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Journal articles on the topic 'Gallo-Romance languages'
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1
Juge, Mathew L. "CATALAN’S PLACE IN ROMANCE REVISITED." Catalan Review: Volume 21, Issue 1 21, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 257–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/catr.21.11.
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Catalan is unique among the Romance languages in having a relatively large number of speakers in a thriving speech community but not being the dominant language of a major nation-state. It is also unusual in that its position within the Romance subfamily is a matter of some debate. I argue that the application of the principle of contact linguistics to data from Catalan dialects, especially the Alguerès variety, support rejecting the traditional treatment of Catalan as Ibero-Romance and Occitan as Gallo-Romance in favor of placing Catalan and Occitan together in a separate subbranch.
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Klingebiel, Kathryn. "A Century of Research in Franco-Provençal and Poitevin." Historiographia Linguistica 12, no. 3 (January 1, 1985): 389–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.12.3.05kli.
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Summary Within the Gallo-Romance domain, Franco-Provençal and its western correlate Poitevin have been variously labeled ‘independent languages’, ‘dialects of French’, or ‘dialects of oc’. At least one attempt has been made to link these two lateral entities against both the north and the south. A historical survey of these conflicting claims encompasses non-partisan methodologies such as dialect geography and linguistic atlases as well as theoretical developments affecting Romance studies during the last one hundred years. Late 19th century research had not yet resolved antinomies between speech and script or between dialect study and historical grammar. Recent research into time and direction of Romanization, significantly clarifying the bi-(or tri-)partitioning of Gaul, has complemented increasingly sophisticated work in all these fields. Yet frequent overemphasis on segmentation, coupled with a failure to distinguish shared linguistic fate from ‘language’ in its general Romance acception, cannot be allowed to obscure the fact that both FP and Poitevin belong to Gallo-Romance; the successful investigation of either must continue to mesh grammar, lexis, scripta, and geohistory.
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Stark, Elisabeth, and Paul Widmer. "Breton a-marking of (internal) verbal arguments: A result of language contact?" Linguistics 58, no. 3 (May 26, 2020): 745–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling-2020-0089.
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AbstractWe discuss a potential case of borrowing in this paper: Breton a- ‘of’, ‘from’ marking of (internal) verbal arguments, unique in Insular Celtic languages, and reminiscent of Gallo-Romance de/du- (and en-) arguments. Looking at potential Gallo-Romance parallels of three Middle Breton constructions analyzed in some detail (a with indefinite mass nominals in direct object position, a-marking of internal arguments under the scope of negation, a [allomorphs an(ez)-/ahan-] with personal pronouns for internal arguments, subjects (mainly of predicative constructions) and as expletive subjects of existential constructions), we demonstrate that even if there are some semantic parallels and one strong structural overlap (a and de under the scope of negation), the amount of divergences in morphology, syntax and semantics and the only partially fitting relative chronology of the different constructions do not allow to conclude with certainty that language-contact is an explanation of the Breton facts, which might have come into being also because of internal change (bound to restructuring of the pronominal system in Breton). More research is necessary to complete our knowledge of a-marking in Middle Breton and Modern Breton varieties and on the precise history of French en, in order to decide for one or the other explanation.
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Baldi, Benedetta, and Leonardo Maria Savoia. "Possessives, from Franco-Provençal and Occitan Systems to Contact Dialects in Apulia and Calabria." Languages 6, no. 2 (March 27, 2021): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages6020063.
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This article investigates the contact-induced reorganization of the possessive system in the Gallo-Romance dialects spoken from around the 12th century in the villages of Celle and Faeto in North Apulia and Guardia Piemontese in North-West Calabria. Gallo-Romance possessives exclude the article in the prenominal position, whereas in the Southern Italian dialects, possessives follow the noun preceded by the definite article. This original contrast is no longer visible in the varieties of Celle, Faeto and Guardia which changed the original prenominal position to the postnominal position combining with the article, except with kinship terms, preserving the original prenominal position. At the heart of contact phenomena, there are bilingualism and transfer mechanisms between the languages included in the complex knowledge of the speaker, suggesting a test bed for the treatment of language variation and parameterization. We propose an account of morpho-syntactic and interpretive properties of possessives, making use of the insights from the comparison of contact systems with prenominal (Franco-Provençal and Occitan varieties) and postnominal (Southern Italian dialects) possessives. The final part examines the distribution of possessives, tracing it back to the definiteness properties of DP and proposes a phasal treatment based on syntactic and interpretive constraints.
