Journal articles on the topic 'Gall causing insects'

Freezing of animals is often portrayed to begin after they supercool several degrees Celsius below the melting point of body fluids. This supposition is based on laboratory protocol that usually exposes animals only to dry air during freezing episodes, whereas, in nature, animals may be in direct contact with external ice or snow at temperatures above the supercooling point of their body fluids. This raises the possibility that ice nucleation may occur across the epithelium or cuticle, causing the freezing of body fluids. We tested this possibility in two freeze-tolerant animals, the wood frog, Rana sylvatica, and the goldenrod gall fly, Eurosta solidaginis. Frogs remained supercooled for 3 h at −1.5 to −2.0 °C when kept on an unfrozen surface; however, they began to freeze in less than 30 s after coming in direct contact with ice crystals. Seeding occurred in less than 1 min across isolated patches of frog skin held in a modified Ussing chamber. Similarly, externally moistened larvae of E. solidaginis froze at higher temperatures than dry larvae. Likewise, within galls containing a relatively high water content (65.8%), larvae froze at higher temperatures than ones found in drier galls (19.6%). Therefore, animals may freeze at high subzero temperatures, at or near the melting point of their body fluids, owing to transepithelial ice inoculation. In E. solidaginis, exposure to sufficient moisture to trigger inoculation declines as winter approaches; thus, this avenue for freezing seems limited to autumn, when plant galls have a high water content. This study further emphasizes the need to use care in extrapolating laboratory-determined supercooling points as an approximation of the response of animals in the field.

Adelgids (Hemiptera: Adelgidae) gall vegetative and reproductive shoots of interior spruce (Picea spp.), causing growth impairment, seed loss, and aesthetic decline. We tested the theory that susceptibility to galling is under genetic control in spruce. We assessed natural galling incidence in a spruce progeny test located in southern British Columbia. The experiment was composed of a replicated 13-parent incomplete, partial diallel with 42 full-sib families. Moderate evidence of genetic control of susceptibility–resistance was observed with individual narrow-sense heritability of 0.17. We observed considerable genetic variation among parents for resistance to gall formation as shown by high heritability (0.87) of family means. Breeding values for parental susceptibility to adelgid attack ranged between 0.25 and 0.76, indicating that selection for reduced susceptibility would be successful. The benefits of screening for resistance to adelgid attack are discussed in relation to adelgid pest management, insect’s life-cycle, and tree health.

A new species of eriococcid scale insect, Ovaticoccus amplicoxae, is described from Belize. The species has enormous hind coxae, unlike any described so far in this genus, or in related genera. In life, the species galls the leaves to such an extent that it has been impossible to identify the host plant.

One new phyllocoptine species and two eriophyine species collected in Norther-West Iran are described and illustrated: Aculops shalchii Lotfollahi sp. nov. (Phyllocoptinae) from Sweet Clover, Melilotus indicus (L.) All. (Fabaceae), Eriophyes euphorbiae (Nalepa, 1891) from Euphorbia boissieriana (Woronow) Prokh. (Euphorbiaceae) and Aceria rubiae (Canestrini, 1897) from Rubia tinctorum L. (Rubiaceae). Our supplementary data on morphology of A. rubiae and E. euphorpbiae indicate that they both have a thin translucent supracapitular plate situated below the frontal lobe of the prodorsal shield. Data from literature suggest A. rubiae and E. euphorbiae to be gall-forming species, however no visible damages causing by these mites were found in Iran.

El café (Coffea arabica L.) es de mucha importancia para Nicaragua, tanto económica, como social y ambiental, representando aproximadamente el 25% de las exportaciones. La caficultura es considerada una de las principales fuentes de empleo, alcanzando 63% en las zonas rurales y alrededor del 14% a nivel nacional. El cultivo de café es vulnerable a plagas artrópodas y agentes microbiológicos que afectan hojas, tallos, raíces y frutos, causando pérdidas en los rendimientos. La broca del fruto del café (Hypothenemus hampei, Ferrari) (Coleoptera: Curculionidae) es el principal insecto plaga del café en el país por su daño causado y los elevados costos económicos destinados en su manejo. Siguiendo en importancia, la cochinilla (Planococcus spp) (Hemiptera: Pseudococcidae), que infesta brotes foliares y florales, en infestaciones severas, causa amarillamiento de hojas, marchitamiento de yemas y aborto de frutos. Finalmente, las escamas (Coccus viridis, Green) (Hemiptera: Coccidae), insectos con amplio rango de distribución y abundantes en época seca, causan pérdidas por vigor, enanismo y reducción del número de frutos por planta. Este estudio, tuvo el propósito de contribuir al manejo de plagas del café a través de la evaluación de insecticidas químicos, botánicos y biológicos. Las variables evaluadas fueron, número de frutos brocados y número de escamas y cochinillas por planta. Los resultados indican que los mejores insecticidas para el manejo de broca del café, escamas y cochinillas fueron Galil seguido de Cormoran y Ecobiol, los cuales fueron, además, los tratamientos más rentables

