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Journal articles on the topic 'Fulfulde language'

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1

Bello, Idris Muhammad. "A Study of Grammatical Case Forms and their Directionality in Fulfulde: The Transformational Generative Approach." RUDN Journal of Language Studies, Semiotics and Semantics 12, no. 2 (2021): 514–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2299-2021-12-2-514-525.

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Case Theory interacts with Government Theory in its operation and so, cases are assigned to the complements of governors. Case assigners are the governors of their dependent clauses while the case receivers are the governed NPs. So, the purpose of the study is to survey case assignment in Fulfulde generally by identifying and analysing the elements of Fulfulde structures and their relationship in terms of structural case. Unstructured observation was the method used for eliciting data for this study. Adequate and natural data were recorded and analysed sentence by sentence, the way they were uttered by the native speakers. The Theoretical Framework adopted for data analysis by this study is Principle and Parameters Theory. The study discovered that in Government, apart from (V)erbs, (P)repositions and tensed INFL, (N)ouns, (A)djectives and Focus Markers FMs can also govern and assign case to their complements in Fulfulde. The study has proved that in Fulfulde, cases can be assigned either to the left or to the right, depending on the relation.
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2

Austen, Ralph A. "THE MEDIUM OF “TRADITION”: AMADOU HAMPÂTÉ BÂ’S CONFRONTATIONS WITH LANGUAGES, LITERACY, AND COLONIALISM." Islamic Africa 1, no. 2 (2010): 217–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21540993-90000017.

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In his efforts to communicate his research on African “tradition”—more specifically oral texts—Hampâté Bâ was faced with a choice of languages and alphabets. Much of his work appeared only in French, the language of his main formal education and administrative training. In collaboration with several French colonial scholar-administrators (Henri Gaden, Colonel R. Figaret, and Gilbert Vieillard) Hampâté Bâ eventually developed a system for writing his native Fulfulde in Roman characters. However for his own Fulfulde religious poetry (“mes seules oeuvres de ‘creation’”), Hampâté Bâ used Ajami (Arabic letters representing non-Arabic languages), a writing system that he also promoted as a medium of wider Fulbe literacy.
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3

Kaye, Alan S., and Al-Amin Abu-Manga. "Fulfulde in the Sudan: Process of Adaptation to Arabic." Language 64, no. 1 (1988): 211. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/414829.

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4

van Dalen, Dorrit. "On Writing and Weaving. Muslim Scholarship in Seventeenth-Century Central Sudanic Africa." Islamic Africa 7, no. 1 (2016): 4–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21540993-00701002.

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Why did a seventeenth-century scholar translate a Fulfulde text, that had long served to divulge Islamic theology in West Africa, into literary Arabic, a language that was only understood by people who were already advanced in their studies of the religion? This article explores whether his prime concern was not a translation from one language to the other, but the translation of an oral work into a written text.
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5

Vold Lexander, Kristin. "Texting and African language literacy." New Media & Society 13, no. 3 (2011): 427–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444810393905.

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Mobile communication has become an important part of everyday life in Senegal, and text messages have turned out to be highly multilingual. So far Senegalese language policy has supported the use of the official language, French, in education and in writing in general, while the majority language, Wolof, has dominated the oral sphere. As SMS texts tend to include use of Wolof and other African languages as well as French, the question is whether texting will pave the way for African language literacy practices. The aim of this article is to study texting’s potential impact on the status of African languages as written languages through the investigation of SMS messages written and received by fifteen students from Dakar. Ethnographic tools have been used to collect text messages in Wolof, Fulfulde and French, as well as English, Spanish and Arabic, and also data on the context of communication and on the writers’ and receivers’ interpretations of the use of different languages. The analysis shows that African languages are given different roles and values in texting, being used in monolingual messages, in functional codeswitching and in mixed code messages.
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6

Abdulkadir, Hamzat Na'uzo. "Linguistic Diffusion in the Development of Hausa Language." Journal of Translation and Language Studies 2, no. 1 (2021): 82–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.48185/jtls.v2i1.196.

