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1

Frechette, Louise. "Canada and the 1995 G7 Halifax summit." Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 3, no. 1 (1995): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/11926422.1995.9673051.

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2

IWASAKI, Wataru. "Summit of G7 Science Academies in Paris 2019." TRENDS IN THE SCIENCES 25, no. 4 (2020): 4_19–4_23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5363/tits.25.4_19.

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3

Bayne, Nicholas. "The G7 Summit and the Reform of Global Institutions." Government and Opposition 30, no. 4 (1995): 492–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1995.tb00140.x.

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IN MY GOVERNMENT AND OPPOSITION/LEONARD SCHAPIRO lecture in 1993 I attempted an incomplete analysis of international economic relations after the end of the cold war, in particular the unexpected tensions and difficulties. The end of superpower confrontation had not only removed one incentive for Western countries to settle their economic disputes. It had also lowered the priority given to security issues, where national governments were in control, and had exposed their dwindling ability to take economic decisions, because of the extent of the interdependence which was the price paid for their prosperity. I could not think of a single area of domestic policy immune from international influence. Professor Susan Strange has developed a more trenchant analysis of this trend in her Government and Opposition/Leonard Schapiro lecture this year.
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4

Graham, Bill. "The 1995 Halifax G7 summit: A view from parliament." Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 3, no. 1 (1995): 31–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/11926422.1995.9673055.

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5

Logie, D. E. "Health in the developing world. G7 summit fails Africa." BMJ 307, no. 6900 (1993): 386–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.307.6900.386-e.

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6

Sargiacomo, Massimo, and Tommaso Costa. "A summit for G7(tmR) G protein-coupled receptors." Trends in Cell Biology 6, no. 7 (1996): 285. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0962-8924(96)80972-x.

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7

St-Arnaud, Emmanuelle. "Tactical EMS Deployment at the G7 Summit in Charlevoix, Quebec." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 34, s1 (2019): s172. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x19003935.

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Introduction:The G7 Summit was held in Charlevoix, Quebec (Canada) on June 8 and 9, 2018. The Urgences-santé Corporation (USC), in charge of prehospital emergency services in Montreal and Laval, was asked to intervene outside of its usual territory during the Summit, mainly because it has the only tactical medical team in the province of Quebec to be equipped and trained for high-risk situations.Aim:Part of USC’s tactical medical team was deployed to the Charlevoix region from May 29 to June 10, 2018. The team had two responsibilities: act in the event of a chemical, biological, radiological, nuclear or explosive (CBRNE) attack, and in the event of social disturbance or violence, provide care for protestors and the police officers tasked with maintaining and restoring order.Methods:The mission required rigorous preparation to ensure the team’s safety outside its usual area of activity while maintaining full coverage of metropolitan Montreal, where the impacts of the G7 Summit were also felt. Emphasis was placed on intensive coaching of the tactical medics, on joint training, and on the coordination of intervention protocols across EMS, fire and law enforcement.Results:A total of 14 tactical medics and two managers were sent to Charlevoix for the Summit. Before their departure, three joint training days were held, and our training center provided six days of training to our partners.Discussion:While no CBRNE incident or major social disorder occurred during the Summit, USC was able to gain more visibility and therefore reach out to different organizations on site. Close ties were developed with the Sûreté du Québec (provincial police), with whom USC now regularly collaborates during training and interventions. The lessons learned also helped consolidate our extra-territorial deployment procedures.
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8

KIRTON, JOHN. "THE G7 RESEARCH GROUP'S ANNUAL REPORT: ANALYSING G7 MEMBER COMPLIANCE WITH THE 2016 ISE-SHIMA SUMMIT COMMITMENTS." BANKPEDIA REVIEW 7, no. 1-2 (2017): 19–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.14612/kirton_1-2_2017.

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9

Sultanova, Nigar Tahir qizi. "Year 2019 and international agenda of the European Council." Международное право и международные организации / International Law and International Organizations, no. 1 (January 2020): 45–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0633.2020.1.32299.