Five new eriophyoid mites infesting weeds of the family Poaceae are described and illustrated from Egypt. They are Abacarus stagninis sp. nov. from Echinochloa stagnina (Retz.) P. Beauv., vagrants in grooves between veins on the upper leaf surface, causing discoloration of the leaves; and four new species from genus Aceria (A. echinochloae sp. nov., A. barnyardi sp. nov., and A. stagninis sp. nov.) from E. stagnina and E. crus–galli (L.) Beauv., and Aceria pennisetosa sp. nov., from Pennisetum purpureum Schumach. These species are vagrants underneath inner surface of the leaf sheath around stem and no symptoms were observed. However, A. barnyardi sp. nov. is a vagrant underneath inner surface of the leaf sheath around stem and are endoparasitic inside tissue of leaves causing rusted leaves.

Neonectria ditissima is a serious pathogen of apple. Low-virulent cultures of this fungus have been isolated from cankers, but how and why low-virulent isolates can infect apple is unknown. Rasp wounds on ‘Royal Gala’ trees were inoculated with agar plugs from six low-virulent N. ditissima isolates in a glasshouse. Neonectria ditissima was re-isolated 10 weeks after inoculation. Agar plugs from the re-isolated cultures were used to inoculate ‘Royal Gala’ trees again. After the second re-isolation, conidial suspensions of the original cultures and the 2 x 6 re-isolates were used to determine the virulence on ‘Royal Gala’ compared with field-collected conidia. Three cultures did not cause any lesions; neither did their re-isolates. The re-isolates of two cultures did not differ in virulence compared with the originals. However, the virulence of one isolate increased with each re-isolation, with the second re-isolation causing significantly more lesions, lesion development occurring faster and the lesions being larger than those caused by the original isolate. Therefore, the virulence of N. ditissima isolates can change over time, with loss or gain possibly being attributed to epigenetic and/or genetic changes in the genome.

AbstractThe Asian chestnut gall wasp, Dryocosmus kuriphilus, is an invasive pest causing significant damage to chestnut trees (Castanea spp., Fagaceae). Originating from China, it has recently invaded a wide range of regions in Europe and North America. Understanding the population genetic structure of important invasive pests is very useful for improving the knowledge concerning routes of expansion and colonizing capacity. Despite its economic importance, limited attention has been given to D. kuriphilus origin and spread, or to its genetic structure. In this study, D. kuriphilus populations sampled in eight European countries were screened using both mitochondrial (cytochrome c oxidase subunit 1; COI) and nuclear (internal transcribed spacer 2; ITS2) sequences, and Amplified Fragment Length Polymorphism (AFLP) markers. The molecular markers COI and ITS2 highlighted the presence of a single haplotype in all the studied populations. The recorded mitochondrial haplotype was identical to one of the most widespread haplotypes occurring in the native area (China). AFLP results indicated that D. kuriphilus individuals belong to two genetically distinct clusters without any further geographic clustering. These results suggest that D. kuriphilus populations in Europe could be the result of a single introduction of a Chinese founder population characterized by two genetically distinct lineages that subsequently spread rapidly across Europe. However, the possibility that populations originated from multiple introductions of the same Chinese mitochondrial haplotype cannot be excluded. The reported results provide useful information concerning this invasive species, potentially facilitating integrated pest management.

In Brazil, Xylella fastidiosa is present in citrus (Citrus sinensis), coffee (Coffea arabica), and plum (Prunus sp.) crops, causing the citrus variegated chlorosis (CVC), coffee leaf scorch (CLS), and plum leaf scald (PLS). Also present in these crops and infesting weeds, which ultimately could serve as sources of inoculum for the cultivated trees, are diverse populations of xylem-feeding leafhopper vectors. In order to assess host range of X. fastidiosa among weeds and to better understand their role in epidemics, field surveys, mechanical inoculations, and insect transmission tests were conducted. Polymerase chain reaction (PCR) and culture plating were used to detect the pathogen from plant tissues. X. fastidiosa was detected in 10 out of 23 species of the weed plants sampled in two citrus groves affected by CVC. None of the weed plants showed external symptoms. In the greenhouse, the average percentages of infection on plants mechanically inoculated with the CVC, CLS, and PLS strains of X. fastidiosa were, respectively, 25, 10, 0 in Medicago sativa; 70, 45, 20 in Echinochloa crus-galli; 45, 30, 0 in Brachiaria decumbens; 72, 70, 40 in Brachiaria plantaginea; 13, 10, 0 in Digitaria horizontalis; 31, 30, 0 in Solanum americanum; and 17, 0, 0 in Bidens pilosa. Symptoms were observed only in S. americanum and citrus and only when inoculated with the CVC strain. In insect transmission tests, the grass leafhopper Ferrariana trivittata was first caged on citrus plants showing CVC symptoms and then on healthy citrus and on the four most common weeds. No plants tested positive by PCR or culture, or showed symptoms for at least 4 months after inoculation. The amount of X. fastidiosa cells that may accumulate in weeds inoculated by leafhoppers is probably under insect acquisition thresholds, a factor that would limit their importance to the CVC epidemics, as studies on spatial distribution of diseased citrus trees over time indicate.