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The purpose of this paper is to prove that intercultural relationship and sufficient contact between Hausa and other languages result in linguistic diffusion or borrowing. The study adopts both the historical and descriptive survey research design, predicated on the need for a brief history of Hausa and the donor languages, and descriptive design to facilitate the use of secondary data generated from textbooks, theses, dissertations, seminar and conference papers. The study traces the location of Hausa people in order to vividly comprehend the nature of contact with the donor languages which effectively bears on the objective nature of the borrowed words. It is in this light that three types of language relationship emerged: genetic, typological and cultural. The intercultural relationship can be unidirectional (English and Hausa) or bi-directional (Hausa and Yoruba). The work provides concrete examples from Tuareg, Fulfulde, Kanuri, Yoruba, Nupe, Arabic and English languages to demonstrate the long contact with the Hausa language. The study finally observes suppressive interference on the structures of Hausa especially from Arabic and English, which have attained second language status in Hausa society, which, again, does not make the language lose its originality.
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7

Baimada Gigla, Francois. "The (Socio)Linguistic Identities of Islam in Northern Cameroon." English Language Teaching and Linguistics Studies 2, no. 2 (2020): p52. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/eltls.v2n2p52.

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This paper hypothesizes that such sociolinguistic identities as Kanuri, Shuwa Arabic, Fulfulde and Wandala which are all Cameroon languages are so much linked to Islam in Northern Cameroon that their development are parallel that of Islam in this part of the country. In order to verify this, observation, three hundred questionnaires and communication with Muslim faithful were used in three Friday mosques in Maroua, Garoua and Ngaoundere, the main cities of this half of the country. The second dimension of Spolky’s (2006) theory on language and religion was used as frame. The paper finds that there is mutuality between these languages and Islam not just due to historical factors, but also because of the influence on the making of a sociolinguistic repertoires and the building of (new) religious communities. As these linguistic identities are reminiscent of Islam, they stand as the main linguistic vehicles of Islam in Northern Cameroon.
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8

Harrison, Annette R. "Representing the ideal self." Pragmatics. Quarterly Publication of the International Pragmatics Association (IPrA) 21, no. 2 (2011): 191–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/prag.21.2.02har.

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This study applies the concepts of frames and performance roles (Bauman and Briggs 1990; Bauman 1993; Goffman 1974) to represented speech in personal narratives of speakers of Fulfulde, a Niger-Congo language of the (West) Atlantic group. Contextualization cues such as verbal suffixes indicating voice and aspect, person reference and references to states of knowledge index the frame of interaction between storyteller and audience, the frame of the narrated story, and an enacted frame that recontextualizes events within the story world. These cues also signal performance roles within the frame, such as the addressing self, the principal and the animator. The multiple frames and performance roles indexed by represented speech allow the speaker to represent past and present selves, and more importantly, to make an implicit comparison between the states of knowledge at various points in time in the performance of the narrative. In this way, the speaker distributes responsibility, blame and praise across multiple depictions of the self such that the one most accessible to the audience is portrayed as a superior representation of cultural ideals.
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9

Hassane, Moulaye. "Qur'anic Exegesis in Niger: A Songhay-Zarma Oral Commentary on Sūrat al-Baqara." Journal of Qur'anic Studies 15, no. 3 (2013): 184–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jqs.2013.0117.

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The city of Saayi (Say), Niger has played an important role in the regional development of Islam from the early nineteenth century onwards. This paper traces its history and the biography of the founder, using the available written and oral sources, while also describing its role as a contemporary religious centre. The Qur'an is commented on in local languages both in the context of traditional advanced religious education and in Ramaḍān. The intellectual sources, language and ritual dimensions of enunciation of these oral commentaries are analysed, as are the ceremonies specific to Ramaḍān. Although Say was founded by Fulfulde-speaking scholars, reflecting the general cultural and social evolution of the city and its area, for the past 50 years, the Qur'an commentary in the Friday mosque has been given in Songhay-Zarma. While these commentaries are essentially based on recognised Arabic ones, their language makes some reference to the images and concepts of local Songhay-Zarma culture. The linguistic features and substantive content of Songhay-Zarma oral tafsīr are illustrated by two excerpts, each presenting several verses of Sūrat al-Baqara: one is drawn from a full tafsīr collected in Say in 1968, at the initiative of the well-known statesman and man of letters Boubou Hama; the other was collected in the Zarma country in 1905–6.
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10

Atechi, Samuel. "Is Cameroon Pidgin flourishing or dying?" English Today 27, no. 3 (2011): 30–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078411000356.