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The European Council represents the supreme level of political cooperation between the EU member-states. Diverse questions pertaining to international politics are discusses on the various levels: summits (in 2019 EU – League of Arab States summit, EU –China summit, EU – Ukraine summit in Kyiv, EU – Canada summit in Montreal, G7 summit); conferences and informal meetings; council boards on foreign affairs; joint conferences; association councils, etc. A new strategic agenda 2019-2024 adopted by the European Council determines he priority areas that guide the work of the European Special Councils and other EU institutions. Transatlantic relations, crises in Syria, Ukraine and other parts of the world, relations with Russia, Iran nuclear deal, and other question remain on the agenda of the European Council. The article explores the legal framework of the actions of European Council in the area of foreign policy. The overview of foreign policy agenda of the European Council allows analyzing the role of the European Union on the international arena.
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10

Dobson, Wendy, and Nicholas Bayne. "Hanging in There: The G7 and G8 Summit in Maturity and Renewal." International Journal 57, no. 1 (2001): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203649.

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11

Saxby, Stephen. "G7 Summit poses challenge to governments on public access to official information." Network Security 1995, no. 4 (1995): 14–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/1353-4858(96)89708-x.

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12

Sweet, William. "G7 Summit Yields Little in Way of Aid for States of Former USSR." Physics Today 45, no. 9 (1992): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.2809800.

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13

Pigman, Geoffrey Allen, and John Kotsopoulos. "'Do This One For Me, George': Blair, Brown, Bono, Bush and the 'Actor-ness' of the G8." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 2, no. 2 (2007): 127–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119007x180520.

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AbstractSince the G7/G8 was created at Rambouillet in 1975, it has evolved from being only a venue for diplomacy to becoming a diplomatic actor in its own right. Heads of government, foreign ministers, finance ministers, sherpas, and later other ministers who started meeting and communicating annually at G7 summits, began to generate shared meanings and form a collective identity, even if shifting, that was different and distinct from the identities of the member governments. Participating in the G8 has over time changed the interests of its members, including those of its most powerful member, the United States, across a whole range of issue areas. For example, Britain's leadership of the G8 in 2005 and agenda-setting for the Gleneagles summit pushed poverty reduction in Africa to the fore as a policy priority for G8 members, without which it would have fallen much farther down the foreign policy priority ladder, particularly in Washington. The British G8 agenda facilitated activism by anti-poverty NGOs and eminent person diplomats in raising global social consciousness on the issue and demands for change. The effect of G8 agenda-setting supports the argument that the evolution of multilateral organizations into diplomatic actors in their own right has changed the character of contemporary diplomacy in important ways.
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14

Gronau, Jennifer. "Signaling Legitimacy: Self-legitimation by the G8 and the G20 in Times of Competitive Multilateralism." World Political Science 12, no. 1 (2016): 107–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/wps-2016-0005.

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AbstractGiven our pluralistic world today, the G8 or rather G7, is an anachronism. How has the club of Western nations managed to prevail over its four decades of existence? This question is even more relevant in the light of the rise of the G20 at the beginning of the financial crisis in 2008. By making use of the concept of self-legitimation, this paper seeks to gain a better understanding of how both informal institutions ended up in a state of coexistence rather than with the replacement of the G8 by the G20. The main argument is that both needed (and still need) to carefully position themselves as distinct from each other in order to prevail and to inspire adherence. By including visual data and examining two informal institutions rather than formalized international organizations, the analysis complements concurrent research on the legitimation efforts of international institutions. The article traces three modes of public self-legitimation: legitimation policies, legitimation talk and nonverbal self-presentation. Based on textual analysis and a reconstruction of ideal-typical summit photographs (1975–2013), this contribution shows how both institutions present themselves as inclusive, accountable managers for the benefit of all. Despite these similarities, a normative as well as a de facto division of labor makes it more likely for today’s G7 to prevail, even in – or even because of – today’s more pluralistic world.
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Read, Oliver, and Stefan Schäfer. "Libra Project: Regulators Act on Global Stablecoins." Intereconomics 55, no. 6 (2020): 392–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10272-020-0936-7.

