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1

Rettig, Max. "Gacaca: Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation in Postconflict Rwanda?" African Studies Review 51, no. 3 (2008): 25–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.0.0091.

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Abstract:In institutionalizing gacaca, the Rwandan government has launched one of the most ambitious transitional justice projects the world has ever seen. But gacaca is controversial, and its contribution to postconflict reconciliation is unclear. Through public opinion surveys, trial observations, and interviews, this study provides a window into how gacaca has shaped interethnic relations in one Rwandan community. Although gacaca has brought more people to trial than the ICTR, transnational trials, and the ordinary Rwandan courts combined, gacaca exposes—and perhaps deepens—conflict, resent
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2

Drumbl, M. A. "Post-Genocide Justice in Rwanda." Journal of International Peacekeeping 22, no. 1-4 (2020): 247–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-0220104016.

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The Rwandan genocide triggered a vast number of criminal and quasi-criminal prosecutions. Rwanda therefore constitutes an example of a robust and rapid implementation of criminal accountability for atrocity. Rwanda, moreover, departed from other countries – such as South Africa – by eschewing a truth and reconciliation process as part of a transitional justice process. This chapter unpacks three levels of judicialization that promoted criminal responsibility for atrocity in Rwanda: the ICTR, specialized chambers of national courts, and gacaca proceedings. The ICTR indicted roughly 90 individua
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3

Megwalu, Amaka, and Neophytos Loizides. "Dilemmas of Justice and Reconciliation: Rwandans and the Gacaca Courts." African Journal of International and Comparative Law 18, no. 1 (2010): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0954889009000486.

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Following the 1994 genocide, several justice initiatives were implemented in Rwanda, including a tribunal established by the United Nations, Rwanda's national court system and Gacaca, a ‘traditional’ community-run conflict resolution mechanism adapted to prosecute genocide perpetrators. Since their inception in 2001, the Gacaca courts have been praised for their efficiency and for widening participation, but criticised for lack of due process, trained personnel and attention to atrocities committed by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). To evaluate these criticisms, we present preliminary findi
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4

Gasanabo, Jean-Damascène, Donatien Nikuze, Hollie Nyseth Brehm, and Hannah Parks. "Rwanda’s Inyangamugayo: Perspectives from Practitioners in the Gacaca Transitional Justice Mechanism." Genocide Studies and Prevention 14, no. 2 (2020): 153–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.14.2.1642.

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The Gacaca courts have been the subject of much academic work. Yet, few studies have examined the elected individuals who presided over Gacaca court trials, reflecting a broader paucity of research on local practitioners of transitional justice. Accordingly, this study asks two questions: (1) How did the Gacaca court judges, known as Inyangamugayo, perceive their duties to fight impunity and facilitate reconciliation? And (2) What challenges did the Inyangamugayo face as they sought to implement these duties? To address these questions, we interviewed 135 former Inyangamugayo. Our interviews s
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5

O’Reilly, Colin, and Yi Zhang. "Post-genocide justice: The Gacaca courts." Development Policy Review 36, no. 5 (2018): 561–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/dpr.12281.

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6

Nyseth Brehm, Hollie, Christopher Uggen, and Jean-Damascène Gasanabo. "Genocide, Justice, and Rwanda’s Gacaca Courts." Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 30, no. 3 (2014): 333–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1043986214536660.

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7

Ingelaere, Bert. "‘Does the truth pass across the fire without burning?’ Locating the short circuit in Rwanda's Gacaca courts." Journal of Modern African Studies 47, no. 4 (2009): 507–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0999005x.

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ABSTRACTThe modernised tradition of the Gacaca courts has become the key mechanism for dealing with the past in Rwanda. The process needs to establish accountability for all acts of genocide and to foster reconciliation. Nevertheless, popular narratives and survey results reveal that a widespread ‘crisis’ accompanied the initial stages of the Gacaca process. We argue that a problematic quest for the truth is short-circuiting reconciliation in post-genocide Rwanda. Truth-telling is the cornerstone of the transitional justice framework due to the design of the Gacaca tribunals. On the basis of t
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8

Tangwe, Abraham Tamukum, Gloire Sebuyange Victoire, and Patrick Kofi Benyin. "The Relevance of Home-Grown Solutions: A Comparative Analogy of Gacaca and Abunzi Mediation in Rwanda." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 10, no. 10 (2023): 180–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.1010.15674.