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Cameroon Pidgin English (abbreviated to CamP) is one of the languages of wider communication in Cameroon, a country second only to Papua New Guinea in terms of its multiplicity of languages for a relatively small population. CamP is used alongside other languages like English and French (official languages), Fulfulde, Arab Choa, Ewondo and Duala (lingua francas), and over 250 indigenous languages. What is, however, peculiar about CamP is that it is not restricted to a particular class of people or to people from a particular region. A language which arose as a result of the desperate need for a link language between people who spoke mutually unintelligible languages has now established itself as a major force to reckon with in the linguistic landscape of the country. One of the main preoccupations among researchers on CamP has been its relationship with Cameroon English (CamE), which has higher status. While CamE is an official language in the country's constitution, CamP enjoys covert prestige bestowed on it by Cameroonians as a language of wider communication, social interaction, intimacy, etc. However, Cameroonians have been given to understand that the coexistence of CamP and CamE is responsible for the falling standard of English in the country, as a result of which CamP should be eradicated at all costs. This attitude has led to the stigmatisation and intimidation of CamP speakers as educational authorities all over the country attempt to ban the language, and refer to it in such pejorative terms as bad English, poor English, bush English, join join English etc. Such hostility has tended to drive the language underground so that speakers rarely express their liking for the language overtly. They are suspicious of language authorities and thus have developed an ambivalent attitude towards anything that has to do with CamP. Thus if those speakers who use CamP daily as the main medium of communication were to be asked what they think about its status, functions and prospects, the results would be largely negative (Schröder, 2003), not because they do not like the language but simply because they have been intimidated and stigmatised. This ambivalence has caused serious methodological difficulties for researchers, which have marred most results of studies on the functions, status and prospects of CamP. The inability to adopt an appropriate methodology to research the topic has given rise to conflicting findings and statements on the relationship between CamP and CamE, some of which are sometimes truly baffling (see Ngefac & Sala, 2006; Ayafor, 2005; Kouega, 2001; Chia, 2009). Researchers insensitive to the situation carry out research on CamP and obtain results that paint a completely distorted picture of the situation on the ground. In this light, certain basic questions about this relationship remain to be settled: What is actually the relationship between CamP and CamE? Is CamP really facing death? Is CamP losing ground to CamE? Is CamP soon going to lose its identity and idiosyncrasies to CamE or is CamP going to supplant CamE? This paper will consider how various researchers have grappled with these questions. By analysing their statements, it will attempt to explain the controversies that have characterised research on the relationship between CamP and CamE thus far.
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11

Adebayo, A. G. "Of Man and Cattle: A Reconsideration of the Traditions of Origin of Pastoral Fulani of Nigeria." History in Africa 18 (1991): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172050.

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The fair-skinned people who inhabit the Sudan fringes of west Africa stretching from the Senegal valley to the shores of Lake Chad and who speak the language known as Fulfulde, are known by many names.1 They call themselves Fulbe (singular, Pullo). They are called Fulani by the Hausa of southern Nigeria, and this name has been used for them throughout Nigeria. The British call them Ful, Fulani, or Fula, while the French refer to them as Peul, Peulh, or Poulah. In Senegal the French also inadvertently call them Toucouleur or Tukulor. The Kanuri of northern Nigeria call them Fulata or Felata. In this paper we will adopt the Hausa (or Nigerian) name for the people—Fulani.Accurate censuses are not available on the Fulani in west Africa. A mid-twentieth century estimate puts the total number of Fulani at “over 4 million,” more than half of whom are said to inhabit Nigeria. Another estimate towards the end of 1989 puts the total number of Nigeria's Fulani (nomads only) at over ten million. If both estimates were correct, then the Fulani population in Nigeria alone must have grown 500 per cent in forty years. The dominant factor in this population growth is increased immigration of pastoralists into Nigeria in the wake of the 1968-73 Sahelian drought.
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12

Miyamoto, Rituko. "P. Kazuhisa Eguchi: An English-Fulfulde Dictionary." Journal of African Studies 1989, no. 34 (1989): 92–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.11619/africa1964.1989.92.