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AbstractGovernments, regulatory authorities and standard-setting bodies started acting on global stablecoins triggered by the Libra announcement. Among the concerns expressed by the G7 and the G20 are risks to the stability of the financial system. The Financial Stability Board and the Financial Action Task Force have worked on regulatory issues and anti-money laundering ahead of the G20 summit in November 2020. Overall the Libra project has raised many questions on the regulatory front. Facebook had to revise the concept as Libra 2.0 and resubmit it for approval in April 2020. The European Commission announced a new regulation on Markets in Crypto-assets (MiCA) including stablecoins in September 2020 as part of a new Digital Finance Package. This opens the next chapter in a regulatory cat and mouse game.
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16

Wise, J. "UK funded research on diseases that are a global threat must be made openly available, Cameron tells G7 summit." BMJ 350, jun11 15 (2015): h3217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.h3217.

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17

Godovanyuk, Kira A. "India in British foreign policy: Challenges for partnership of liberal democracies." Asia and Africa Today, no. 9 (2021): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750015442-8.

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The article provides insight into the UK approach towards India after Brexit. It is highlighted that this policy is incorporated into the new foreign strategy (“Global Britain”). The author outlines that British government set to build new partnerships with like-minded countries based on neoliberal values. Against the backdrop of global shifts towards Asia and rise of new powers the UK international priority is to build an advanced partnership with India. The author explores the asymmetry in British and Indian interests. London seeks to benefit from advanced trade and investment partnerships in such areas as information technology, green energy, pharmaceuticals, etc. London also expects that comprehensive partnership with New Delhi, including in defence and maritime security, will help strengthen its strategic position in the Indo-Pacific region. Supporting New Delhi in its ambition to become a regional leader, inviting to the G7 Summit and promoting other multilateral formats. Developing trade and investment amid the pandemic, the UK pursues to establish preferential bilateral relations. Britain seeks to present a partnership with democratic India as a counterbalance to communist China in a highly competitive international environment, guided by both values and economic interests.
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18

Godovanyuk, K. A. "ON THE PROSPECTS OF THE UK-AFRICA COOPERATION AFTER BREXIT." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 4, no. 2 (2020): 179–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2020-4-2-179-185.

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UK’s interests in Africa are driven by economic perspectives and natural resources. This becomes more relevant in the age of global transformation of contemporary system of international relations. In 2018 British government set to become the biggest investor to Africa among G7 countries. On the eve of formal withdrawal from the EU, London hosted the first UK-Africa Investment summit confirming British commitment to strengthen economic and business cooperation with Africa in post-Brexit age. After leaving the EU, the UK is free to pursue its own international trade agenda, the authorities pledged to boost UK position in Africa in light of growing competition. The UK’s historical ties with the region is an advantage (19 out of 53 members of Commonwealth is located in Africa). The author concludes that the African countries expect that London will liberalize its internal market for African products and migration rule for African people. Of particular importance in the dialogue with the countries of the Black Continent is the rhetoric of promoting the environmental agenda and assistance in combating epidemics. Discussion remains, however, about the extent to which Britain's humanitarian programmes and international development assistance can contribute to London's strategic objectives in Africa. In light of COVID-19 pandemic London has a chance to enhance its image in Africa.
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19

Fontanel, Jacques. "BAYNE, Nicholas. Hanging in there. The G7 and G8 Summit in Maturity and Renewal, The G8 and Global Governance Series. Adelshot, Brookfield, USA, Ashgate, 2000, 230 p." Études internationales 33, no. 3 (2002): 582. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/704458ar.