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This paper examines the impact of the Gacaca and its contributions to the restoration of justice and reconciliation in Rwanda after the genocide, in relation to the Abunzi committees with the objective of assessing its relevance and why it was disbanded. The rationale is to know how the Gacaca system inspired a series of other home-grown solutions aiming at disputes settlement in a peaceful way, with much emphasis to the Abunzi committees. To attain this, the researchers adopted a qualitative approach using a thematic review through a desk study where a thematic analysis was used to compare an
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9

Reyntjens, Filip. "Le gacaca ou la justice du gazon au Rwanda." Politique africaine 40, no. 1 (1990): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polaf.1990.5421.

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The gacaca or lawn justice in rwanda. In Rwanda, neighbourhood meetings on the lawn (Gacaca) are the locally-recognized context for resolving legal disputes without legal provisions or state organization. It is a contemporary phenomenon, based on custom, which rests mainly on reconciling proximity disputes rather than reinforcing official jurisdictional authority. In this case, the possibility to choose between several courts improves access to justice and the elaboration of origi¬ nal judicial solutions better able to meet some local jurisdictional needs. Thus, jurisdictional pluralism repres
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10

Mokoena, Jean-Paul, and Emmanuel Nshimiyimana. "Traditional Conflict Resolution in Modern Peacebuilding: Gacaca Courts in Post-Genocide Rwanda." Culture. Society. Economy. Politics 5, no. 1 (2025): 23–37. https://doi.org/10.2478/csep-2025-0003.

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Abstract Following the 1994 genocide, Rwanda established the Gacaca courts as a hybrid justice mechanism to address crimes of mass atrocity through a blend of traditional and formal legal practices. This study employs a qualitative case study approach, using document analysis to evaluate the courts’ role in justice, reconciliation, and peacebuilding. The findings show that the Gacaca system facilitated truth-telling, reduced prison overcrowding, and promoted community-level accountability. However, it also faced procedural inconsistencies, local biases, and risks of retraumatization. Notably,
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11

Corey, A. "Retributive justice: The Gacaca courts in Rwanda." African Affairs 103, no. 410 (2004): 73–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adh007.

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12

Paradelle, Muriel, and Hélène Dumont. "L’emprunt à la culture, un atout dans le jugement du crime de génocide ?*." Criminologie 39, no. 2 (2007): 97–135. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/014430ar.

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Résumé Les auteures s’intéressent aux juridictions traditionnelles gacaca telles que réformées par le législateur rwandais afin de pouvoir être saisies de poursuites criminelles liées au génocide. Elles examinent les raisons qui ont amené les autorités gouvernementales à parier sur ce mode coutumier de justice dans une optique de réconciliation nationale et à réinvestir ce type de justice de proximité. Elles analysent ensuite les altérations profondes apportées au fonctionnement originel de ces instances qui empruntent tout à la fois à la palabre africaine et au droit pénal de facture occident
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13

Doughty, Kristin C. "Inside Rwanda’s Gacaca Courts: Seeking Justice After Genocide." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 51, no. 2 (2017): 337–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2017.1342938.

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14

Crahay, Frédéric. "Les procès." Les procès 138 (2024): 40–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/11x5c.

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Ce dossier aborde les procès d’Istanbul et des médecins de Nuremberg. Il s’intéresse également à la poursuite des criminels de guerre en Belgique (1944-1951), et au système de justice microlocal des gacaca au Rwanda.
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15

KIRKBY, COEL. "RWANDA'S GACACA COURTS: A PRELIMINARY CRITIQUE." Journal of African Law 50, no. 2 (2006): 94–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855306000106.