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13

Bellagamba, Alice. "Legacies of Slavery and Popular Traditions of Freedom in Southern Senegal (1860–1960)." Journal of Global Slavery 2, no. 1-2 (2017): 72–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00201011.

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This study examines the historical linkages that developed between experiences of enslavement, the legacies of slavery, and ideas of freedom before and after abolition in the early twentieth century in an area of southern Senegal known today as the Kolda region. In the Fulfulde language, spoken by the majority of the population, there are several terms and expressions to talk about freedom. The first is ndimaaku, which people tend to equate with nobility and dignity. This is the freedom of the olden days of slavery, when the capacities and qualities of the male or female freeborn stood in stark contrast to those of the slave, and being free meant not having been a slave in the first place. The second term is heɓtaare, i.e., freedom in the sense of tranquility, economic well-being, and a general ease in life and social relations. The expression jeyaal-hoore mun conveys a sense of independence, self-mastery and autonomy, while heɓtugol hoore mun literally means to retrieve one’s head, the center of individual thought and capacity for independent action. Politically, heɓtugol hoore mun stands for the end of colonial rule and the achievement of national independence. Socially, it refers to the emancipation of subordinated groups, like the youth and women, and it describes slaves who freed themselves from their masters. Drawing from archival sources and oral history, this essay attempts to reconstruct the discursive reconfigurations of local ideas of freedom within the context of the political and social changes that affected the Kolda region in the late nineteenth century, the early colonial period, and the years before decolonization. Each historical period had its own actors, dynamics and complexities in which slavery and then legacies of slavery played a role in the definition of freedom and the entitlement of people to its benefits. As demonstrated here, however, liberation paved the way for other forms of subjugation.
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14

"On the Nature of the French Verbal Forms in the Code-Switching of Songhay, Bamanan and Fulah Speakers of French." International Journal of Social Research, 2021, 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.28933/ijsr-2021-01-2705.

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Code-Switching is a process of bilingualism that involves the alternation of two languages in the course of a single conversation as a result of language contact phenomenon. This paper is about the conjugation of the verbal forms in the switches of bilingual Songhay-French, Bamanankan-French and Fulfulde-French speakers as pointed out in several studies by I. Abdoulaye (2013, 2016), M. Minkailou and I. Abdoulaye (2016, 2018), I. Abdoulaye and M. Minkailou (2017, 2019). The main objective of the present paper is to describe the verbal paradigm in the switches of these three different groups of francophone speakers according to the existing theories and models on Code-Switching and Code-Mixing constraints. Based on the Matrix Language Frame Model of C. Myers-Scotton (1993a, b), the paper aims at proposing and analysing a francophone alternative of grammatical constraint in code switching. The study uses secondary data collected from the research works cited above in which spontaneous and fresh conversations have been recorded, transcribed and translated into English in an oral corpus. The population of these three different investigations is heterogeneous consisting of bilingual Songhay, Bamanan and Fulah civil servants and university students. Examining the nature of the switches, the study purposely focuses on the intra-sentential code-switching, in which the participants alternate the two codes, inserting words from French into their respective native languages. Analysing the inflected forms of the French verbs embedded in Songhay, Bamanankan or Fulfulde codes, the study has revealed that all the switched verbs belong to the same verb form, the French past participle of the three verb groups (first, second and third). So, the study has concluded that this way of conjugating verbs in Code-Switching is typical to francophone second language leaners. This approach in Code-Switching that the authors are proposing as the Francophone Model of Switching Verbs is a result of linguistic transfer of L2 learners of French.
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15

Salaty, Abubakar Abdullah, та Yaqub Alhaji Abdullahi. "Influence of Nigerian Local Languages on Arabic Education: A Linguistic Approach/ أثر اللغات المحلّيّة النيجيريّة في التعليم العربي: مدخل لغويّ". Ijaz Arabi Journal of Arabic Learning 3, № 1 (2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/ijazarabi.v3i1.8009.