The study of Neonectria ditissima causing European canker in apple trees is often dependent on controlled inoculation of tree wounds and development of canker lesions. This makes the success of the initial inoculation crucial for time-efficient research. The effect of morning vs. evening inoculation on the successful development of canker lesions was investigated. Ninety-six ‘Royal Gala’ trees were inoculated on six different days (February—March 2017), which covered several different weather conditions. On each inoculation day, 16 trees were inoculated on four rasp and four picking wounds, at 10:00 and 19:00 hours. These were then assessed over the following 8 months for presence of disease symptoms. Irrespective of rain (0—4.5 mm rainfall at the day of inoculation), temperature (average daily temperature of 14.8—21.3˚C), and humidity (average daily relative humidity of 59.8—94.2% rH), neither the day nor the hour of inoculation affected symptom development. However, more inoculated wounds developed symptoms in rasp wounds (91%) than in picking wounds (63%). Under the environmental conditions tested, inoculation timing (date and hour) had little effect on N. ditissima symptom expression.

Abstract The alien cynipid wasp Dryocosmus kuriphilus Yasumatsu, 1951 is a serious pest of chestnuts (Castanea spp.) in Japan, North America and Europe, causing fruit losses while inducing galls in buds. While D. kuriphilus galls have a recognizable and roughly invariable globular shape, their size varies, reaching up to 4 cm in diameter. Among other factors, such variation may depend on different climatic conditions in different attacked areas. Here, we sampled and measured 375 D. kuriphilus galls from 25 localities throughout the Iberian Peninsula, including both cold and rainy northern (Eurosiberian) areas and warm and dry central-southern (Mediterranean) areas, to test the effects of climate and geographical location on gall morphology. The analyses indicate that gall mass and volume follow a pattern that can be associated with a climatic cline. In particular, the Eurosiberian galls were smaller than the Mediterranean galls according to differences in climatic conditions. In the southern areas, the greater insolation regime does not allow the chestnut trees to be distributed at lower altitudes, but the high rainfall and humidity regime of the mountain enclaves allow their presence. These conditions of insolation and precipitation seem to influence the morphological characteristics of the galls of D. kuriphilus.

Abstract The soybean gall midge (Resseliella maxima Gagné) was recently identified as a new species causing injury to soybean in the Midwestern United States. Although this insect was only recently identified, it has likely been present in soybean fields for at least the last 8 yr based on anecdotal reports. The soybean gall midge has historically been observed late in the season on soybean plants that were believed to have been previously compromised by a plant pathogen or mechanical damage with little to no concern for economic losses. In late June 2018, dead and dying plants were found to be associated with the soybean gall midge across four midwestern states. The distribution of plant injury in the field, larval feeding within the stem, and timing of infestation indicate that it is likely an important pest of soybean. Yield losses in soybean gall midge infested fields can be up to 100% for the first 30 meters from the field edge, with losses of 17–31% further into the field. The rapid development of the soybean gall midge as an important pest of soybean has left large gaps in the knowledge necessary to develop an integrated pest management program.

We report on one new species, Aceria asphodelinis n. sp., from inflorescences of Asphodeline taurica (Pall. ex Bieb.) Kunth (Xanthorrhoeaceae), one new combination, Paraphytoptus chondrillae (Canestrini 1891) n. comb. (transferred from Aceria), from deformed inflorescences of Chondrilla juncea L. (Compositae), and six new records of eriophyine mites (Eriophyoidea, Eriophyidae, Eriophyinae) in southeast Crimea: Aceria peucedani (Canestrini 1891) from flowers of Seseli tortuosum L. (Apiaceae), Aceria salviae (Nalepa 1891) from inflorescences of Salvia tesquicola Klokov & Pobed. (Lamiaceae), Aceria erinea (Nalepa 1891) and Aceria tristriata (Nalepa 1890) from leaf galls of Juglans regia L. (Juglandaceae), Eriophyes calycobius (Nalepa 1891) from buds of Crataegus monogyna Jacq. (Rosaceae), Eriophyes pyri (Pagenstecher 1857) from parenchymatous leaf galls (“blisters”) of Pyrus communis L. (Rosaceae). Partial mitochondrial Cox1 sequences (1155 bp, 385 amino acids) of six Aceria and Eriophyes species are provided (GenBank accession numbers: MW691978–MW691983; MW851284). Aceria salviae, previously reported as a gall-former, was found to be vagrant, causing no visible damage to the host plant. Data from the literature suggests that it may be quite common for conspecific eriophyoids to differ in their ability to cause galls on closely related hosts. We provide several hypotheses that may explain this phenomenon and highlight the need for testing them via field experiments as well as molecular methods. We also advocate for broader usage of barcoding techniques in the taxonomy of Eriophyoidea and underline the importance of increasing the number of publicly available barcodes for various eriophyoid taxa.