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Just over a decade after the 1994 genocide, over 1,000 accused languish in Rwandan prisons. The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and the nation's domestic courts have struggled to bring them to trial. In response, the Rwandan government has embarked on an experiment in mass justice: the gacaca courts. The new courts are inspired by traditional dispute resolution mechanisms. The judges are elected by popular vote in their cells to hear cases such as murder, assault and property offences. The system permits appeals (except for property crimes), though not to the domestic courts. The se
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16

Dumas, Hélène. "Histoire, justice et réconciliation : les juridictions gacaca au Rwanda." Mouvements 53, no. 1 (2008): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/mouv.053.0110.

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17

Geraghty, Mark Anthony. "Gacaca, Genocide, Genocide Ideology: The Violent Aftermaths of Transitional Justice in the New Rwanda." Comparative Studies in Society and History 62, no. 3 (2020): 588–618. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417520000183.

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AbstractThis article investigates the violent aftermaths of Rwanda's 1994 Genocide and Liberation war by analyzing its Gacaca Courts, which framed themselves as a “traditional” mechanism of transitional justice. These specialized genocide tribunals, in operation between 2002 and 2012, authorized laypersons to sentence their neighbors to up to life in prison. They passed judgment on almost two million cases, at an official conviction rate of 86 percent. I argue that through their practice, “genocide” came to be constituted as a crime whose contours extended far beyond the boundaries of any inte
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18

Lingnau, Hildegard. "An alternative approach to justice – the Gacaca jurisdictions in Rwanda." Verfassung in Recht und Übersee 36, no. 4 (2003): 582–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0506-7286-2003-4-582.

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19

Paradelle, Muriel. "Gacaca : Un système de justice micro‑local pour juger un génocide “macrosocial”." Les procès 138 (2024): 78–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/11x5y.

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Dans le cadre de cet article, il s’agira de s’intéresser aux caractéristiques du génocide des Tutsi qui ont conduit les autorités rwandaises à choisir d’investir, en le réinventant, un mode traditionnel de résolution des conflits, le gacaca. Comment ce système de justice dans sa « version génocidaire » permet-il de répondre aux contours de massacres constitutifs de ce génocide dit « de proximité » ?
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20

Gilani, Syed Raza Shah, Zahid Ullah, and Kiramat Ullah. "THE RWANDAN GENOCIDE (1994): A NEW PERSPECTIVE ON ITS CAUSES AND ON THE INDIFFERENCE OF THE INTERNATIONAL ACTORS AND INSTITUTIONS TOWARDS THE GENOCIDE." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 04, no. 04 (2022): 708–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v4i04.884.

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This Article explores the political, ethical, and legal implications of the Rwandan genocide, on the one hand, and the unsatisfactory role of the US and the UN in averting and/or containing the murderous violence, on the other. In addition, this article examines the advantages and disadvantages of community courts, i.e., the Gacaca Tribunals, which were established for trying/prosecuting those who were allegedly involved in the genocide. The role of the Gacaca Tribunals is analyzed in terms of their shortcomings in meting out justice to the perpetrators of the genocide at the grassroot level.
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21

Musengimana, Jonas. "Restorative Justice and Post-Genocide Reconciliation: Ethical Implications and Community Healing in Rwanda." Journal of Ethics in Higher Education, no. 5 (January 8, 2025): 241–61. https://doi.org/10.26034/fr.jehe.2024.6897.

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This paper explores the role of restorative justice in post-genocide reconciliation in Rwanda, focusing on its ethical implications and impact on community healing. Following the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi, Rwanda faced the challenge of addressing survivors' trauma, fostering national unity, and reconciling a divided society. Key initiatives, including the Gacaca court system, emphasized dialogue, accountability, and forgiveness to promote healing. Using restorative justice and social reconstruction theories as its conceptual frameworks, this study examines how restorative justice fosters
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22

Nyseth Brehm, Hollie, Laura C. Frizzell, Christopher Uggen, and Evelyn Gertz. "Consequences of judging in transitional justice courts." British Journal of Criminology 61, no. 5 (2021): 1169–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azab008.

