armies of European states in similar economic circumstances. The main obstacle standing in the way of a successful German rearmament is Germanys bureaucracy. The Federal Office of Bundeswehr Equipment, Information Technology, and In-Service Support," or the BAAINBw, responsible for procurement of materials for the Bundeswehr, is fully anarchistic and understaffed. Germanys path to a reformed military thus hinges on whether the German government can successfully reform the BAAINBw into a more efficient federal agency.
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Trunov, F. "German Participation in International Crisis Management (1991–2012)." World Economy and International Relations, no. 9 (2014): 34–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-9-34-44.
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The article discusses the participation of the Federal Republic of Germany in the struggle against new challenges of the world security sphere. In this regard the main focus is on the usage of German armed forces (Bundeswehr) for International Crisis Management (ICM), first of all – outside the NATO area. Although Germany has been taking part in this type of activities since 1991, only in 1994 German Bundestag formulated and approved the mechanism of parliamentary control over the Bundeswehr usage outside the NATO area. The author attempts to define the periods of this process and cover practical German involvement in ICM activities of the NATO, the European Union and the United Nations Organization. In this sense it is necessary to compare the forms and the average number of soldiers, which were used by Germany in ICM operations by each of these three international structures. It is also rather important to define the main regions (countries) where German troops were used in ICM activities, and the reasons for it. Yugoslavia was the first region where Bundeswehr served for stabilization of the situation in areas of internal military conflicts. By the year 2014, the main regions of the German International Crisis Management participation became Afghanistan and Horn of Africa.The article also examines the perspectives of the Federal Republic of Germany’s involvement in ICM, considering the current and possible future results of the Bundeswehr reform, while Bundesehr was and is the main country’s instrument in ICM.
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Rydel, Jan. "Kryzys Bundeswehry po zjednoczeniu Niemiec." Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica 24, no. 324 (May 15, 2021): 152–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/20813333.24.11.
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The Bundeswehr, the armed forces of the Federal Republic of Germany, which was one of the strongestarmies in NATO during the Cold War, is currently in serious crisis. After the reunification of Germany, thenumber of soldiers was quickly reduced and the defence spending dropped to 1.2 percent of the GDP. In2004, the doctrine of using the Bundeswehr changed too. It was concluded that there was no risk of anattack on the German territory, so general conscription was abandoned and the supplies of weapons andammunition needed for mobilization were liquidated. The army was to specialise in peace and stabilisationmissions in endangered areas of the world. However, at present, Germany has far fewer soldiers on missionsthan, for example, France and Great Britain, and it consistently refrains from joining missions during which itis likely to participate in real combat operations. At present, the German army does not have a single brigadecapable of taking part in a combat, and a small number of Luftwaffe airplanes and helicopters are technicallysound, including Marine vessels. The situation of the Bundeswehr is complicated by the widespread pacifismin German society and the resulting lack of trust in, and aversion to the military.
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Trunov, Philipp O. "The role of Germany as a NATO «framework nation»." Obshchestvennye nauki i sovremennost, no. 1 (February 15, 2024): 46–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0869049924010047.
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Unlike its predecessors, Germany used its military potential not to solve exceptionally national issues, but to participate in the activities of multilateral military blocs. At the same time she maintained its ambitions as a power. The combination of two trends has conditioned the Bundeswehrʼs usage as a means that provided Germany with the opportunity to become a framework nation for different multinational military groupings. The article explores the cases of such a role of Germany in the instability zones in the Balkans in the 1990s, in Afghanistan, Lebanon and Mali in the XXI century. The constraints caused by the state of the Bundeswehr for the implementation of the tasks of the Federal Republic of Germany as a «framework nation» are considered. The cases of such Bundeswehr`s activity as NATO Response Force, enhanced and tailored Forward Presence during the confrontation between the West and Russia are considered. The political importance of each case for the change of Germany`s positions in Europe and in the world is presented.
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Rodin, Denis V. "“New Eastern Policy” of Willy Brandt and Bundeswehr in 1969–1974." Izvestiya of Saratov University. History. International Relations 23, no. 4 (November 22, 2023): 486–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2023-23-4-486-491.
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The article based on archival and published materials analyses the attitude of the members of the higher and lower structures of the Bundeswehr to the “new eastern policy” of Chancellor Willy Brandt and the influence of the latter on the development of the armed forces of West Germany in 1969–1974. It is demonstrated that privates and junior officers supported the foreign policy course of W. Brandt on detente in relations with the socialist bloc. At the same time it is shown that the high command of the Bundeswehr emphasized loyalty to the North Atlantic Alliance in their documents and used the principles of the “new eastern policy” to strengthen the positions of the Federal Republic of Germany in NATO.
9
Meden, N. K. "On Some Tendencies in Defense Policy of Germany." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(41) (April 28, 2015): 143–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-2-41-143-151.
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The paper discusses the newest trends in the German defense policy, caused by the aggravation of European geopolitical situation. The author analyzes various sources, among them official reports presented to the Ministry of Defense and the Bundestag; speeches by the Minister of Defense and by supreme commanders of the Bundeswehr; published in mass media information on condition and problems of the military forces, as well as modernization of the equipment. Officially it is deemed, that the reform of the Bundeswehr which started in 2011, so far has turned into an amorphous process of renewal (Neuausrichtung), intended to improve the military organization. Since the acting Cabinet was farmed, Ursula von der Leyen - the first woman Minister of Defense of Germany - directs these activities, and her style of work affects all the work in the Ministry. Meanwhile, the revision of the main parameters of the defensive activity and the whole German politics is caused not by a fresh leadership, but by the most sharp after the end of the "cold war" geopolitical crisis in Europe. The author comes to conclusion, that a turning point in the Defensive Policy of Germany is taking shape, so that all the aspects of military organization are now affected: command stuff training, military equipment, strengthening of ties with allies. Anti-Russian propaganda in mass-media reanimates an image of an enemy and prepares public opinion to the future growth of military expenses; it even overcomes certain pacifism, so usual in modern society. Here in Russia, one must take all this into account, as an idea of the low fighting capacity of the Bundeswehr, which was formed in the last years, is getting obsolete, and could became a dangerous illusion.
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Trunov, Philipp O. "The policy of Germany in military sphere: drift from the concept of “strategic restraint”?" Obshchestvennye nauki i sovremennost, no. 1 (February 15, 2023): 83–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0869049923010069.
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As the key aggressor in World War II, Germany has to indefinitely comply with a set of stern restrictions considering the development and use of the national military potential. FRG’s attitude towards the principle until the early 2020s is studied. Key attention is paid to the cases where Germany abandoned the restrictions which had been limiting the realization of its ambitions as a world power. “Russian (Soviet) threat” has become the main pretext (but not the reason) for FRG’s remilitarization. However, in such cases Germany has ignored its own historic responsibility to the USSR and the Russian Federation. The framework conditions of the Bundeswehr development, outlined by Konrad Adenauer, are considered. The direction of the remilitarization (since the end of 2010s), as well as the features of Bundeswehr usage inside and outside the NATO zone of responsibility, are studied. It is concluded that the majority of these measures show the drift away from the “strategic restraint” concept.