Neonicotinoids are the most widely used insecticides in the world and are implicated in the widespread population declines of insects including pollinators. Neonicotinoids target nicotinic acetylcholine receptors which are expressed throughout the insect central nervous system, causing a wide range of sub-lethal effects on non-target insects. Here, we review the potential of the fruit fly Drosophila melanogaster to model the sub-lethal effects of neonicotinoids on pollinators, by utilizing its well-established assays that allow rapid identification and mechanistic characterization of these effects. We compare studies on the effects of neonicotinoids on lethality, reproduction, locomotion, immunity, learning, circadian rhythms and sleep in D. melanogaster and a range of pollinators. We also highlight how the genetic tools available in D. melanogaster, such as GAL4/UAS targeted transgene expression system combined with RNAi lines to any gene in the genome including the different nicotinic acetylcholine receptor subunit genes, are set to elucidate the mechanisms that underlie the sub-lethal effects of these common pesticides. We argue that studying pollinators and D. melanogaster in tandem allows rapid elucidation of mechanisms of action, which translate well from D. melanogaster to pollinators. We focus on the recent identification of novel and important sublethal effects of neonicotinoids on circadian rhythms and sleep. The comparison of effects between D. melanogaster and pollinators and the use of genetic tools to identify mechanisms make a powerful partnership for the future discovery and testing of more specific insecticides.

Background: Crops are constantly exposed to various organisms feeding on above and belowground parts under both natural and protected conditions. As compare to open field, the warm and humid conditions besides abundant food under protected conditions provide a stable environment for pest and disease development either alone or together. However, the natural enemies i.e. predators, parasites and parasitoids that keep pests and pathogens under control naturally are not present under protected environment. For these possible reasons, pest and pathogens often develop in polyhouses more rapidly and with greater severity than open fields.Methods: A polyhouses study was carried out during last two months June and July in Patudi block of district Gurugram, Haryana where growers are facing failure of cucumber crop due to outbreak of insect pests- disease complexes on common host cucumber. On closer observation, symptoms of leaf miner as mining lines on leaves and galls or knots on roots the symptoms of root knot nematode were encountered. Further detailed lab based investigation were carried out on affected cucumber plant and root samples with the objective for isolation and identification of both pests and pathogens. For leaf miner morphological identification, the pattern of the feeding tunnel and the layer of the leaf being mined by leaf miner is one of the diagnostic key are useful to determine the species and instar of the leaf miner. However, Sieving and decantation method for nematode isolation and soil dilution method for fungal isolation were carried out and followed by morphological identification. Result: Two types of herbivore i.e. leaf miner Liriomyza trifolii (Burgess) on aerial parts while root knot nematode, Meloidogyne javanica and wilt causing fungus Fusarium oxysporum f. sp. cucumerinum were identified on the basis of their specific morphological characters. Galled roots of cucumber were affected by combined attack of vascular bundle feeders, root knot nematode, Meloidogyne javanica and wilt causing fungus Fusarium oxysporum f. sp. cucumerinum identified in both soil and root samples. This kind of field report on cucumber crop under protected cultivation has not been reported so far in which three types of pest and pathogens are feeding on the same host. Poly houses or ‘hot spots’ are selected for detailed investigation especially for growers’ friendly management in addition to interaction studies of upper and lower ground herbivores on cucumber crops.