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Abstract Research has found that participation in transitional justice (TJ) is associated with increased social capital and decreased well-being. This article extends this scholarship by examining how TJ mechanisms affect the social capital and well-being of the people who implement them via interviews with 135 Rwandan gacaca court judges. In terms of well-being, judges discuss pride and confidence yet also highlight stress and trauma. In terms of social capital, many judges are now mediators and local leaders, though numerous judges have also experienced grudges from the families of those the
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23

Venter, Christine M. "Eliminating Fear Through Recreating Community in Rwanda: The Role of the Gacaca Courts." Texas Wesleyan Law Review 13, no. 2 (2007): 577–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/twlr.v13.i2.11.

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More than a decade after the Rwandan genocide, the sheer magnitude of what took place still has the power to shock us: 800,000 people brutally murdered in a 100 day period; 500,000 who participated in some way in the genocide or in genocide related crimes; and the fact that the U.N. and western powers could allow this to happen without intervention. Given these horrendous facts, the notion of obtaining "justice" for the victims of the Rwandan genocide seems impossible. How can one speak of justice when one group of Rwandan society, the Hutus, came to see the other group of society, Tutsis and
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24

Trzpis-Szysz, Katarzyna. "Judicial Dialogue after the Genocide in Rwanda." International Community Law Review 21, no. 5 (2019): 421–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18719732-12341411.

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Abstract In this study, the author describes the dialogue between the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and the Gacaca courts after one of the bloodiest conflicts in the contemporary history of Africa – the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. The purpose of this work is to show how international and internal cooperation can influence the solving of armed conflicts, especially in the process seeking justice for the civilian casualties. By recalling the historical context, the author emphasizes the importance of the juridical basics, which are established immediately after the armed conflicts. Fur
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25

Brehm, Hollie Nyseth, Christi Smith, and Evelyn Gertz. "Producing Expertise in a Transitional Justice Setting: Judges at Rwanda’s Gacaca Courts." Law & Social Inquiry 44, no. 1 (2019): 78–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12347.

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26

Lahiri, Karan. "Rwanda's 'Gacaca' Courts A Possible model for local Justice in International Crime?" International Criminal Law Review 9, no. 2 (2009): 321–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181209x418544.

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27

ÖZDEMİR, Omca. "The Foundation of the Gacaca Jurisdiction as a Socio-Legal Judicial Mechanism within Transitional Justice." Ankara Hacı Bayram Veli Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi 26, no. 3 (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.34246/ahbvuhfd.1131799.

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1994 yılında Ruanda’da gerçekleşen soykırım; yüz gün içerisinde mağdur edilenlerin muazzam sayısı, Hutu nüfusunun katliama geniş katılımı ve genel olarak öncesinde belirli sosyal ilişkileri bulunan failler ve mağdurlar arasında mesafe olmaksızın gerçekleşen zulmün vahşeti ile soykırımlar tarihinde kendine özgü bir şekilde yerini almıştır. Soykırımın bu belirleyici nitelikleri, Ruanda toplumunun soykırım sonrası geçiş adaletine ilişkin tercihlerinde etkili olmuştur. Bu niteliklerin yansıması olan soykırım sonrası toplumsal durum, hem içerdiği maddi imkânların kısıtlılığı hem de parçalanmış sosy
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28

Rombouts, Heidy. "Truth and reconciliation: Should the key notions be revised?: Experiences from South-Africa and Rwanda." Temida 5, no. 4 (2002): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/tem0204033r.

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Both the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the Gacaca tribunals, which started recently in Rwanda, are framed in terms of truth and reconciliation. But what does the truth mean? What does reconciliation mean? It can be argued that searching the truth has a very precise meaning - namely determining the details of what factually happened. And it is in this sense that most people understand the search for the truth. However it can be questioned whether this fact-finding is what the search for truth aims at in a context of transitional justice. .
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29

Myl, Małgorzata. "Reconciliation Processes In Rwanda. The Importance of Tradition and Culture for Transitional Justice." Przegląd Prawniczy Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza 11 (December 30, 2020): 83–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ppuam.2020.11.05.