11
Trunov, Philipp. "CHALLENGES FOR MAINTAINING THE PRESENCE OF THE BUNDESWEHR IN ZONES OF INSTABILITY IN ASIA AND AFRICA." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 4 (2022): 160–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.04.07.
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Currently, there are two main forms of a state’s military presence outside its national borders: first, military presence on the territory of allies, strategic partners from among stable countries, and second, various ways of using the armed forces to resolve armed conflicts in areas of instability. In the second case, if and then military confrontation is over, external players can maintain their military presence in the country of origin of the conflict, which is about to enter or has already entered the stage of post-conflict development, preserving the role of external guarantors of its national security and defense systems. The goal of the article is to show the main results of the use of the Bundeswehr in the zones of armed conflicts in Asia and Africa by the early 2020 s, revealing the features and «bottlenecks» of this process in dynamics. The article analyzes the use of the Bundeswehr in the following areas: in Afghanistan, examines Germany’s involvement in the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) and the NATO «Resolute Support» mission, showing the determinism of the forced strategic exit of the Alliance forces from this country; in the Middle East, examines the involvement of the Bundeswehr in the reform of the security sector in Lebanon and Iraq in the context of the anti-terrorist struggle is considered, the «bottlenecks» in the use of the military potential of the Bundeswehr in Syria; in the Horn of Africa, analyses three strategic attempts of Germany to gain a foothold on Somalia as well as their consequences for using the Bundeswehr on the African continent in general; in North and West Africa, the use of military tools for «fencing» of instability zone in Libya and for resolution of armed conflict in Mali are compared, the fundamental difficulties of maintaining Germany in this region are revealed.
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MARINOV, Mario. "DIMENSIONS OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY SECURITY AND DEFENCE POLICY. A CHRONOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE." BULLETIN OF "CAROL I" NATIONAL DEFENCE UNIVERSITY 11, no. 3 (October 20, 2022): 16–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2284-9378-22-77.
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The Federal Republic of Germany and its armed forces, the Bundeswehr, stand as a cornerstone of the European and NATO defence and security. It is vitally important to understand one of the major European conventional powers’ policies, concepts and overarching capabilities, along with the history behind them in a 21st century evermore complex security environment. The following paper examines the Bundeswehr historical evolution the major focal points in its strategy and capabilities development, since the beginning of the Cold War. The paper extends the historical discussion towards the present moment and the security policies undertaken in the 21st century, reaching the major policy re-evaluations occurring in 2022 and their importance both for the German state and its allies.
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Имас, Александра Викторовна, and Татьяна Викторовна Гречушникова. "LANGUAGE EXPERIMENTS IN BUNDESWEHR ANTI-ADVERTISING TEXTS." Вестник Тверского государственного университета. Серия: Филология, no. 2(69) (June 1, 2021): 109–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.26456/vtfilol/2021.2.109.
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Статья посвящена языковому экспериментированию в текстах антирекламы, видам антирекламы и реализованным в ней лингвопрагматическим стратегиям. Антиреклама рассматривается как средство ведения военно-политической и внутриполитической дискуссии в современной Германии The article is devoted to language experiments in anti-advertising texts, types of anti-advertising and its linguo-pragmatic strategies. Anti-advertising is considered to be means of military and political discussion and discussion of home policy in modern Germany.
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Trunov, Philipp. "The features of German strategic pervasion to the Far East in the early 2020-s." Problemy dalnego vostoka, no. 1 (2022): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013128120018314-6.
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The phenomenon of the cold war is a form of a new world political order formation. In this context the paper issues Germany`s approach to the participation in the US — Chinese confrontation and the emergence of Bundeswehr`s presence in Asian-Pacific region as a part of German attempts to become а world power. The author stresses the unreadiness of Germany to participate in the «containment» of the PRC in 2014-2019 and presents the reasons of this approach, including the Сold war between the Euro-Atlantic community and Russia. The article reveals a group of factors that predetermined Germany's transition to accelerated variant of military penetration into the Far East in 2020-2021. These factors are the emergency evacuation of the Bundeswehr from Afghanistan, the COVID-19 pandemic, the coming to power of the Joe Biden`s administration. From February — March 2021 Germany has joined in putting pressure on China, but strictly limiting its volume and quality. The scientific paper researches the dynamics and the forms of German turn to advanced cooperation in the sphere of security and defence with Singapore and Japan at the turn of the 2010-s — 2020-s. The creation of AUKUS (2021, September 15) has become the strategic shock for Germany. This factor shows the illusory of official Berlin`s hopes for a complete rejection of Trump`s attitudes in US foreign policy by J. Biden. The paper pays special attention to the features and «narrow places» of German-Australian relations in military-political sphere since middle 2010-s until the beginning of 2020-s. In this regard the diplomatic mission of the first Bundeswehr`s war ship in the Pacific Ocean during the second half of 2021 is presented. The article concludes about the transformation of German military presence in the Far East and German participation in the Сold war in the region.
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Muñoz Bolaños, Roberto. "“Shadow army†and military terrorism in 21st century Germany. The 2017 Der Tag X conspiracy." Araucaria, no. 51 (2025): 14–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2023.i52.01.
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En 2017 se descubrió en el seno de la Bundeswehr (Fuerzas Armadas) de Alemania una conspiración conocida como Tag X (DÃa X). Esta operación se habÃa articulado a partir del embrión de un posible “Ejército en la sombraâ€, apoyado por organizaciones paramilitares, y su objetivo era tomar el poder mediante el uso de la violencia y el terror Der Tag X (El DÃa X). Esta dinámica culminarÃa con la puesta en marcha de una “limpieza étnicaâ€, la eliminación de los “enemigos internos†y el establecimiento de un Estado autoritario. La tesis que mantenemos es que el origen de esta conspiración militar está Ãntimamente asociada a un conjunto de transformaciones polÃticas, sociales, económicas y culturales que se han producido desde la última década del siglo XX y que han creado una situación favorable para el ascenso de la extrema derecha en Alemania y “legitimado†a militares de esta ideologÃa para intervenir en el proceso de toma de decisiones polÃticas. Para desarrollar nuestro trabajo, hemos utilizado fundamentalmente dos tipos de fuentes. Por un lado, las primarias, formadas por los decretos sobre la tradición en la Bundeswehr, y las investigaciones parlamentarias y los informes de los servicios de inteligencia sobre el extremismo de derechas en la Bundeswehr. Por otro, las bibliográficas y hemerográficas, donde se recogen los principales acontecimientos vinculados a la conspiración de Der Tag X.
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Trunov, Philipp. "К вопросу схемы структурных реформ современных вооруженных сил: пример ФРГ." Political Science (RU), no. 2 (2021): 187–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2021.02.07.