IntroductionBallarat’s Theatre Royal was the first permanent theatre built in inland Australia. Upon opening in 1858, it was acclaimed as having “the handsomest theatrical exterior in the colony” (Star, “Editorial” 7 Dec. 1889) and later acknowledged as “the grandest playhouse in all Australia” (Spielvogel, Papers Vol. 1 160). Born of Gold Rush optimism, the Royal was loved by many, yet the over-arching story of its ill-fated existence has failed to surface, in any coherent fashion, in official history. This article takes some first steps toward retrieving lost knowledge from fragmented archival records, and piecing together the story of why this purpose-built theatre ceased operation within a twenty-year period. A short history of the venue will be provided, to develop context. It will be argued that while a combination of factors, most of which were symptomatic of unfortunate timing, destroyed the longevity of the Royal, the principal problem was one of stigmatisation. This was an era in which the societal pressure to visibly conform to conservative values was intense and competition in the pursuit of profits was fierce.The cultural silence that befell the story of the Royal, after its demise, is explicable in relation to history being written by the victors and a loss of spokespeople since that time. As theatre arts historiographer McConachie (131) highlights, “Theatres, like places for worship and spectator sports, hold memories of the past in addition to providing a practical and cognitive framework for performance events in the present.” When that place, “a bounded area denoted by human agency and memory” (131), is lost in time, so too may be the socio-cultural lessons from the period, if not actively recalled and reconsidered. The purpose of this article is to present the beginning of an investigation into the disjointed narrative of Ballarat’s Theatre Royal. Its ultimate failure demonstrates how dominant community based entertainment became in Ballarat from the 1860s onwards, effectively crushing prospects for mid-range professional theatre. There is value in considering the evolution of the theatre’s lifespan and its possible legacy effects. The connection between historical consciousness and the performing arts culture of by-gone days offers potential to reveal specks of cross-relevance for regional Australian theatrical offerings today.In the BeginningThe proliferation of entertainment venues in Ballarat East during the 1850s was a consequence of the initial discovery of surface alluvial gold and the ongoing success of deep-lead mining activities in the immediate area. This attracted extraordinary numbers of people from all over the world who hoped to strike it rich. Given the tough nature of life on the early gold diggings, most disposable income was spent on evening entertainment. As a result, numerous venues sprang into operation to cater for demand. All were either canvas tents or makeshift wooden structures: vibrant in socio-cultural activity, however humble the presentation values. It is widely agreed (Withers, Bate and Brereton) that noteworthy improvements occurred from 1856 onwards in the artistry of the performers, audience tastes, the quality of theatrical structures and living standards in general. Residents began to make their exit from flood and fire prone Ballarat East, moving to Ballarat West. The Royal was the first substantial entertainment venture to be established in this new, affluent, government surveyed township area. Although the initial idea was to draw in some of the patronage which had flourished in Ballarat East, Brereton (14) believed “There can be no doubt that it was [primarily] intended to attract those with good taste and culture”. This article will contend that how society defined ‘good taste’ turned out to be problematic for the Royal.The tumultuous mid-1850s have attracted extensive academic and popular attention, primarily because they were colourful and politically significant times. The period thereafter has attracted little scholarly interest, unless tied to the history of surviving organisations. Four significant structures designed to incorporate theatrical entertainment were erected and opened in Ballarat from 1858 onwards: The Royal was swiftly followed by the Mechanics Institute 1859, Alfred Hall 1867 and Academy of Music 1874-75. As philosopher Albert Borgmann (41) highlighted, the erection of “magnificent settings in which the public could gather and enjoy itself” was the dominant urban aspiration for cultural consumption in the nineteenth century. Men of influence in Victorian cities believed strongly in progress and grand investments as a conscious demonstration of power, combined with Puritan vales, teetotalism and aggressive self-assertiveness (Briggs 287-88). At the ceremonial laying of the foundation stone for the Royal on 20 January 1858, eminent tragedian, Gustavos Brooke, announced “… may there be raised a superstructure perfect in all its parts, and honourable to the builder.” He proclaimed the memorial bottle to be “a lasting memento of the greatness of Ballarat in erecting such a theatre” and philosophised that “the stage not only refines the manners, but it is the best teacher of morals, for it is the truest and most intelligible picture of life. It stamps the image of virtue on the mind …” (Star, “Laying” 21 Jan. 1858). These initial aspirations seem somewhat ambitious when viewed with the benefit of hindsight. Ballarat’s Theatre Royal opened in December 1858, ironically with Jerrold’s comedy ‘Time Works Wonders’. The large auditorium holding around 1500 people “was crowded to overflowing and was considered altogether brilliant in its newness and beauty” by all in attendance (Star, “Local and General” 30 Dec. 