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20

Larionova, Marina, and John Kirton. "Global Governance After the COVID-19 Crisis." International Organisations Research Journal 15, no. 2 (2020): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2020-02-01.

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Assessment of the impact of COVID-19 on international institutions and international relations is essential for shaping global governance for the post COVID crisis world. The authors review the actions of the key international institutions in response to the pandemic undertaken in January-March 2020 reflecting on three questions. First, were the actions undertaken by the international institutions adequate, coordinated and timely? Second, could the outbreak have been contained if the global governance system was not in a state of severe strain, with many of the gaps exposed and reforms promised in the wake of the 2009 financial and economic crisis unfulfilled, its key causes unaddressed and unilateralism rising among its key members? In addition, was the COVID-19 crisis exacerbated by the crisis of multilateralism? Third, and most difficult, what is the future of global governance after the COVID-19 crisis ends? The analysis of international institutions performance three months into the crisis leads to authors to conclude that there have been inadequate actions to produce a timely, coordinated international response from all the major multilateral organizations and from the newer plurilateral summit institutions of the BRICS, G7 and G20. The failure of these global governance institutions was due not only to the severe strains from leading members’ unilateralism and competition, but from the very architecture designed in 1945 that now poorly matches intensely globalized world. Global governance in the post COVID world should not descend into the old war-prone balance of power, nor flow from a new Bretton Woods-San Francisco as in 1944–1945 but from an intensification and expansion of G20 governance that will generate and coordinate more comprehensive, stronger multilateral organizations for the benefit of all.
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Kerremans, Bart, and Edith Drieskens. "Tussen schok en overgang : de Europese Unie in 2001." Res Publica 44, no. 2-3 (2002): 279–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v44i2-3.18440.

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Without doubt, the year 2001 will remain identified with the terrorist attacks of september 11. To some extent, this goes for the European Union as well. The events of september 11 left an important mark on the European integration process, of which the development of the European arrest warrant is an important illustration. Nevertheless, as for the European Union, the year 2001 was more than a year of anti-terrorism measures. In the second semester of2001, the Belgian government assumed the presidency ofthe European Union. 2001 was also the year in which, only weeks after street violence disruputed the European Council ofGöteborg, a protester was killed in the margin ofthe G7-G8 Summit in Genova. In 2001, the gap between the European Union and the United States got larger for a number of policy fields, including National Missile Defence and the Kyoto Protocol. Yet, in the autumn of2001, both power blocks reconciliated at the WTO Ministerial Conference in Doha, Qatar. In Doha, a new global round of trade negotiations was launched. As in previous years, in 2001, the enlargement process was high on the European agenda. As for the latter, for the first time, ten candidate countries were mentioned by name, making their accession in 2004 a more realistic scenario. The eastern enlargement will radically change the face of the European Union. The Belgian presidency anticipated this impeding metamorphosis and stimulated the adoption of the Laeken Declaration in december 2001. The Declaration laid the foundation for the Convention on the Future of Europe which started on February 28, 2002. The Declaration of Laeken was one of the European highlights of 2001. The low point was the Irish referendum of June 7, 2001, in which a majority of the Irish population rejected the Treaty of Nice. Both events reflect the situation the European Union is faced with today, as they demonstrate the growing tension between the desires of «widening» and «deepening» the European construction. The future willreveal how the European Union went with this growing area of tension.
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22

Liff, Adam P. "Japan in 2020." Asian Survey 61, no. 1 (2021): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.1.49.

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Japan’s leaders began 2020 with grand ambitions to make it a historic year. Tokyo was set to welcome the world for the Summer Olympics, Japan’s first since 1964, and Abe Shinzō, the powerful prime minister, planned to realize his party’s 65-year-old dream: revising Japan’s never-amended, US-drafted 1947 constitution. By spring, however, it was clear that COVID-19 had other plans. Despite public health outcomes better than in any other G7 member, daily life was severely disrupted, and the domestic political and economic fallout for Japan was significant. By late summer, circumstances were improving, but both Abe’s popularity and his personal health had suffered. He resigned in September, ending the longest prime-ministership in Japanese history. Though COVID-19 and the end of the Abe Era were the major storylines of Japan in 2020, a subplot was, paradoxically, remarkable continuity in national politics and foreign affairs.
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23

Bery, Suman, Filippo Biondi, and Sybrand Brekelmans. "Twenty years of the G20: Has it changed global economic governance?" Russian Journal of Economics 5, no. 4 (2019): 412–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/j.ruje.5.49435.