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In the XXIth century armed forces of world countries` face the need to counter the sharply increased range of security threats. The growing number of them are untraditional (have non-military character) and projected from distant regions. An effective answer can be found only by the structural reform of armed forces. During the XXth century the key direction of armed forces` structural reforms was the creation the new (technical) kinds of troops. In the XXIth century structural reform has another key direction, that is the creation of interspecific groupings of troops. Each of them should have its own geographical (near or far from the national borders) and functional (the types of security threats) zone of responsibility. The goal of the article is to explore the realization of the scheme of armed forces` structural reforms on the example of the Bundeswehr. The reason of the choice of Germany is its unique position as the only emerging power among Euro-Atlantic member states. The article explores the features and «narrow places» of the creation by Germany of scheme of perspective armed forces` creation and its realization from 1990-s until mid 2010-s. The author covers the results of the creation of general forces and forces of crisis management in the key kinds of troops (land, naval, air). The article shows the change of trajectory of the Bundeswehr`s development since the second half of 2010-s in the context of long-term plans aimed at the ending of the structural reform. In the conclusion the author shows the importance of the armed forces` institutional reforms for the stats as the whole and Germany and the features of the dynamics of this process for the Bundeswehr.
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Trunov, Philipp O. "Military and political cooperation between Germany and Lithuania in the late 2010s to early 2020s." Baltic Region 16, no. 1 (2024): 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2024-1-4.
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Since the mid-2010s, Germany has significantly adjusted its approaches to the use of the Bundeswehr, pivoting its strategic focus from regions distant from the Euro-Atlantic community to those within or near it. This has underscored the pressing need to address issues related to securing steadfast allies in Eastern Europe and enhancing cooperation with them. This article aims to explore the current evolution of German-Lithuanian relations in both political and military domains. The approach of Germany to the factor of historical memory is demonstrated, along with its aspiration to position itself as the defender of Lithuanian national sovereignty. Yet, there was a notable lack of strategic focus from Germany towards Lithuania in the early 21st century, contributing to a decline in bilateral relations in 2014 and 2015. Amid the confrontation between the ‘Western democracies’ and Russia, Germany adopted a strategy of gradually but steadily increasing pressure on the opponent. The perception of this approach by Lithuanian elites has shifted from negative in the mid-2010s to increasingly positive as Germany has become more involved in deterrence of Russia. This article explores the process of the Bundeswehr troops’ deployment and buildup up to having constituted the ‘core’ of a multinational brigade in Lithuania under NATO’s mandate. The study focuses on the impact of military cooperation on political collaborations, as illustrated by the case of the B3 + 1 format, which has brought together high-ranking public officials from the three Baltic states and Germany since 2018. It is concluded that Germany has developed a dependence on Lithuania, driven by the increased desire of the former state to maintain the latter as a reliable junior partner.
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Bodansky, Daniel, and Ilja Baudisch. "Germany v. N." American Journal of International Law 100, no. 4 (October 2006): 911–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002930000032000.
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Germany v. N. Decision No. 2 WD 12.04. At <http://www.bverwg.de>.Bundesverwaltungsgericht (German Federal Administrative Court), June 21, 2005.On June 21, 2005, in Germany v. N, the Federal Administrative Court of Germany (Bundesverwaltungsgericht) acquitted a soldier charged with disobeying an order in violation of his military duty of obedience and loyal service. The soldier, a major in the Federal Armed Forces (Bundeswehr), had refused to participate in a military software project that he feared could support Operation Iraqi Freedom. The major based his refusal on his belief that the Iraqi war was illegal and that, as a result, he was permitted to refuse the order under his constitutional right of freedom of conscience.2 The court held that in view of the serious reservations that exist about the legality of Operation Iraqi Freedom and also about Germany's position in that conflict, the soldier's right to freedom of conscience required that he be offered alternative tasks unrelated to a war that he reasonably believed to be illegal.
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Lomakin, A. "“A Comprehensive Concept for Modernization of the Bundeswehr”." World Economy and International Relations 67, no. 5 (2023): 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-5-69-79.
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As a key regional player, Germany can make a significant contribution to the defense of NATO and the EU. By employing militarily and politically the essential ground forces, which can form the basis when organizing the defense of other members of the Alliance, in the context of the application of Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty, Germany’s policy on Bundeswehr reform and the costs of this reform deserve special attention. Whereas in the second track, the vector of work as well as the amount of military aid is very clear, in the case of the armed forces reform there are certain peculiarities. After a long period of stagnation and underfunding of the German Army, the trend is reversed. Today, the German politico-military leadership is striving to achieve more sovereignty and autonomy in the military sphere. As of 2022, the Bundeswehr is an active participant in NATO’s international missions and operations. It forms the backbone of the Alliance’s rapid reaction force in Eastern Europe, cooperating with other Eastern European states on the intergovernmental level. There is also an active partnership through Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) in the context of the Common Security and Defense Policy within the European Union. The prospect of implementing the set of reforms opens a window of opportunity for Germany to increase its national politico-military capabilities in Europe, which could be realized in the field of consolidating the country as one of the regional hegemons. Besides, within the framework of the new NATO Concept, there is a provision of building up the rapid reaction force on the eastern border of the Alliance, which is actively supported by the Bundeswehr. This could lead to an even greater escalation of the conflict between NATO and the Russian Federation.
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Wedel, Karl-Wilhelm. "Military-Civilian Collaboration for Disaster Medicine in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG)." Journal of the World Association for Emergency and Disaster Medicine 1, no. 1 (1985): 33–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00032659.
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The subject of disaster medicine may seem suspect to those who say that it means to prepare for war. Others maintain that in the FRG we need not concern ourselves with disaster medicine because “disasters in this country seem unlikely.” I consider those claims absurd. I will try to point out possibilities for medical support by the West German Bundeswehr (Federal Armed Forces) in the event of natural disasters (e.g., earthquakes, floods, forest fires) or in severe accidents (e.g., traffic, aircraft, railway) where suitable civilian helpers or equipment are unavailable or are available only in insufficient numbers or too late. The Federal Armed Forces' Medical Service, according to legislation, is part of the Armed Forces, organized for defense. The medical service has to provide free medical care for military personnel, and protect, maintain or restore as far as possible the health of military personnel. Moreover, it is a matter of course in our country to employ the medical service of the Bundeswehr for aid in natural disasters or major accidents. For this purpose, the Surgeon General, Federal Armed Forces, in March 1982, issued guidelines on which I will primarily base my remarks.
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Wiefelspütz, Dieter. "The G8 Summit in Germany, the Bundeswehr and the German Bundestag." German Law Journal 11, no. 10 (October 2010): 1161–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200020162.
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From 6–8 June 2007, the summit meeting of the Group of Eight (G8) leading industrialized nations was held in Heiligendamm, Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, under Germany's presidency. In advance of the summit, the federal state (Land) Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania and the federal authorities agreed that the task of providing adequate security for the Summit would overstretch Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania's capacities unless assistance were provided by the Federal Government and other federal states.
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Kurguzova, Elena V. "Structural and semantic characteristics of the names of military facilities (based on the names of the barracks of the German Armed Forces)." Socialʹnye i gumanitarnye znaniaя 9, no. 2 (June 19, 2023): 220. http://dx.doi.org/10.18255/2412-6519-2023-2-220-231.