1858). Generous descriptions abound of how splendid it was, in architectural terms, but also in relation to scenery, decorations and all appointments. Underneath the theatre were two shops, four bars, elegant dining rooms, a kitchen and 24 bedrooms. A large saloon was planned to be attached soon-after. The overall cost of the build was estimated at a substantial 10,000 pounds.The First Act: 1858-1864In the early years, the Royal was deemed a success. The pleasure-seeking public of Ballarat came en masse and the glory days seemed like they might continue unabated. By the early 1860s, Ballarat was known as a great theatrical centre for performing arts, its population was famous both nationally and internationally for an appreciation of good acting, and the Royal was considered the home of the best dramatic art in Ballarat (Withers 260). Like other theatres of the 1850s diggings, it had its own resident company of actors, musicians, scenic artists and backstage crew. Numerous acclaimed performers came to visit and these were prosperous and happy times for the Royal’s lively theatrical community. As early as 1859, however, there was evident rivalry between the Royal and the Mechanics Institute, as suggested on numerous occasions in the Ballarat Star. As a multi-purpose venue for education and the betterment of the working classes, the latter venue had the distinct advantage of holding the moral high ground. Over time this competition increased as audiences decreased. As people shifted to family-focussed entertainments, these absorbed their time and attention. The transformation of a transient population into a township of families ultimately suffocated prospects for professional entertainment in Ballarat. Consumer interest turned to the growth of strong amateur societies with the establishment of the Welsh Eisteddfod 1863; Harmonic Society 1864; Bell Ringers’ Club 1866 and Glee and Madrigal Union 1867 (Brereton 38). By 1863, the Royal was reported to have “scanty patronage” and Proprietor Symonds was in financial trouble (Star, “News and Notes” 15 Sep. 1864). It was announced that the theatre would open for the last time on Saturday, 29 October 1864 (Australasian). On that same date, the Royal was purchased by Rowlands & Lewis, the cordial makers. They promptly on-sold it to the Ballarat Temperance League, who soon discovered that there was a contract in place with Bouchier, the previous owner, who still held the hotel next door, stating that “all proprietors … were bound to keep it open as a theatre” (Withers 260-61). Having invested immense energy into the quest to purchase it, the Temperance League backed out of the deal. Prominent Hotelier Walter Craig bought it for less than 3,000 pounds. It is possible that this stymied effort to quell the distribution of liquor in the heart of the city evoked the ire of the Protestant community, who were on a dedicated mission “to attack widespread drunkenness, profligacy, licentiousness and agnosticism,” and forming an interdenominational Bible and Tract Society in 1866 (Bate 176). This caused a segment of the population to consider the Royal a ‘lost cause’ and steer clear of it, advising ‘respectable’ families to do the same, and so the stigma grew. Social solidarity of this type had significant impact in an era in which people openly demonstrated their morality by way of unified public actions.The Second Act: 1865-1868The Royal closed for renovations until May 1865. Of the various alterations made to the interior and its fittings, the most telling was the effort to separate the ladies from the ‘town women’, presumably to reassure ‘respectable’ female patrons. To this end, a ladies’ retiring room was added, in a position convenient to the dress circle. The architectural rejuvenation of the Royal was cited as an illustration of great progress in Sturt Street (Ballarat Star, “News and Notes” 27 May 1865). Soon after, the Royal hosted the Italian Opera Company.However, by 1866 there was speculation that the Royal may be converted into a dry goods store. References to what sort of impression the failing of theatre would convey to the “old folks at home” in relation to “progress in civilisation'' and "social habits" indicated the distress of loyal theatre-goers. Impassioned pleas were written to the press to help preserve the “Temple of Thespus” for the legitimate use for which it was intended (Ballarat Star, “Messenger” and “Letters to the Editor” 30 Aug. 1866). By late 1867, a third venue materialised. The Alfred Hall was built for the reception of Ballarat’s first Royal visitor, the Duke of Edinburgh. On the night prior to the grand day at the Alfred, following a private dinner at Craig’s Hotel, Prince Alfred was led by an escorted torchlight procession to a gala performance at Craig’s very own Theatre Royal. The Prince’s arrival caused a sensation that completely disrupted the show (Spielvogel, Papers Vol. 1 165). While visiting Ballarat, the Prince laid the stone for the new Temperance Hall (Bate 159). This would not have been required had the League secured the Royal for their use three years earlier.Thereafter, the Royal was unable to reach the heights of what Brereton (15) calls the “Golden Age of Ballarat Theatre” from 1855 to 1865. Notably, the Mechanics Institute also experienced financial constraints during the 1860s and these challenges were magnified during the 1870s (Hazelwood 89). The late sixties saw the Royal reduced to the ‘ordinary’ in terms of the calibre of productions (Brereton 15). Having done his best to improve the physical attributes and prestige of the venue, Craig may have realised he was up against a growing stigma and considerable competition. He sold the Royal to R.S. Mitchell for 5,500 pounds in 1868.Another New Owner: 1869-1873For