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The G20 has become the preeminent forum for international economic coordination. Twenty years after its creation, the paper reviews its performance with respect to the coordination of macroeconomic policies. The retrospective assessment focuses on two main questions: (i) Have the G20 summits succeeded in promoting macroeconomic policies with positive cross-border consequences, while preventing the opposite? (ii) To what extent has expanding the G7 to a diverse group of emerging and developing economies significantly changed the discourse and affected substantive outcomes? We argue that the G20 played a key role during the crisis of 2008, but policy coordination has been problematic since. Our review suggests that the G20 Presidencies of the emerging economies have made considerable efforts to shape the agenda toward issues of their interest, but have not always prevailed, notably on issues of global financial governance.
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24

Firzli, Maher Nicolas. "2019 World Pensions Forum Held in EU Capital Before G7 Summit." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3416605.

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25

"Protecting human security: proposals for the G7 Ise-Shima Summit in Japan." Lancet 387, no. 10033 (2016): 2155–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(16)30177-5.

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26

"G7 Leaders Meet in Moscow, Issue Declarations on Nuclear Safety and Security." Foreign Policy Bulletin 7, no. 3 (1996): 57–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1052703600000642.

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The end of the cold war and the political and economic reforms in Russia have opened a new era in our relationship and have provided the international community with real possibilities for cooperation in the fields of nuclear safety and security. The Moscow meeting is an important step in the realization of these objectives. We are determined, at this summit and beyond, to work together to ensure the safety of nuclear power and to promote greater security for nuclear materials.
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27

"Pragma fuel cell bike range extended using AMS cylinders, fleet for G7 Summit in Biarritz." Fuel Cells Bulletin 2019, no. 8 (2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1464-2859(19)30310-4.

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28

Kane, Emily, Ariana Popa, Queenie Li, and Paul Sommers. "Did Trump's Tweet Disparaging Trudeau Impact Canada-U.S. Border Crossings?" Journal of Student Research 9, no. 1 (2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.47611/jsr.v9i1.1081.

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 The authors examine the impact of President Donald Trump’s June 9, 2018 tweet disparaging Group of 7 (G7) summit host Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau on Canada – United States border crossings over the Peace Bridge. The Peace Bridge is one of the busiest international border crossings in North America that connects Fort Erie, Ontario and Buffalo, New York. A regression analysis of daily automobile crossings between January 1, 2017 and December 31, 2019 (using seasonality dummy variables and controlled for year fixed effects) revealed a statistically discernible reduction in the number of crossings (both east into the United States and, to a lesser extent, west into Canada) seven, fourteen, and even thirty days after the tweet. Words have consequences.
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"EU Intensifies Objections over Extraterritoriality of U.S. Sanctions." Foreign Policy Bulletin 7, no. 5 (1996): 93–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1052703600001039.

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You will be aware from our discussions at the EU-U.S. summit in Washington in June and from your meetings during the recent G7 in Lyons of the deep and widespread concern in Europe over the potential application of the Helms Burton legislation to European companies. As you know, the EU and the United States share the same common desire to promote democracy, respect for human rights and market economics in Cuba. The European Council meeting in Florence in June has regretted that political circumstances in Cuba have not allowed progress to be made. However, the European Council also expressed its deep concern over the extraterritorial effects of the “Cuban Liberty and Solidarity (Libertad) Act” and believes that such action taken against partners and allies does nothing to further these objectives in Cuba.
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Rehman, Anis Ur, Yasir Arafat Elahi, and Sushma . "AN EMPIRICAL STUDY OF INDIAN INSURANCE INDUSTRY POST GLOBAL FINANCIAL CRISIS." GBAMS- Vidushi 6, no. 01-02 (2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.26829/vidushi.v6i01-02.9723.