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The article is devoted to a comprehensive analysis of one of the subdivisions of the onyms of the military sphere - the names of the barracks of the Armed Forces of Germany. Due to the topographical relevance of these military facilities, it is proposed to qualify these names as a subtype of military toponyms - military oikodomonyms. With the help of a structural morphological analysis, the basic models of the names of the barracks of the Bundeswehr have been established. The structure of the onyms of this type (compound word or phrase) contains the obligatory component “Kaserne”. As an attribute in their composition are both common nouns and proper names with an extensive associative-cultural background. Common names in this case most often turn out to be military terms. Proper names are represented mainly by toponyms (khoronyms, oronyms potonyms, limnonyms) and anthroponyms, more rarely mythonyms, ethnonyms. Anthroponyms, as a rule, are memorials that refer to the memory of individuals significant to the Bundeswehr tradition. In connection with a critical rethinking of the historical heritage in the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Germany, the process of re-checking and renaming the names of the barracks has been initiated: the barracks named after the Wehrmacht and Reichswehr officers receive distinguished names or the names of the German soldiers who died in the line of duty. As a result of the analysis of the onomastic functions of the names of the barracks of the Bundeswehr, the functions specific to them have been identified: the educational, the ideological and the advertising. An analysis of the names of the barracks of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Germany leads to the conclusion that these names reflect the diversity of the geographical landscape and the history of culture, science and technology, as well as the German Armed Forces themselves. The functional and structural originality of military oikodomonyms states the necessity of further study of military onyms, which may be the subject of study of military onomastics research.
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Leinhos, Ludwig. "Cyber Defence in Germany: Challenges and the Way Forward for the Bundeswehr." Connections: The Quarterly Journal 19, no. 1 (2020): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.11610/connections.19.1.02.
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Brühöfener, Friederike. "Sex and the Soldier: The Discourse about the Moral Conduct of Bundeswehr Soldiers and Officers during the Adenauer Era." Central European History 48, no. 4 (December 2015): 523–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938915000904.
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AbstractThis article situates the establishment of the Bundeswehr and the implementation of compulsory military service in the 1950s and early 1960s within contemporary efforts to define a “sexual-moral order” for the Federal Republic of Germany. It argues that West Germany's rearmament offered contemporaries an opportunity to stipulate not only acceptable soldierly behavior, but also adequate male behavior in general. In the context of heightened concerns about juvenile delinquents (so-called Halbstarken), female prostitution, homosexuality, and the distribution of pornographic materials, West German citizens became interested in the social and sexual conduct of Bundeswehr soldiers and officers. Whereas some still considered the military to be a “school of the nation” and of proper masculinity, others worried about the armed forces as a possible breeding ground for immorality. Partly sharing these concerns, government representatives, members of the Bundestag, church officials, and military commanders sought to guide soldiers’ behavior, emphasizing the ideal of the “complete” (vollkommene) Christian male-breadwinner family.
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Verbytska, Polina. "War in European Museum Narratives and Cultural Memory." Muzeológia a kultúrne dedičstvo 11, no. 4 (2023): 21–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.46284/mkd.2023.11.4.2.
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The article examines how the war narrative is displayed in modern European museum exhibitions, particularly in light of new museology and cultural memory trends in Germany and Poland. The study recognises that the contested nature of cultural and historical contexts influences the process of representing cultural memory in museum narratives. It combines the theoretical approach of museology with specific museum practices. Using case studies from the Bundeswehr Museum of Military History, Dresden, Germany; the Documentation Centre for Displacement, Expulsion, Reconciliation, Berlin, Germany; and the Museum of the Second World War, Gdansk, Poland, the author examines the impact of challenging issues centred on cultural memory of the war in museum exhibitions over recent decades. The study underlines the significance of innovative approaches to museum exhibitions that display the experience of war and contribute to social dialogue and sustainability.
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Trunov, P. "German Strategy and Tactics in Military-Political Sphere by 2020s." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 19, no. 2 (2021): 50–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2021.19.2.65.4.
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The article evaluates Germany`s position in military-political field achieved by the end of Angela Merkel`s era. The key dilemma for German establishment is to find a combination of the growing desire to strengthen positions in the world arena and restrictions as a result of historical responsibility for the outbreak of World War II. It determines FRG`s commitment to the principles of multilateralism and also strategic restraint (in the questions of combat and generally provocative usage of military tools). The paper issues the evolution of this elements of German foreign policy at the end of 2010-s. During the final period of Merkel`s era German establishment has faced the growing number of challenges for FRG`s leadership at the global, regional (Euro-Atlantic community) and internal levels. The article stresses the danger of further growth of «Alternative for Germany» positions for the retention of power by the elite. This danger stimulates the sharp intensification of FRG`s political and military activity by the beginning of the 2020s. Trumpism and Brexit determines the growing importance of deepening contacts with France, small and medium states in military-political sphere for Germany. The scientific paper explores the dynamics and the results of this process at the interstate (on the examples of focus partners) and regional levels. The author also issues German steps directed to the strengthening of positions in the key international structures in the security sphere. The paper explores plans of the build-up of the Bundeswehr for the longterm perspective, the features and «narrow places» of the Bundeswehr modern usage inside and outside the NATO zone of responsibility. The author pays special attention to the correlation between the staring growing of military potential and the restrictions in the Treaty of the Final Settlement with Respect to Germany (1990). The paper concludes about key results and difficulties of the growing of German military-political positions in the world by the beginning of 2020s.
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Trunov, Philipp. "The Features and Results of the Dialogue between Germany and the Nordic Countries in the Political and Military Spheres in the 2010s." ISTORIYA 12, no. 11 (109) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840017776-2.
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The article examines the dynamics of Germany's relations with the Nordic countries in the military-political sphere in the 2010s, taking into account the historical experience of their contacts. The author tries to explore both regional and bilateral (interstate) levels. The article shows that the foreign policy of Prussia and then Germany before the World War II, based on the active use of military instruments, was one of the reasons for Sweden (1814) and Finland (1955) to choose a neutral status in the military sphere. Chronologically, special attention is paid to the period of the new Cold War between Euro-Atlantic security community and Russia. The article attempts to show that Germany is not interested in the rejection of Sweden and Finland from their conditionally neutral status de jure. Another question is how Germany used the new Cold War to deepen and expand its contacts with all the countries of Northern Europe. The article also discusses the influence of the Donald Trump factor on these relations. Starting in 2018, we may face increased use of the Bundeswehr in military exercises organized in the region. The article attempts to analyze the determination and dynamics of this trend.
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Trunov, Philipp. "Mathematical evaluations of development and use of western countries` military capacity (on the example of Germany)." Political Science (RU), no. 1 (2021): 226–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2021.01.10.