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In 1994, Rwanda suffered one of the worst genocides in history. It is estimated that up to 1,000,000 people were killed in the 100 days of mass slaughter. In 2019, 25 years after the atrocities, Rwanda and Rwandans are still involved in transitional processes aimed at rebuilding the country, handling the past crimes and, ultimately, achieving reconciliation. In the first part of the paper the significance of the reconciliation is elaborated. Reconciliation is often presumed to be one of the main goals for transitional justice and an essential element for rebuilding peace and security in post-c
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30

Nowotny, Jordan. "The limits of post-genocide justice in Rwanda: assessing gacaca from the perspective of survivors." Contemporary Justice Review 23, no. 4 (2020): 401–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10282580.2020.1719365.

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31

Schotsmans, M. "'But We Also Support Monitoring': INGO Monitoring and Donor Support to Gacaca Justice in Rwanda." International Journal of Transitional Justice 5, no. 3 (2011): 390–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijtj/ijr029.

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32

Vallière Luhahe, G., and F. Rognon. "Rwanda après le génocide des Tutsi : les juridictions « Gacaca », une justice pédagogique, pénale et restauratrice." Éthique & Santé 14, no. 2 (2017): 78–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.etiqe.2017.03.002.

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33

Ingelaere, Bert. "Learning “To Be” Kinyarwanda in Postgenocide Rwanda: Immersion, Iteration, and Reflexivity in Times of Transition." Canadian Journal of Law and Society / Revue Canadienne Droit et Société 30, no. 02 (2015): 277–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cls.2015.15.

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Abstract The research activity generating data in times of transition is subject to politicization and needs to deal with widespread distrust due to the legacy of violence or atrocity. This article discusses the main principles of a research design that took into account these hindrances by making prudence its basic tenet. The objective was to generate understanding of the functioning of Rwanda’s gacaca court process through a heightened awareness in data collection. In doing so, this article calls attention to the importance of a reflective and adaptive research process in times of transition
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34

Thomson, S., and R. Nagy. "Law, Power and Justice: What Legalism Fails to Address in the Functioning of Rwanda's Gacaca Courts." International Journal of Transitional Justice 5, no. 1 (2010): 11–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijtj/ijq024.

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35

SADAT, LEILA. "Transjudicial Dialogue and the Rwandan Genocide: Aspects of Antagonism and Complementarity." Leiden Journal of International Law 22, no. 3 (2009): 543–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156509990082.

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AbstractThe Rwandan genocide remains one of the most horrific atrocities of the twentieth century, resulting in the death of an estimated 500–800,000 human beings, massacred over a 100-day period. In the fourteen years since the genocide, attempts at justice and reconciliation in Rwanda have involved a delicate interplay between national legal systems and the international legal order. This article examines three fora in which Rwandans have been tried for involvement in the genocide: the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, Rwandan courts including Gacaca tribunals, and French attempts
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36

Sarkin, Jeremy. "THE TENSION BETWEEN JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION IN RWANDA: POLITICS, HUMAN RIGHTS, DUE PROCESS AND THE ROLE OF THE GACACA COURTS IN DEALING WITH THE GENOCIDE." Journal of African Law 45, no. 2 (2001): 143–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0221855301001675.

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Rwanda, since the genocide of 1994, has had immense difficulty in dealing with the past. It has pursued the model of prosecutions without being able to bring many of the alleged perpetrators before the courts. The article examines why this is so, as well as the political situation in Rwanda in the context of the country's human rights record, to determine whether sufficient weight is being given to truth, reconciliation, peace and stability. The proposed new gacaca community courts are examined to determine whether the stated government intention of using these structures to deal with genocide
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37

Mark, James, and Phil Clark. "Not Nuremberg—Histories of Alternative Criminalization Paradigms, 1945–2021: An Introduction." Humanity: An International Journal of Human Rights, Humanitarianism, and Development 15, no. 1 (2024): 41–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hum.2024.a941435.