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Egurtzegi, Ander. "Phonetically conditioned sound change." Diachronica 34, no. 3 (October 13, 2017): 331–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.34.3.02egu.
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Abstract All modern Basque dialects have at least 5 contrastive vowels /i, e, a, o, u/. One Basque dialect, Zuberoan, has developed a contrastive sixth vowel, the front rounded high vowel /y/. This development is arguably due to sustained contact with neighboring Gallo-Romance languages. This paper supports empirically the historical development of the /u/ vs. /y/ contrast and provides a detailed analysis of the contexts that inhibited the /u/ > /y/ sound change. Fronting was inhibited when the vowel was followed by an apical sibilant, a tap /ɾ/ or an rT cluster (where r is a rhotic, and T an alveolar obstruent), arguably due to coarticulatory effects. Fronting occurred when /s̻/, /r/ or non-coronal rhotic-obstruent clusters followed /u/. Zuberoan /u/-fronting illustrates the importance of language contact and phonetics in the phonological analysis of historical developments.
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Massot, Benjamin. "Patterns of 1st and 3rd person marking in Oïl-Galloromance." Lingvisticæ Investigationes. International Journal of Linguistics and Language Resources 41, no. 1 (August 27, 2018): 87–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/li.00014.mas.
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Summary This article is a contribution to the long-standing discussion of subject marking in Romance. Its originality lies in its systematically considering data from Oïl-Galloromance dialects, i.e. non-pro-drop varieties, which had been ignored because they were thought to pattern like French. On the contrary, a detailed survey of the means of 1sg and 3sg.m. Marking in these dialects reveals that the obligatoriness of the subject clitics in all grammatical persons does not guarantee the absence of ambiguous marks, since cases of syncretism between these two persons were found, besides cases of marking even more redundant than in French. I then conclude that it is yet another refutation of the now generally abandoned wisdom according to which the subject pronouns exactly compensate the loss of verb endings. Moreover, the results make the pro-drop parameter and parametric theory hard to maintain, as has been observed from other microvariational studies. I also argue against a functionalist interpretation of the correlation between the different means of subject marking based on the assumption of avoidance and repair strategies underlying language change/dialectal fragmentation. My own analysis then relies on the assumption of a strong and stable typological property of accusative languages like Romance, called here the principle of recovery of the subject. The surface microvariation within (Oïl)-(Gallo)romance is simply seen as the result of non-deterministic properties of language change/dialectal fragmentation.
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Buckley, Eugene. "Phonetics and phonology in Gallo-Romance palatalisation." Transactions of the Philological Society 107, no. 1 (March 2009): 31–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-968x.2008.00212.x.
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Georgescu, Simona. "Esp. (y gall.-ptg.) buscar: una aproximación etimológica apoyada en los datos panrománicos." Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 137, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 99–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrp-2021-0003.
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Abstract A Pan-Romance analysis of Sp. buscar ~ provides sufficient data to reconstruct a Proto-Romance etymon */ˈbʊsk-a-/ ~ */ˈbusk-a-/ (assigned to Italo-Occidental continental Proto-Romance), whose meaning can be reconstructed as ‘to go into the forest’ (with various purposes). Although the meaning ‘to look for’ seems to be restricted to Ibero-Romance buscar, the other Romance reflexes show strong links with this semantic area. A considerable number of Gallo-Romance and Italo-Romance verbs carry the meanings ‘to hide’ as well as the opposite, ‘to chase (someone) from their refuge’, ‘un-cover’, and therefore, ‘dis-cover’. It is also possible to recover traces of a specialized use related to hunting outsides the boundaries of Ibero-Romance.
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Esher, Louise. "Morphomes and predictability in the history of Romance perfects." Diachronica 32, no. 4 (December 31, 2015): 494–529. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.32.4.02esh.