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We can face the fact that the factor of military power has been gaining increasing influence in the world politics. In this regard one of key tasks of international relations` studies is the exploration of armed forces` building of the countries in the dynamics. The creating a three-dimensional picture of these processes is difficult without the use of mathematical indicators, which show the key features and “narrow places” of the development and the usage of war machines’ potential of the key countries in the world arena. In this article the focal case of these studies with the usage of mathematical assessments is the Bundeswehr. The reason of the given choice is the changing German role and place in the Euro-Atlantic community and the world arena as the whole. Germany has been trying to become the status of full-fare world power. One of the inherent features of this process is the growing of the Bundeswehr`s potential that had begun in the second half of 2010-s and has had the perspective by the middle 2030-s. The article presents mathematical indicators that allow to show a more voluminous assessment of the progress of building the Bundeswehr's potential and German military budget (both in general and in terms of articles of spending and other specific indicators) in comparison with other largest NATO member states. The research paper also examines the indicators that make it possible to “highlight” the peculiarities of the Bundeswehr’s usage outside and inside the NATO zone of responsibility as well as issues the evolution of the foreign (allied) military presence on the territory of the FRG. The author tries to conclude the generalizations of German “war machine” development, basing on 11 mathematical indicators, 6 of which introduced into scientific circulation for the first time.
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Sindeev, Alexei A. "Germany and security transformation processes: challenges facing the Bundeswehr in the context of political dilemmas." Общество: политика, экономика, право, no. 9 (2021): 18–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.24158/pep.2021.9.2.
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Miszczak, Krzysztof. "Niemcy w polityce globalnej (Biała Księga)." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 25/1 (April 28, 2017): 11–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2017.25.01.
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The aim of this article is to analyse the global and European foreign, security and defence policies of the Federal Republic of Germany and their implications for the broad international environment of Germany. Special attention is paid to the issues of Germany’s emancipation in the international order after the end of the East-West conflict, when it became clear that the regional conflicts and their transnational impact gained a new and multidimensional character for the German security policy. Given this evolution of the international system, Germany has gradually changed its former foreign and security policies. The state currently intends to take greater responsibility for international politics, which translates into a simultaneous increase in its political and economic power in the international arena. This new global role of the Federal Republic of Germany is manifested by the so-called White Paper on German Security Policy and the Future of the Bundeswehr approved on 13 July 2016. This document presents primarily the hierarchy of threats in today’s world, their definitions and attempts to neutralize them in compliance with German interests. Instruments to ensure a smooth achievement of this goal include the modernization of the German armed forces, the creation of intervention troops and their participation in multinational military operations conducted by NATO and the European Union.
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Jędrysiak, Jacek. "W poszukiwaniu demokratycznych wzorców: rola tradycji armii pruskiej w etosie Bundeswehry." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 44, no. 4 (August 25, 2023): 107–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.44.4.6.
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The German military past is a challenging research area, and one rife with significant problems stemming from social perceptions of this historically charged issue. Although full of notable commanders and brilliant victories, it is also burdened with the baggage of the Wehrmacht crimes, and since the unification also the ballast of the GDR army. This problem has been obvious since the establishment of the Bundeswehr in 1955 and found its outlet in the next so-called Traditionserlass. The main purpose of those documents, adopted in 1965, 1982 and 2018, was to cut off the Wehrmacht tradition. Under the first two regulations, this was only partially achieved, and the infiltration of the armed forces by officers with neo-Nazi views discovered in the barracks in Illkrich prompted Minister Ursula von der Leyen to take radical steps in 2017. In the course of the initiated procedure, compliance with the values of the modern democratic Bundeswehr, including preserving the traditions from the German military past (including the Prussian period), came under particular scrutiny. The course of the debate showed ambiguity in the perception of this tradition and problems with its potential use in the ranks of German armed forces. The purpose of the article is to present the role and importance of subsequent Traditionserlass and to discuss in detail the course of the debate on the relevance of the Prussian military tradition for the modern Bundeswehr. According to the author, the views presented by the participants of the debate are based on insuffi ciently detailed research on this sphere, which is still rooted in the findings from before the end of World War II. This may lead to erroneous conclusions, which most likely in a difficult to predict perspective may result in the need to adopt a new regulation in this matter. The debate held in Germany and the solutions implemented during its course may constitute an interesting clue for attempts to discuss the tradition of the Polish Army.
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Boysen, Jens. "Niemiecka „cywilność” a rosyjska „bojowość” jako czynniki strategicznej orientacji w kontekście międzynarodowego bezpieczeństwa." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 25/1 (April 28, 2017): 107–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2017.25.07.
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Germany and Russia are key players in the area of security policy, particularly in Europe but also outside the continent. The two countries, however, show completely different approaches to specific issues. While Russia (like many other powers) quite openly continues to conduct traditional ‘realistic’ diplomacy guided mainly by national interests, Germany is a ‘champion of multilateralism’ that refers to the ‘interests of all humanity’. This remarkable altruism of the nation state has its origin in the history of National Socialism, which, according to the German political élite, delegitimized the concept and the policy of ‘national interest’. As a result of this peculiar political culture, Germany is indeed a reliable partner in NATO, the European Union and other organizations. However, in political practice, the neurotic attitude of the German élite with regard to military affairs often makes cooperation with its partners difficult in the area of security and defence. This attitude has also severely affected the condition of the Bundeswehr and led to disregard for the interests of German soldiers in peacekeeping missions. In contrast, Russia (again) has never reviewed its Stalinist past and the social position of the army is as high as it was in Soviet times. As a result, the country may be less sympathetic than Germany and lacks civic culture, but the cynical policy of Moscow is somewhat more predictable when it comes to hard politics.
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Kochnowski, Roman. "NVA a upadek muru berlińskiego." Studia Środkowoeuropejskie i Bałkanistyczne 30 (2021): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543733xssb.21.008.13801.
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Nva and the fall of the Berlin Wall Contrary to the arrangements from Potsdam, the remilitarization of both German states began as early as 1950. In 1956 the East German army was officially created under the name of the National People’s Army. The NVA was organized into four branches: Ground Forces (Landesstreitkräfte), Navy (Volksmarine), Air Force (Luftstreitkräfte) and Border Troops (Grenztruppen). In the years 1956–1990 they were the third largest (after the Soviet and Polish army) armed forces of the Warsaw Pact. As in other armies of the Eastern Bloc, the NVA was subject to strict party control. However, when the Berlin Wall was overthrown, this army remained a passive observer of events. After the reunification of Germany, only a few of its officers and soldiers were taken over by the Bundeswehr.
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Leonhard, Nina. "The National People's Army as an Object of (Non) Remembrance: The Place of East Germany's Military Heritage in Unified Germany." German Politics and Society 26, no. 4 (December 1, 2008): 150–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2008.260409.
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On 3 October 1990, the National People's Army (NVA) of the German Democratic Republic, in which about 2.5 million East German citizens served their country, was dissolved. Its personnel either was removed from military service, placed into early retirement, or integrated into the Bundeswehr after a two-year selection and examination process. Since then, the NVA has turned into an object of history with no immediate significance for contemporary German society—despite efforts of former NVA officers to change the official interpretation of 1989-1990. This article examines the processes of remembering and forgetting with regard to East Germany's military heritage since 1990, contrasting the Bundeswehr's politics of memory and “army of unity” ethos not only with the former NVA soldiers' vision of the past, but also with the East German population's general attitude towards their former armed forces.
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Мirzekhanov, V. S., and Ph O. Trunov. "Germany-Iran Relations in Political-Military Sphere: The Impossible Unlocking of Potential?" MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 3 (July 8, 2020): 186–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-3-72-186-204.