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India has recently emerged as a major political and economic power in the world. The financial crisis that engulfed the world in 2008 needed developing countries like India to lead the rescue and recovery, instead of G7 westerns countries who dealt with such crisis in the past. Recently, discussions and negotiations are going amongst G20 countries regarding a new global financial architecture (G-20 Summit, 2008). The outcome will affect the relevant industries in India and hence it is a public interest issue for the actuarial profession in the country. Increased and more intrusive and costly regulations and red tapes are likely to be a part of the new deal (Economic Survey 2009-10). The objective of this paper is to study the perception of higher level authorities in Insurance sector regarding the role of regulator in minimizing the impact of global financial crisis. The primary data has been collected from 200 authorities in insurance industry. The data has been analyzed with statistical tools like MS-Excel. On the basis of the findings, various measures and policy recommendations for insurers have been suggested to minimize the impact of crisis.
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Wright, James. "Suspect AI: Vibraimage, Emotion Recognition Technology and Algorithmic Opacity." Science, Technology and Society, April 22, 2021, 097172182110034. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09717218211003411.

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Vibraimage is a digital system that quantifies a subject’s mental and emotional state by analysing video footage of the movements of their head. Vibraimage is used by police, nuclear power station operators, airport security and psychiatrists in Russia, China, Japan and South Korea, and has been deployed at two Olympic Games, a FIFA World Cup and a G7 Summit. Yet there is no reliable empirical evidence for its efficacy; indeed, many claims made about its effects seem unprovable. What exactly does vibraimage measure and how has it acquired the power to penetrate the highest profile and most sensitive security infrastructure across Russia and Asia? I first trace the development of the emotion recognition industry, before examining attempts by vibraimage’s developers and affiliates scientifically to legitimate the technology, concluding that the disciplining power and corporate value of vibraimage are generated through its very opacity, in contrast to increasing demands across the social sciences for transparency. I propose the term ‘suspect artificial intelligence (AI)’ to describe the growing number of systems like vibraimage that algorithmically classify suspects/non-suspects, yet are themselves deeply suspect. Popularising this term may help resist such technologies’ reductivist approaches to ‘reading’—and exerting authority over—emotion, intentionality and agency.
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32

Yilanci, Veli, Muhammed Sehid Gorus, and Sakiru Adebola Solarin. "Convergence in per capita carbon footprint and ecological footprint for G7 countries: Evidence from panel Fourier threshold unit root test." Energy & Environment, April 29, 2021, 0958305X2110114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958305x211011461.

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This paper aims to explore the convergence of per capita carbon and ecological footprints in G7 countries during 1961–2016. For this purpose, we propose a new unit root test in the panel setting–the panel Fourier threshold unit root test. This test takes into consideration both multiple smooth structural changes and nonlinearity. According to the literature, the power of the nonlinear unit root tests is reduced in the case of ignoring structural breaks. Therefore, we expect to get more reliable empirical findings by utilizing this methodology. The empirical results of this paper show that these series have nonlinear behaviors for the period 1961–2016. Furthermore, they demonstrate that the absolute convergence hypothesis is valid in G7 countries for both regimes. Thus, governments can conduct common environmental policies, including international climate summits and agreements, instead of national-based policies to mitigate environmental deterioration in their countries.
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Tianqing Du, Naiwen Xue. "Effects of green manures during fallow on moisture and nutrients of soil and winter wheat yield on the Loss Plateau of China." Emirates Journal of Food and Agriculture, January 12, 2018, 978. http://dx.doi.org/10.9755/ejfa.2017.v29.i12.1568.