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The history of Arabic education in Nigeria is connected to the emergence of Islam which was embraced by Nigerians through the Arab traders. Nigeria as nation, has more than 400 indigenous local languages out of which the most common of the local languages are Hausa, Yoruba and Igbo. Other major languages are Fulfulde, Kanuri, Ibibio, Tiv, Efik and Nupe while English is considered as the country’s official language. As Muslims, it is necessary to acquire Arabic education in order to perform religious obligations such as the five time daily prayer and other basic Arabic knowledge for the in-depth understanding of Islam. It is however pertinent to note at this juncture that Arabic language, in an environment where local languages are predominantly spoken is established in the educational system. The researchers therefore aimed at investigating and examining the influence of the Nigerian local languages on Arabic education using a linguistic approach. Two local languages; Hausa and Yoruba were purposively selected among other local languages for the study, while findings and recommendations were made at the end of this work.
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16

Udikoh, Lucy Fonjong. "Language Contribution to Cultural Diversity: The Case of Fulfulde in the Extreme North in Cameroon." International Journal of Humanities & Social Studies 8, no. 12 (2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.24940/theijhss/2020/v8/i12/hs2012-020.

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17

Mogtari, Haruna Y. "Fulani in Ghana: Emerging Mission Possibilities and Approaches." E-Journal of Religious and Theological Studies, August 17, 2020, 257–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.38159/erats.2020083.

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The Fulani in Ghana for decades have largely remained unengaged in mission work. The factors that have hindered any meaningful engagement by the Church among this widely spread people group in West Africa are several and include the perennial farmer-herder conflicts, prejudice, stereotype, and fear of the Fulani among indigenous people. These factors have for a long time made it appear impossible for the Church to become a witness among the Fulani in Ghana. This research first, explores the few mission attempts made by some mission agencies. To evangelise the Fulani, the research work secondly examines the challenges associated with Christian mission among the Fulani and the difficulties faced by the Fulani in their daily lives with their cattle. Thirdly, the paper investigates emerging mission possibilities and approaches among the Fulani as a nomadic group. The framework that allows one to explore these possibilities holistically are the Five Marks of Global Mission as outlined in Mission in 21st Century; Exploring the Five Marks of Global Mission. Lastly, the research highlights the importance of contextualization in mission, especially that the Fulani must essentially hear, understand, and respond to the Gospel in their native language, Fulfulde.
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18

Carine, Mala, Kekeunou Sévilor, Lendzemo Venasius, and Nukenine Elias. "Perception and Farmer Know-How on Conservation Techniques for Cereals and Pulses in the Far North of Cameroon." Journal of Agriculture and Ecology Research International, May 13, 2019, 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.9734/jaeri/2019/v18i330060.

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Introduction: The storage and preservation of agricultural products remain the only conditions ensuring the almost permanent availability of foodstuffs. However, infestations due to insects and microorganisms are very often noted.
 Objective: This present work aimed at understanding farmers' constraints, perceptions, and know-how on the post-harvest conservation of cereals and pulses.
 Place and Duration of Study: A survey was conducted from March 2017 to March 2018 among 320 producers in the Far North region (Cameroon).
 Methodology: The questionnaire consisted of closed and open questions which mainly related to the principal stored grains, the main constraints, and the usual means of control of stocks. The interview was conducted in a local language (Fulfulde), Arabic and/or French during 25 minutes for each participant. Insect stock photos were also presented to the participants for confirmation of the information given.
 Results: The results show that producers in our study area are aware of the post-harvest damage and adopt stock control techniques according to the nature of the products, the fate of the grain and the storage structure. The main food crops grown are sorghum (44.4%), cowpea (24.1%) and maize (15.60%). Six main types of storage structure; three methods of storing foodstuffs, five modes of packaging and, six usual methods of control were identified but store maintenance and warehouse monitoring (56.25%) was the most used. According to respondents, insects are the main causes of post-harvest losses. 11 species belonging to four orders were recorded.
 Conclusion: The producers in our study area are aware of the post-harvest damage and adopt stock control techniques according to the nature of the products, the fate of the grain and the storage structure. But this control would be more efficient if all producers had access to training on storage techniques, isothermal bags or the use of resistant varietal genotypes.
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