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The article explores the current relations between Germany and Iran in politicalmilitary sphere. Both countries belong to the category of emerging powers (the Germany is perhaps the single emerging power among Euro-Atlantic states). Outlining the contours of bilateral relations, the authors underline the presence of imperial historical code in each country, the growing internal political problems (dwindling authority of the ruling elites) and mutual interest in deepening trade-industrial partnership with Germany becoming a technological modernizer of Iranian economy.The authors show that Iranian factor has a growing impact over German policy in the Near East and the Middle East, especially in Lebanese, Syrian, Iraqi and Yemeni armed conflicts. In the first three cases Germany tries to limit the scale, the character (non-combatant capabilities), geographic area (not in deep regions) of the Bundeswehr usage. One of the key reasons of it is that Germany avoids being drawn into action against the Iranian troops or its junior allies («Hezbollah» in Lebanon, Shia combatants in Southern Iraq). Germany also recognizes that ignoring Iranian interests in each of these cases will make it difficult to maintain its political-military presence in the region. Because of the Yemen conflict with active participation of Saudi Arabia Germany has imposed arms embargo for the Kingdom.Germany attempted to keep the Iranian nuclear deal after Trump`s administration withdrawal from the agreement. The authors try to estimate the probable position of Germany towards possible military-political crisis in the region involving Iran and especially towards a potential US war against Iran.What result will Germany strive for in the Iranian direction? According to the authors, this is a significantly expanded formula of 2015. In addition to maintaining the JCPOA and mutually beneficial growth in trade and economic cooperation, this formula includes:– minimizing the threat of a military conflict against Iran (which has become especially important after the assassination of General Qasem Soleimani on January 3, 2020);– in exchange for this clear limitation of Iran’s influence in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq and Yemen.
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Trunov, P. O. "German Security and Defence Policy in the Early 2020s and the Influence of US Interests." USA & Canada Economics – Politics – Culture, no. 2 (December 15, 2024): 48–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s2686673024020046.
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The nature and content of the U.S. - German dialogue have been significant for shaping the distribution of influence and responsibility in Euro-Atlantic community. This article examines the extent to which the Federal Republic of Germany's (FRG) security and defense policy in the early 2020s aligns with U.S. interests. Under J. Biden`s administration the USA effectively rejected the FRG`s initiative to create a format for intergovernmental consultations. This initiative could have served as institutional “insurance” against the degradation of interstate dialogue experienced during D. Trump's administration. The signing of an agreement with the Taliban (recognized as a terrorist organization and banned in the Russian Federation) by D. Trump, and its implementation under J. Biden, forced Germany to end its strategic presence in Afghanistan. In an attempt to compensate for these losses, Germany has sought strategic engagement in the Indo-Pacific region and significantly increased its military activity under NATO in Europe to “contain” Russia. The article explores the role of Germany in the distributing responsibility between Western democracies in their concurrent confrontations with Russia and China. Among the large NATO member states in Europe, including the U.K., Germany has held special military-practical importance for the USA. The White House was interested in the Bundeswehr as the framework nation in different forms in NATO Forward Presence Force, NATO Response Force, and New NATO Force Model. Germany in agreement with the USA, has supported the use of the EU and palliative structures (first of all, the Rammstein format) for the «discharge» of NATO on the most provocative for Russia tracks of the military assistance to Kiev.
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Trunov, F. "The Evolution of Germany`S Political and Military Influence in the Near East." World Economy and International Relations 68, no. 6 (2024): 108–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2024-68-6-108-118.
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The situation in the Near East is important for each power, especially for the rising one. Germany belongs to the last category. The article tries to explore the forms, features and results of the FRG`s usage of political and military tools in the Near East by the mid‑2020s. For two decades, Germany was trying to become security and stability provider for regional actors, to ensure strategic influence in the zones of armed conflicts. But in Iraq and especially in Syria, the results of Berlin’s participation in the struggle against the “Islamic state” (Terrorist organization banned in Russia) were rather modest. Hence, the Bundeswehr was forced to short its presence in Iraq and to reduce it to zero in Syria by the early 2020s. Rather important for Germany was the critical lack of opportunities to influence over growing strategic activity of the key regional actors. The FRG has faced the fact of distancing with Turkey which demonstrated its special position from other Western democracies on many regional issues. In 2010s, Germany made significant efforts to relieve tensions around Iran (because of its nuclear program and the confrontation with Saudi Arabia), but in the early 2020s, Berlin turned to the containment of this country. There has been also the disruption of the previous balance in the development of Germany’s partnership with Israel, Jordan, Palestinian National Authority, and Lebanon (official Beirut). Berlin starts to see the relations with Tel-Aviv as the highest priority. All the tendencies have received noticeable development during the war in the Gaza Strip since October 2023.
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Trunov, Philipp. "Germany’s Strategic Activity in the Sahel and the Problem of Sovereignty for Regional States: The Case of Mali." Uchenie zapiski Instituta Afriki RAN 67, no. 2 (June 20, 2024): 157–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2024-67-2-157-169.
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Using Mali as an example of a geostrategically important African state, the article explores the extent to which Germany’s political and military steps contributed or did not contribute to the sovereignty of the state that was trying to overcome the instability. Taking into account the ambiguous issue of the completeness of the sovereignty of Germany itself, the author analyzes the FRG’s fundamental ability to transfer its experience in this field to other states. In the second half of the 2010s, the scope and effectiveness of German efforts to stabilize the situation in Mali were insufficient. Germany, especially in the first stages of the settlement (from 2013 to 2015), did not make a noticeable contribution to peacemaking and peacekeeping activities. The use of the Bundeswehr in the field became noticeable only from 2016–2018; however, it did not lead to the necessary results. By the mid-2010s, Germany had already begun to take an active part in the security sector reform in Mali. However, the qualitative and quantitative parameters of the newly trained personnel of the Malian army were insufficient to ensure peace and security in the country. Having accepted the functions of one of the main external participants in the settlement, Germany did not accompany this with the necessary efforts. In addition, Germany was not ready to ensure efficiently the nationalization of the settlement, that is, to transfer control over the process to those internal forces that were capable of leading the country to peace. The incomplete resolution of the armed conflict and its degradation since the end of the 2010s have manifested the regress of Mali’s gaining sovereignty. Therefore, the Malian militaries, since 2020‒2021, have been trying to realize another scenario without the built-in participation of Western democracies. The paper explores the perception by the new Malian powers of the German military presence in the country.
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Kaiser, Alexandra. "Performing the New German Past: The People's Day of Mourning and 27 January as Postunification Commemorations." German Politics and Society 26, no. 4 (December 1, 2008): 28–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2008.260403.