the Saturday performance of Richard III in 1869, under the new Proprietor, it was reported that “From pit to gallery every seat was full” and for many it was standing room only (Ballarat Star, “Theatre Royal” 1 Feb. 1869). Later that year, Othello attracted people with “a critical appreciation of histrionic matters” (Ballarat Star, “News and Notes” 19 July 1869). The situation appeared briefly promising. Unfortunately, larger economic factors were soon at play. During 1869, Ballarat went ‘mad’ with mine share gambling. In 1870 the economic bubble burst, and hundreds of people in Ballarat were financially ruined. Over the next ten years the population fell from 60,000 to less than 40,000 (Spielvogel, Papers Vol. 3 39). The last surviving theatre in Ballarat East, the much-loved Charles Napier, put on its final show in September 1869 (Brereton 15). By 1870 the Royal was referred to as a “second-class theatre” and was said to be such bad repute that “it would be most difficult to draw respectable classes” (Ballarat Star, “News and Notes” 17 Jan. 1870). It seems the remaining theatre patrons from the East swung over to support the Royal, which wasn’t necessarily in the best interests of its reputation. During this same period, family-oriented crowds of “the pleasure-seeking public of Ballarat” were attending events at the newly fashionable Alfred Hall (Ballarat Courier, “Theatre Royal” June 1870). There were occasional high points still to come for the Royal. In 1872, opera drew a crowded house “even to the last night of the season” which according to the press, “gave proof, if proof were wanting, that the people of Ballarat not only appreciate, but are willing to patronise to the full any high-class entertainment” (Ballarat Courier, “Theatre Royal” 26 Aug. 1872). The difficulty, however, lay in the deterioration of the Royal’s reputation. It had developed negative connotations among local temperance and morality movements, along with their extensive family, friendship and business networks. Regarding collective consumption, sociologist John Urry wrote “for those engaged in the collective tourist gaze … congregation is paramount” (140). Applying this socio-cultural principle to the behaviour of Victorian theatre-going audiences of the 1870s, it was compelling for audiences to move with the masses and support popular events at the fresh Alfred Hall rather than the fading Royal. Large crowds jostling for elbow room was perceived as the hallmark of a successful event back then, as is most often the case now.The Third Act: 1874-1878An additional complication faced by the Royal was the long-term effect of the application of straw across the ceiling. Acoustics were initially poor, and straw was intended to rectify the problem. This caused the venue to develop a reputation for being stuffy and led to the further indignity of the Royal suffering an infestation of fleas (Jenkins 22); a misfortune which caused some to label it “The Royal Bug House” (Reid 117). Considering how much food was thrown at the stage in this era, it is not surprising that rotten debris attracted insects. In 1873, the Royal closed for another round of renovations. The interior was redesigned, and the front demolished and rebuilt. This was primarily to create retail store frontage to supplement income (Reid 117). It was reported that the best theatrical frontage in Australasia was lost, and in its place was “a modestly handsome elevation” for which all play-goers of Ballarat should be thankful, as the miracle required of the rebuild was that of “exorcising the foul smells from the old theatre and making it bright and pretty and sweet” (Ballarat Star, “News and Notes” 26 Jan. 1874). The effort at rejuvenation seemed effective for a period. A “large and respectable audience” turned out to see the Fakir of Oolu, master of the weird, mystical, and strange. The magician’s show “was received with cheers from all parts of the house, and is certainly a very attractive novelty” (Ballarat Courier, “Theatre Royal” 29 Mar. 1875). That same day, the Combination Star Company gave a concert at the Mechanics Institute. Indicating the competitive tussle, the press stated: “The attendance, however, doubtless owing to attractions elsewhere, was only moderately large” (Courier, “Concert at the Mechanics’” 29 Mar. 1875). In the early 1870s, there had been calls from sectors of society for a new venue to be built in Ballarat, consistent with its status. The developer and proprietor, Sir William Clarke, intended to offer a “higher class” of entertainment for up to 1700 people, superior to the “broad farces” at the Royal (Freund n.p.) In 1875, the Academy of Music opened, at a cost of twelve thousand pounds, just one block away from the Royal.As the decade of decreasing population wore on, it is intriguing to consider an unprecedented “riotous” incident in 1877. Levity's Original Royal Marionettes opened at the Royal with ‘Beauty and the Beast’ to calamitous response. The Company Managers, Wittington & Lovell made clear that the performance had scarcely commenced when the “storm” arose and they believed “the assault to be premeditated” (Wittington and Lovell in Argus, “The Riot” 6 Apr. 1877). Paid thuggery, with the intent of spooking regular patrons, was the implication. They pointed out that “It is evident that the ringleaders of the riot came into the theatre ready armed with every variety of missiles calculated to get a good hit at the figures and scenery, and thereby create a disturbance.” The mob assaulted the stage with “head-breaking” lemonade bottles, causing costly damage, then chased the frightened puppeteers down Sturt Street (Mount Alexander Mail, “Items of News” 4 Apr. 1877). The following night’s performance, by contrast, was perfectly