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In mediaeval Gallo-Romance, due to regular sound change, the reflexes of Latin perfectum forms develop stem allomorphy linked to alternation between rhizotonic and arrhizotonic stress. Both the allomorphy and the stress alternation are subsequently eradicated. By contrast, in early Italo-Romance, existing stem allomorphy is redistributed by analogy so that, in the reflexes of Latin perfectum forms, stem alternation and stress alternation have the same distribution, a situation which persists into modern Italo-Romance. These developments illustrate a tendency for the exponents of morphomic distributions to be aligned with one another, facilitating reliable inferences about the forms realising different paradigm cells.
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Mooney, Damien. "Béarnais (Gascon)." Journal of the International Phonetic Association 44, no. 3 (November 25, 2014): 343–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002510031400005x.
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The region of Béarn denotes the historically Romance-speaking part of the modern-day Pyrénées-Atlantiques département in south-western France. The langue d’oc or southern Gallo-Romance variety historically spoken in Béarn, commonly referred to as ‘Béarnais’, is a dialect of Gascon. This variety may also be referred to by its autoglossonym ‘Biarnés’ though the French term is the most widely used designation for the regional language. The number of Gascon speakers in south-western France increases steadily from north (Bordeaux) to south (the Pyrenees) and because Béarn is the area of linguistic Gascony with the highest recorded number of Gascon speakers (Moreux 2004), Béarnais may be considered the principal surviving dialect of Gascon, though other surviving dialects, such as ‘Gascon de Chalosse’, and ‘Landais’, are still spoken and written.
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BRYANT, STACY. "Examining the Adoption and Diffusion of Ecclesiastical Gallicisms in Old Spanish." Bulletin of Hispanic Studies: Volume 98, Issue 8 98, no. 8 (September 1, 2021): 717–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/bhs.2021.43.
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The presence of multiple loanwords in the Ibero-Romance of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries demonstrates language contact. Teasing out the nature of the relationships that resulted in the adoption and spread of these borrowings is difficult due to the limitations of the evidence, found only in written registers produced by those with access to education. This helps explain the catalogue nature of most historical borrowing studies about Spanish. This paper argues, however, that an inferential network analysis of the extant data on ecclesiastical loanwords that entered the lexicon through contact with Gallo-Romance speakers elucidates their adoption and spread, moving beyond the list. Using five borrowings as illustrations (capiscol, chantre, fraile, maestre, and monje), it asserts that their diffusion was facilitated and influenced by both the strong and the weak ties that developed inside and outside religious institutions, which left a lasting mark on the Spanish lexicon.
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Willms, Lothar. "Augusta Treverorum Vulgaris: Linguistic Change and Cultural Integration in the Vulgar Latin Inscriptions of Trier (germany)." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, no. 1-4 (September 25, 2020): 651–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.56.
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SummaryThe copious corpus of deviations from standard Latin from Trier spans more than 800 years (50 BC–800 AD) and comprises both pagan and Christian inscriptions, the latter exclusively on tombstones. This paper points out the most salient non-standard features in the categories of phonetics, morphology, syntax and vocabulary. Most of them conform to standard Vulgar Latin, but some yield features of the inscriptions’ area, such as Western Romance (preservation of final -s, voicing intervocalic stops), Gallo-Romance (qui instead of quae, nasalisation), and the extinct Moselle Romance. A few features might reflect Gaulish substrate influence ([u] > [y], e before nasals > i, ē > ī, ō > ū, -m > -n). Clues for palatalisation and the raisings ē > ī, ō > ū are the most prominent phonetic features, the latter supporting, combined with the preservation of final -s, a renewed paradigm of nominal inflection. Morphosyntactic changes are driven by analogy and regularisations. Starting at the fringes, the erosion of case syntax ended up in a complete breakdown. Christianity fostered the recording of previously undocumented substandard features, completed the assimilation of Celtic (which pagan polytheism and the upwards mobility of Roman society had initiated) and supported the cultural integration of Germanic immigrants.Piae memoriae Henrici Heinen, viri doctissimi
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García Fernández, José. "El superestrato románico: la huella del español, del francés y del occitano en el siciliano contemporáneo." Estudios Románicos 28 (December 20, 2019): 233–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/er/373971.