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Abstract: The Western myth of Nuremberg has dominated understandings of the evolution of international criminal law. Enshrining the International Military Tribunal as a critical point of origin, this paradigm has developed a narrative of post-war liberal progress, in which a universal model of externally-delivered, individualised criminal justice was interrupted by the exigencies of the Cold War then rediscovered through various international and hybrid tribunals in the 1990s and early 2000s, culminating in the creation of the International Criminal Court in 2002. Often instrumentalised to pro
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38

Panepinto, Alice. "Phil Clark, The Gacaca Courts, Post-Genocide Justice and Reconciliation in Rwanda: Justice Without Lawyers. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2010, ISBN: 978-0-521-19348-1, 388 pp." International Criminal Law Review 12, no. 1 (2012): 101–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181211x617766.

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39

Fisher, Duncan, and Jolyon Mitchell. "Portraying Forgiveness through Documentary Film." Studies in World Christianity 18, no. 2 (2012): 154–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2012.0013.

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At the heart of this article is an analysis of two documentary films that focus on the topic of forgiveness, one in Rwanda, in the wake of the 1994 genocide, and the other in northern Uganda, following the ravages of the Lord's Resistance Army. This essay includes a description of the production background of both films, a brief outline of the historical context in which they are set, and a more detailed examination of both documentaries. Special focus is placed upon how these films reflect the way in which local traditions are used in the aftermath of violence in an attempt to bring about rec
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Rutayisire, Theoneste, and Annemiek Richters. "In the Shadow of a Parent’s Genocidal Crimes in Rwanda: The Impact of Ambiguous Loss on the Everyday Life of Children of (Ex-)Prisoners." Genealogy 8, no. 4 (2024): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy8040143.

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In Rwanda, following the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, many people were found guilty of genocide crimes and imprisoned. Their children ended up in a situation of ambiguous loss during and after a parent’s imprisonment. The article presents the multidimensional impact of this loss on the everyday lives of these children and their families according to key themes as they emerged from an ethnographic study in which 21 children and their family members participated. Themes include changed family dynamics and family stress, economic deprivation, incomprehension of a parent’s criminal past, the s
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VERHOEVEN, HARRY. "PHIL CLARK, The Gacaca Courts, Post-Genocide Justice and Reconciliation in Rwanda: justice without lawyers. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (pb £65.00 – 978 0 52119 348 1). 2010, pp. 392." Africa 81, no. 3 (2011): 507–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972011000362.

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42

Evseev, Aleksandr. "The primitive criminal as a special type of international criminal — African cases." Meždunarodnoe pravosudie 14, no. 3 (2024): 90–107. https://doi.org/10.21128/2226-2059-2024-3-90-107.

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This article discusses the nature and characteristics of the primitive criminal in the context of a general typology of in-ternational criminals previously developed by the author. This type of criminal is prevalent on the African continent and in a number of Third World countries. An emphasis is placed on the unique personality traits of these criminals, in particular their inherent animism, spiritualism, and often lack of literacy. Particular attention is paid to the oral type of culture in which the primitive criminal is immersed. In turn, this leads to the tangible impact of rumors, legend
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43

Lala, Girish, Craig McGarty, Emma F. Thomas, et al. "Messages of Hope: Using Positive Stories of Survival to Assist Recovery in Rwanda." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 2, no. 1 (2014): 450–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v2i1.290.

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For the past twenty years, the overriding story of Rwanda has been centred around the events and consequences of the genocide. In Rwanda, public expressions of that story have occurred in the gacaca courts, where survivors and perpetrators testified about their experiences and actions, during ongoing annual remembrance and mourning commemorations, and in memorial sites across the country that act as physical reminders of the genocide. While important as mechanisms for justice, testimony, and commemoration, on their own such events and installations also have the potential to re-traumatise. Acc
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Rafferty, Judith. ""I Wanted Them to Be Punished or at Least Ask Us for Forgiveness”: Justice Interests of Female Victim-Survivors of Conflict-Related Sexual Violence and Their Experiences with Gacaca." Genocide Studies and Prevention 12, no. 3 (2018): 95–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.12.3.1556.