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The article sketches the ruptures in today's German memory culture, concentrating on the Volkstrauertag (People's Day of Mourning) and the Gedenktag für die Opfer des Nationalsozialismus (Remembrance Day for the Victims of National Socialism) on 27 January. It starts with an overview of the history of the Volkstrauertag with its (outward) transformation from a commemoration day for dead German soldiers into one for “all victims of war and violence.” The inclusive model of commemoration that was typical for the Bonn Republic is disintegrating today. In united Germany, the Volkstrauertag and 27 January reflect antagonistic memory strands, that is a memory focussed on the war dead and German suffering or on the Holocaust and German guilt. In light of discussions about commemorating Bundeswehr dead, the article ends by describing a re-heroicizing of the Volkstrauertag and, in a more general way, tries to outline the shifting construction of German national identity.
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Nagy, Kristóf. "The German Heckler & Koch P11 Underwater Pistol." Armax: The Journal of Contemporary Arms VIII, no. 1 (July 31, 2022): 87–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.52357/armax96928.
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Underwater firearms are niche small arms, with a very specific primary purpose and only limited alternative applications. Following significant development of the concept in the 1960s and 1970s, specialised underwater firearms largely vanished from the armouries of most military diving and special operations units. But that does not mean that these weapons are not used today. As recently as 2021, Russian underwater firearms have been exported to foreign nations. The Heckler & Koch P11 underwater pistol, first adopted by the Bundeswehr in 1976, remains in service in Germany today, and is believed to be held in the arsenals of other countries as well. The research underpinning this note was compiled by the author over the last four years, and includes interviews with a number of knowledgeable confidential sources. The author hopes to present the most comprehensive insight into the capabilities of the P11 and its ammunition thus far published in English.
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Heckner, Elke. "Fascism and its Afterlife in Architecture." Museum and Society 14, no. 3 (June 9, 2017): 363–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.29311/mas.v14i3.651.
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The recent opening to the public of large-scale National Socialist installations in Germany – like the Denkort Bunker “Valentin” in Bremen-Farge – has prompted questions on how to address the legacy of Nazi advances in science and technology in musealized spaces, and, more generally, how to curate inconvenient military history. To tackle these questions, the issue of affect is crucial. Curation must be able to confront articulations of right-wing extremist “reactionary” affect in and beyond the museum setting. This has been a challenge for Dresden’s newly redesigned Militärhistorisches Museum der Bundeswehr, whose anti-militaristic message is being drowned out by right-wing xenophobic demonstrations in Dresden’s streets. This paper seeks to counter current curatorial strategies that displace and suppress affect. By considering affect’s productive potential without ignoring the record of Nazi manipulations of affect, it proposes the concept of an ‘upstander’ museum and delineates a new methodology for rethinking affect in curatorial settings.
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Chiari, Bernhard. "Die Bundeswehr als Zauberlehrling der Politik? Der ISAF-Einsatz und das Provincial Reconstruction Team Kunduz 2003 bis 2012." Militaergeschichtliche Zeitschrift 72, no. 2 (December 1, 2013): 317–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mgzs-2013-0013.
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Abstract Using the example of the Provincial Reconstruction Team (PRT) in Kunduz, the paper explores the capabilities of military history to contribute to current debates on the change of German Military- and Security policy by providing studies on the »army on operations«. Based on official sources, which the German MoD made generally accessible for researchers of the MGFA/ZMSBw in 2011, the author analyzes the Bundeswehr’s presence in Kunduz between 2003 and 2012. He critically assesses, to what extent the Bundeswehr - aside from supply, logistics and force protection - actually did produce security and stability in Afghanistan. Documents and interviews give an insight into how conceptions of conflict resolution and Peace Building, based on lessons learned on the Balkans, interacted with the experiences made in Northern Afghanistan, but failed to prevent the spread of the Taliban-movement. Field reports, war diaries and other sources reflect the complex interdependency between the troops in the field, higher ISAF commands, and the responsible military staffs in Germany.
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Nursandi, Izwan Ariq, and Ashadi -. "KAJIAN KONSEP ARSITEKTUR KONTEMPORER PADA BANGUNAN BUNDESWEHR MILITARY HISTORY MUSEUM DI DRESDEN JERMAN." PURWARUPA Jurnal Arsitektur 6, no. 2 (September 30, 2022): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.24853/purwarupa.6.2.33-38.
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ABSTRAK. Bangunan museum merupakan jenis bangunan yang berfungsi sebagai tempat edukasi dan sarana pendidikan untuk mengenalkan sejarah, peristiwa, makhluk hidup, dan lain sebagainya. Tujuan museum sendiri ialah untuk mengedukasi hal-hal tersebut pada generasi-generasi di masa mendatang, sehingga ilmu pengetahuan pada sebuah peradaban tidak akan terputus dan hilang. Seiring berjalannya waktu, bangunan museum juga memiliki desain arsitektur yang beragam. Salah satunya konsep arsitektur kontemporer yang memiliki gaya desainnya tersendiri dan tidak mengikat pada sebuah gaya tertentu. Bangunan museum dengan penerapan konsep arsitektur kontemporer dapat menjadikan bangunan dengan karakteristik tersebut yang berciri khas dan berkarakter. Dari hal tersebut, muncul permasalahan mengenai bagaimana penerapan konsep arsitektur kontemporer pada bangunan museum. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis penerapan arsitektur kontemporer pada bangunan Bundeswehr Military History Museum di Dresden Jerman. Metode yang digunakan pada penelitian ini berupa metode deskriptif kualitatif dengan tahapan analisis berdasarkan ciri-ciri atau karakteristik arsitektur kontemporer terhadap penerapan pada studi kasus bangunan museum. Hasil akhir pada penelitian ini berupa kesimpulan dari penerapan konsep arsitektur kontemporer terhadap museum. Kata Kunci: Arsitektur, Arsitektur Kontemporer, Museum ABSTRACT. The museum building is a type of building that serves as a place of education and the knowledges place to introduce a history, events, creatures, etc. The purpose of the museum itself is to educate those things to the all generations in the future, so that the knowledges on a civilization will not be disconnected and disappear. As time passes, the museum building also has a diverse design architectures. One of them, concept of contemporary architecture style has its own style and not binding on a particular style. The museum building with the application of the concept of contemporary architecture to make buildings with the characteristics of the distinctively and character. From that issue, arises the issue of how the application of the concept of contemporary architecture in the building of the museum. The aims of this research is to analyze the application of contemporary architecture in the Bundeswehr Military History Museum in Dresden Germany. The method used in this research is a descriptive qualitative method with the stages of the analysis based on characteristics of the contemporary architecture of the application in the case study museum building. The result on this research is a conclusion of the application of the concept of contemporary architecture to the museum. Keywords: Architecture, Contemporary Architecture, Museum
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Potempa, Harald. "Wolfgang Schmidt, Die Führungsakademie der Bundeswehr als historischer Ort. Ein geschichtlicher Streifzug durch 100 Jahre, Hamburg: KJM Buchverlag 2020, 161 S. (= Edition Gezeiten. Schriften zur norddeutschen Kultur und Geschichte, 5), EUR 18,00 [ISBN 978‑3‑96194‑119‑3]." Militaergeschichtliche Zeitschrift 80, no. 2 (November 1, 2021): 511–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mgzs-2021-0101.