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Sicilia siempre ha sido un enclave disputado por múltiples pueblos que terminarían por modelar la cultura de sus habitantes. En consecuencia, el siciliano se embebió lingüísticamente de las hablas de los sucesivos pobladores de la isla, de entre los que caben destacar, entre otros, los españoles y los franceses. Atentos a esta realidad, este artículo propone un acercamiento a los influjos del castellano, francés y occitano, tres variedades romances que, en forma de superestrato semántico, han influido en la configuración lingüística del siciliano. Sirviéndonos de las voces dialectales empleadas por la palermitana Giuseppina Torregrossa en su primera novela, L’Assaggiatrice, hemos podido corroborar cómo, al igual que hicieran antaño otros especialistas, tanto el dominio iberorrománico como el galorrománico siguen siendo determinantes en la conformación de la lengua siciliana, una variante lingüística aún empleada con frecuencia en la literatura isleña pese al creciente interés social por el italiano estándar desde la unificación del país. Sicily has always been a territory under dispute by multiple peoples that eventually managed to mold the culture of the inhabitants of the island. As a result, the Sicilian language absorbed the language of the ensuing settlers, particularly Spanish and French. In view of this, this article addresses the analysis of the Spanish, French and Occitan traces, three Romance variants that, through the semantic superstratum, have had an impact on the linguistic configuration of the Sicilian language. With the focus on the dialectal lexicon used by the Palermitan writer, Giuseppina Torregrossa, in her debut novel, L’Assaggiatrice, this study confirms what previous specialized authorities on the field observed in past times: that the Ibero-Romance and Gallo-Romance influence have been, and still are, key to the shaping of the Sicilian language, a linguistic variant that is most frequently used in insular literature regardless of the growing social interest in standard Italian after the unification.
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Burnett, Heather. "Sentential Negation in North-eastern Gallo-Romance dialects: insights from the Atlas Linguistique de la France." Journal of French Language Studies 29, no. 2 (July 2019): 189–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959269519000218.
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AbstractThis article argues that data from the Atlas Linguistique de la France (ALF, Edmont and Gilliéron, 1902–1910) can shed light on the fine-grained syntax of sentential negation in the Oïl dialects spoken in North Eastern France, Belgium and Switzerland. The Gallo-Romance dialects spoken in this area possess a larger variety of negative structures than those found in (Standard) French: in addition to ne…pas, ne can be followed by negations mie, pont or even appear alone. Although the dialects under study are highly endangered, I show how we can use syntactic data ‘hidden’ in the ALF to study their syntactic patterns. I present a quantitative study of variation in sentential negation in authentic transcriptions and French translations of the 22 negative data points in the ALF at 150 points in France, Belgium and Switzerland (N = 2989). I show that the pont form is significantly more frequent in negative constructions with ‘weak NPs’ (de phrases) and that there is a significant correlation between dropping of secondary negation and the ability of the secondary negation mie to be realized as an enclitic -m. This study supports Dagnac (2018)’s conclusion that the ALF is an invaluable tool for the study of syntactic microvariation in France.
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Russo, Michela. "The possessive enclitics with kinship nouns in Italo-Romance and the possessive determiners in the Francoprovençal of Faeto." Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 137, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 217–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrp-2021-0007.
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Abstract This paper deals with the possessive constructions in Italo-Romance dialects compared with the possessive constructions of one Francoprovençal (Gallo-Romance) variety spoken in Faeto (Foggia, Apulia). Francoprovençal possessive constructions are at a first glance distinct from Central and Southern Italian possessive constructions, mainly since in Francoprovençal (as in French) possessive forms (clitics) are prenominal. In Central and Southern Italian dialects, we find instead a split possession: 1) postnominal enclitic possessives (weak possessive markers) associated with parental kinship nouns distinct from 2) prenominal possessives associated with common nouns and postnominal strong possessive forms. Crucially, I claim that enclitic possessives are inflexional affixes, that receive a structural word-internal linearization from the same external (syntactical) linearization identified for proclitic possessive markers (in Faeto). I retain that the distinction between postnominal weak enclitics in Italian dialects and Francoprovençal weak prenominal possessive constructions is based on the inalienability (parental kin nouns + enclitics in DP). All possessive clitics (proclitics and enclitics) show a common syntactic configuration and differ only in Distributed Morphology, according to a “late” feature insertion and operations after syntax. Indeed, the possessive determiners represent three different morphological spells out of the same syntactic object: the bundle of features [Person], [(Gender) Number], [Definite], generated in functional heads.