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45

Allinne, Jean-Pierre. "Les gacaca du Rwanda : justices traditionnelles ou justices transitionnelles ?" Histoire de la justice N° 33, no. 1 (2022): 183–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhj.033.0183.

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Iglesias, Vázquez María del Ángel. "África y la Justicia Internacional: una agitada relación." Deusto Journal of Human Rights 6 (December 21, 2024): 153–77. https://doi.org/10.18543/djhr.1910.

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El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo el poner sobre la mesa el problema habido sobre las relaciones entre los Estados africanos y la justicia internacional, en especial por lo que al Tribunal Penal Internacional se refiere. Trata de mostrar que, si bien el Protocolo de Malabo no ha tenido el éxito esperado por sus redactores, la justicia regional ha estado trabajando demostrando su eficacia. Y es que diversas causas, como el malestar de los Estados del continente por sentirse foco de atención de La Haya clamando una suerte de doble estándar en la actuación d
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Ibreck, Rachel. "Investing in Authoritarian Rule: Punishment and Patronage in Rwanda's Gacaca Courts for Genocide Crimes by Anuradha Chakravarty New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016. Pp ix + 367, £64·99 (hbk). - Inside Rwanda's Gacaca Courts: Seeking Justice after Genocide by Bert Ingelaere Madison, WI: The University of Wisconsin Press, 2016. Pp xi + 234, US$64.99 (hbk). - Courts in Conflict: Interpreting the Layers of Justice in Post-Genocide Rwanda by Nicola Palmer Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015. Pp v + 224, £59·00 (hbk)." Journal of Modern African Studies 56, no. 1 (2018): 169–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x17000532.

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Beristaín, Carlos Martín, Darío Páez, Bernard Rimé, and Patrick Kanyangara. "Efectos psicosociales de la participación en rituales de justicia transicional." Revista de Psicología 28, no. 1 (2010): 9–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.18800/psico.201001.001.

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El análisis de las experiencias de la Comisión de la Verdad y la Reconciliación en Sudáfrica, los juicios populares o Gacaca en Ruanda y los rituales de los procesos de transición a la democracia concluye que la participación en comisiones y juicios implica un coste emocional para los participantes (aumenta la emocionalidad negativa y los síntomas) y aumenta el clima emocional negativo en la sociedad, pero también aumenta la sensación de control y eficacia de los participantes, disminuye algunas emociones negativas en los sobrevivientes como la vergüenza, y aumenta los estereotipos positivos y
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Semchinskyy, Konstyantyn. "Key Features of Post-conflict Reconciliation and Building Peace in Rwanda." International Relations: Theory and Practical Aspects, no. 8 (December 21, 2021): 76–84. https://doi.org/10.31866/2616-745x.8.2021.249020.

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The author examines the peculiarities of the process of post-conflict reconciliation and peacebuilding in Rwanda, determines the role of international and local justice in the post-conflict reconciliation and punishment of perpetrators of mass genocide, identifies features of state policy to eliminate genocide and restore justice. Using historical, analytical and comparative methods, the author concludes that gachacha tribunals as a means of restorative justice have helped to restore trust and social harmony in Rwandan society, to regenerate its value and cultural matrix. The study found that
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Jessee, Erin. "Kristin Conner Doughty, Remediation in Rwanda: grassroots legal forums. Philadelphia PA: University of Pennsylvania Press (hb US$65 – 978 0 812 24783 1). 2016, 283 pp.Bert Ingelaere, Inside Rwanda's Gacaca Courts: seeking justice after genocide. Madison WI: University of Wisconsin Press (hb US$64.95 – 978 0 299 30970 1; pb US$21.95 – 978 0 299 30974 9). 2017, 234 pp." Africa 89, no. 03 (2019): 608–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972019000548.

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