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Frickmann, Hagen, Thomas Köller, Ralf Matthias Hagen, Klaus-Peter Ebert, Martin Müller, Werner Wenzel, Renate Gatzer, et al. "Molecular epidemiology of multidrug-resistant bacteria isolated from Libyan and Syrian patients with war injuries in two Bundeswehr hospitals in Germany." European Journal of Microbiology and Immunology 8, no. 1 (March 2018): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/1886.2018.00002.
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Essig, Michael, Andreas H. Glas, and Simon Mondry. "A Cost Increase Analysis of Weapon Systems Using the Paache Index: Cases from the German Bundeswehr." Journal of Military Studies 3, no. 1 (December 1, 2012): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jms-2016-0181.
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Abstract The media and the public often make claims regarding the excessive cost increases in the development and production of major weapon systems such as fighter planes, submarines or tanks. The purpose of this research is in assessing the cost increase of such weapon systems during their procurement periods with the help of the Paasche price index. In contrast to other approaches, which focus upon either the specific situations of single weapon systems or cost increases relative to planned budgets, we compare several projects of military services and their cost increases over time to reveal generalisable trends. For this purpose, we used a framework model that allows for performance and cost comparisons. This paper primarily emphasises the cost perspective by calculating a Paasche index for each chosen project. As a background case for our analysis, we have used the acquisition projects for major weapon systems in Germany. However, the framework model that this study employs is universally applicable. In contrast to the public perception of cost increases, we could not find any clear trend that would indicate that modern weapon systems have a significantly higher (or lower) cost increase than was the case for projects several decades before. To give brief insight into the empirical findings, the cost increase ratios of the Starfighter and Eurofighter jets have the same level, while cost increase ratios of other weapon systems (APC tanks, submarines) differ significantly (to the worse and to the better) over time. Our findings imply that there is no general trend that today the costs for weapon systems increase more/less than some decades ago. This paper calculates data only from the regarded seven cases therefore we could not question the causes for this observation on basis of our sample. However, it appears that, within a specific service or a specific vehicle type (tank, fighter jet, ship/boat), cost increases may be similar over time.
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Glaser, M., and A. Polyachenkov. "Political Expertise of the Ukrainian Crisis by the German Institute for International and Security Affairs: New Conclusions about German Strategic Culture." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 2 (2023): 57–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2023-2-57-72.
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The article examines the influence of the German think tank ‘German Institute for International and Security Affairs’ (SWP) on German public opinion and, subsequently, on the main parameters of the country’s strategic culture. It was found that the key task of the think tank’s experts is to promote the idea of the need to transform the previous principles of strategic culture in order for Germany's policy to correspond to the new world realities, so that the country could interact more successfully with other states in the military-political sphere. It is possible that analysts promote a similar idea while advising the German government and taking part in its decision-making processes, but at the moment their main task is to interact with the society. The basic principles of the strategic culture of Germany are studied, it is emphasized that due to the legacy of the past, Germany continues to avoid active involvement in the settlement of military conflicts. In addition, it seems impossible for modern Germany to prioritize its own national security interests over the ones of the allies. In this regard, the task of restoring the country's defense capability and turning the Bundeswehr into an effective modern army is interpreted by the experts of the think tank as a need to move from state pacifism to ideologems of a just war rather than as a process of militarization. Experts avoid direct criticism of the strategic culture, focusing on particular cases and calling on Germany to take more active actions. The analysis of Germany's policy on the African continent serves as a vivid example. The article demonstrates the activity of SWP experts in the mass media on the issues regarding the Ukrainian crisis and the role of Germany in its settlement. They demand greater initiative from Germany and the abandonment of existing barriers and restrictions, albeit gradual one. Opinion of expert community representatives stems from the fact that military force is an important factor in international relations, and by using it, Berlin will more effectively fulfill its obligations to ensure national and regional security than before. It seems impossible to unequivocally judge whether the analysts of the think tank have a decisive influence on political decisions, but they definitely take an active part in shaping the public opinion on the change of Germany’s military-political role in the world, so the importance of such expertise should not be ignored.
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Plowman, Andrew. "Defending Germany in the Hindukush: The ‘Out-of-Area’ Deployments of the Bundeswehr in Somalia, Kosovo and Afghanistan in Literature and Film1." German Life and Letters 63, no. 2 (March 5, 2010): 212–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0483.2010.01493.x.
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Trunov, Philipp. "The key directions of German-Dutch and German-French cooperation in defence strengthening." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 4 (2020): 203–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2020.04.09.
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Since the former Cold War, the Federal Republic of Germany has had the closest, the most full-scale and different in the spectrum of tracks relations in the sphere of common strengthening of the defence capabilities with the continental Western European countries. First, these ones are France and the Netherlands. The article tries to explore German relations with these two countries in the military sphere during the modern period. The key research methods are event-analysis and comparative analysis. The paper covers the experience of the creation of the first bilateral and multilateral military groups of NATO member states` armed forces which consist of staffs and military forces of the mixed troop system. The article notes that first military groups of this kind were created on the territory of the united Germany and examines the reasons of this tendency. Special attention is paid to the development of German-Dutch Corpspotential. This one, the 1 st tank division and the division of rapid reaction forces (each of those divisions has one Dutch brigade) of the Bundeswehr are explored as military mechanisms of deep integration between the two countries. The article also identifies the features of military-technical German-Dutch cooperation, including their common efforts in the frames of Permanent Structured Cooperation platform. The article compares the scales and quality of German-Dutch and German-French cooperation. In this regard the paper rises the question about real military importance of German-French brigade and cooperation between two countries in military-technical field, including the creation of robotized technics. The paper shows the limits of German-French cooperation potential until the early 2020's.
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Korepanov, Boris O. "Retrospective analysis and prospects for further development of NATO operational thinking." Izvestiya of Saratov University. Sociology. Politology 23, no. 3 (August 22, 2023): 357–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1818-9601-2023-23-3-357-362.
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This article reviews Z. Lautsch’s monograph “The Foundations of NATO Operational Thinking. A Retrospective Analysis of Operational Thinking in the 80s and Assessment of Development Prospects”. A brief introduction to the author is given. His approaches to the basic concepts defining operational thinking as a complex phenomenon are reviewed. It is noted that the author uses the points of view of both Western and Soviet military science in his reflections. The author analyses Z. Lautsch’s reflections on Germany’s role in the multinational alliance structure during the last decade of the Cold War. The evolution of NATO operational thinking from air-to-ground combat doctrine in the 1980s to cognitive warfare in the sixth operational domain in the 21st century is examined. The concept of „petty warfare” in the views of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the role of operational command in its conduct are touched upon. Particular attention is paid to analyzing the relationships between the framework states of the North Atlantic Alliance and their role in the development of operational thinking at the present stage. In particular, the role of Germany as a logistics centre for the entire alliance in Europe is emphasised. The importance of rearming the Bundeswehr and enhancing its credibility in the eyes of the population and at European level is noted. It underscores the need to forge links between the military doctrines of all alliance members and to adopt uniform standards for combat and operational training. This direction of development is of primary importance for the USA, France, the UK, Germany and Italy. The author notes that the Western and Eastern models of operational thinking had conceptual similarities in content and scope.