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The application of catch crops as a green manure can enhance soil fertility owing to improving soil nutrients. We conducted one year field experiment to evaluate the effect of catch crops [Rapeseed (Brassica napus L.) under different sowing rates and Soy bean (Glycine max L.)] with biological organic fertilizer 1,500 kg/ha on wheat yield and soil nutrients. The green manures were sown on 3th July 2015 during summer fallow. At the beginning, there were five treatments as follows: R1 (Rapeseed and sowing rate was 7.5 kg/ha); R2 (Rapeseed and sowing rate was 15 kg/ha); R3 (Rapeseed and sowing rate was 22.5 kg/ha); S (Soy bean and sowing rate was 105 kg/ha); C (Control was bare field). Every green manure treatment was split into two treatments on 27th September 2015. One treatment we turned the above ground biomass of green manure into the soil. And another treatment we harvested the above ground biomass of green manure. The above ground biomass turned into soil treatments were G1, G3, G5 and G7. The above ground biomass harvested treatments were G2, G4, G6 and G8. The treatment C was still the bare field. Soil samples were taken twice to measure soil moisture and nutrients at two stages. One stage was in autumn before winter wheat sowing and another stage was in next year summer after wheat harvest. The significantly highest 1,000-grain weight and grain yield belonged to the treatment C, which were 10.69%-36.87% and 16.86%-72.5% higher than that of the green manures treatments. After wheat harvest, the 0-20 cm soil available N and total N of G7 were 51.40%-20.45% and 95.12%-125.35% significantly better than that of other treatments. The significantly highest soil total P of 0-20 cm belonged to G3 after wheat harvest, which was 25%-45.83% better than other treatments. Before wheat sowing, the treatment C kept the significantly lowest soil available K of five layers. The 0-20 cm and 20-40 cm soil organic matter of the treatment S was 40.28%-71.12% and 53.92%-122.67% significantly higher than other treatments before wheat sowing. Therefore, growing rapeseed and soy bean during summer fallow in this region significantly reduced 1,000-grain weight and grain yield of subsequent winter wheat. But the incorporation of green manures improved the soil nutrients to some extent.
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Macedo, Gustavo Guerino, Carmem Estefânia Zúccari, and Eliane Vianna Costa e Silva. "Temperature and humidity in the Brazilian tropical summer affecting the in vivo embryo production of Nelore breed in superovulation program." Archives of Veterinary Science 17, no. 1 (2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.5380/avs.v17i1.21446.

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This study used Nelore embryo donors to evaluate the effects of summer temperatures and humidity in a tropical area on embryo recovery. Seventeen cows were randomly assigned to three groups (G1, G2 and G3) as well as 28 heifers into four groups (G4, G5, G6 and G7), and underwent a consecutive 4 d superovulation protocol (Day 0 to 3) and two artificial inseminations (AI; Day 4 and 5). Cortisol concentrations were determined on Day 0, 4 and 5. Temperature and humidity index (THI) was recorded from Days 0 to 7. Embryos were recovered on Day 11, and evaluated for quality and quantity. Heifers experienced higher thermal load than cows, however, there was no difference in the cortisol and reproductive parameters measured between both. The THI measured throughout the experiment oscillated between 65.8 and 85.2 (76.1 ± 3.9), which is a dangerous range for thermal comfort, especially above 78. Animals from G5 were subjected to high THI throughout the experimental protocol, approaching a dangerous condition (78.7 ± 0.9) on Day 4 (first AI). The THI for G2 cattle was also high, as in the other groups, but increased to over 80 two days after AI. Animals from group G5 had the lowest viable production being 2.4 ± 0.9 embryos (38% of viability), followed by cattle from group G2 (3.0 ± 0.9 viable, P<0.05). Thus, high thermal load in the summer expressed by high THI, on the day and post- insemination days (during embryo cleavage), compromises embryo numbers, viability and consequently reproductive performance of Nelore females.
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