calm (Ballarat Star, “News and Notes” 7 Apr. 1877). Just three months later, Webb’s Royal Marionette pantomimes appeared at the Mechanics’ Institute. The press wrote “this is not to be confounded, with the exhibition which created something like a riot at the Theatre Royal last Easter” (Ballarat Star, “News and Notes” 5 July 1877).The final performance at the Royal was the American Rockerfellers’ Minstrel Company. The last newspaper references to the Royal were placed in the context of other “treats in store” at The Academy of Music, and forthcoming offerings at the Mechanics Institute (Star, “Advertising” 3 July 1878). The Royal had experienced three re-openings and a series of short-term managements, often ending in loss or even bankruptcy. When it wound up, investors were left to cover the losses, while the owner was forced to find more profitable uses for the building (Freund n.p.). At face value, it seemed that four performing arts venues was one too many for Ballarat audiences to support. By August 1878 the Royal’s two shop fronts were up for lease. Thereafter, the building was given over entirely to retail drapery sales (Withers 260). ReflectionsThe Royal was erected, at enormous expense, in a moment of unbridled optimism, after several popular theatres in Ballarat East had burned to the ground. Ultimately the timing for such a lavish investment was poor. It suffered an inflexible old-fashioned structure, high overheads, ongoing staffing costs, changing demographics, economic crisis, increased competition, decreased population, the growth of local community-based theatre, temperance agitation and the impact of negative rumour and hear-say.The struggles endured by the various owners and managers of, and investors in, the Royal reflected broader changes within the larger community. The tension between the fixed nature of the place and the fluid needs of the public was problematic. Shifting demographics meant the Royal was negatively affected by conservative values, altered tastes and competing entertainment options. Built in the 1850s, it was sound, but structurally rigid, dated and polluted with the bacterial irritations of the times. “Resident professional companies could not compete with those touring from Melbourne” by whom it was considered “… hard to use and did not satisfy the needs of touring companies who required facilities equivalent to those in the metropolitan theatres” (Freund n.p.). Meanwhile, the prevalence of fund-raising concerts, created by charitable groups and member based community organisations, detracted from people’s interest in supporting professional performances. After-all, amateur concerts enabled families to “embrace the values of British middle class morality” (Doggett 295) at a safe distance from grog shops and saloons. Children aged 5-14 constituted only ten percent of the Ballarat population in 1857, but by 1871 settler families had created a population in which school aged children comprised twenty-five of the whole (Bate 146). This had significant ramifications for the type of theatrical entertainments required. By the late sixties, as many as 2000 children would perform at a time, and therefore entrance fees were able to be kept at affordable levels for extended family members. Just one year after the demise of the Royal, a new secular improvement society became active, holding amateur events and expanding over time to become what we now know as the Royal South Street Society. This showed that the appetite for home-grown entertainment was indeed sizeable. It was a function that the Royal was unable to service, despite several ardent attempts. Conclusion The greatest misfortune of the Royal was that it became stigmatised, from the mid 1860s onwards. In an era when people were either attempting to be pure of manners or were considered socially undesirable, it was hard for a cultural venue to survive which occupied the commercial middle ground, as the Royal did. It is also conceivable that the Royal was ‘framed’, by one or two of its competitor venues, or their allies, just one year before its closure. The Theatre Royal’s negative stigma as a venue for rough and intemperate human remnants of early Ballarat East had proven insurmountable. The Royal’s awkward position between high-class entrepreneurial culture and wholesome family-based community values, both of which were considered tasteful, left it out-of-step with the times and vulnerable to the judgement of those with either vested interests or social commitments elsewhere. This had long-term resonance for the subsequent development of entertainment options within Ballarat, placing the pendulum of favour either on elite theatre or accessible community based entertainments. The cultural middle-ground was sparse. The eventual loss of the building, the physical place of so much dramatic energy and emotion, as fondly recalled by Withers (260), inevitably contributed to the Royal fading from intergenerational memory. The telling of the ‘real story’ behind the rise and fall of the Ballarat Theatre Royal requires further exploration. If contemporary cultural industries are genuinely concerned “with the re-presentation of the supposed history and culture of a place”, as Urry believed (154), then untold stories such as that of Ballarat’s Theatre Royal require scholarly attention. This article represents the first attempt to examine its troubled history in a holistic fashion and locate it within a context ripe for cultural analysis.ReferencesBate, Weston. Lucky City: The First Generation at Ballarat 1851–1901. Carlton South: Melbourne UP, 1978.Brereton, Roslyn. Entertainment and Recreation on the Victorian Goldfields in the 1850s. BA (Honours) Thesis. 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