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Villeneuve, Anne-José, and Philip Comeau. "Breaking down temporal distance in a Continental French variety: Future temporal reference in Vimeu." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 61, no. 3 (November 2016): 314–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2016.30.
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AbstractThis article examines future temporal reference (FTR) in the French spoken in Vimeu, a rural area of France where French evolved alongside Picard, a Gallo-Romance regional language. Unlike most French varieties, which favour periphrasis, Vimeu Picard favours the inflected form. By comparing French data from Picard–French bilinguals and French monolinguals, we assess the potential effect of Picard contact on Vimeu French. We hypothesized that bilinguals may favour the inflected form more than monolinguals, a hypothesis that was not verified. Instead, education is the best social predictor: speakers with a baccalauréat or higher disfavour the periphrastic future. Regarding linguistic constraints, we expected sentential polarity to constrain FTR (negation favours the inflected form), as in many varieties. Surprisingly, only temporal distance constrains FTR in our data: proximate events favour periphrasis, and do so even more strongly with events to occur within the minute. These results suggest that Vimeu French marks imminence through periphrasis.
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Halicki, Eric. "Prosodic vowel lengthening in a spontaneous speech corpus of Vimeu Picard." Lingua Posnaniensis 57, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 77–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/linpo-2015-0004.
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Abstract The goal of this paper is to present findings about vowel lengthening at morpho-syntactically defined prosodic boundaries. The data come from a corpus of spontaneous speech from Vimeu Picard, a Gallo- Romance language. A total of 10 672 vowel durations are measured, and 5336 vowel ratios are calculated, providing data for the prosodic word, clitic group, phonological phrase, intonational phrase, and the utterance. A general increase in vowel duration is observed as one ascends the prosodic hierarchy, without adjusting for rate of speech. Significant differences in vowel ratio are found between the clitic group and all other phrases, the prosodic word and the intonational phrase, the phonological phrase and the intonational phrase, and the intonational phrase and the utterance. Contrary to what was expected, vowel ratios at the utterance edge were found to be significantly shorter than vowel ratios at the intonational phrase edge. This may be because pauses are greater for the utterance than for the intonational phrase.
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de Vaan, Michiel. "Gallo-Romance lenition in Germanic loanwords." NOWELE / North-Western European Language Evolution 73, no. 2 (October 15, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/nowele.00040.vaa.
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Abstract One of the earliest changes affecting Western Romance before the end of the Roman Empire was the lenition of intervocalic *p, *t, *k to *b, *d, *g. We find its effects in a number of Romance loanwords in West Germanic. The word for ‘market’ has not played a role in this discussion because it is often attested with t in the West Germanic languages. Still, there are strong indications that the word was borrowed into Germanic as *markadu after the lenition of intervocalic t in Romance. Its phonological make-up is comparable to that of Latin vocatus, which was borrowed into Germanic as *fogadu.
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Maggiore, Marco. "Sui testi romanzi medievali in grafia greca come fonte di informazione linguistica." Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 133, no. 2 (January 24, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrp-2017-0017.
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AbstractMedieval Romance texts in the Greek alphabet are generally considered a very reliable source of information about spoken vernacular varieties, mainly due to the intrinsic independence of their writers from the Latin graphic tradition. Nevertheless, as first observed by Alberto Varvaro and Anna Maria Compagna in 1983, these valuable documents, like any other kind of written evidence, are not immune from some degree of conventionality. This paper will focus on the problems raised by the codification of Romance languages in the Greek alphabet, which requires the study of multilingualism, language contact and coexistence of different (written and oral) cultural traditions. Exemplification will come from Italo-Romance texts produced in Sicily and Southern Italy before 1500, but also from texts of other Romance areas like the Gallo-Romance 13th Century
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Esher, Louise. "Overlapping subjunctive forms in Gallo- and Ibero-Romance verb paradigms." Revue Romane / Langue et littérature. International Journal of Romance Languages and Literatures, October 28, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/rro.20009.esh.
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Abstract In several varieties of Catalan, Valencian and Occitan, inflectional exponents originating in the imperfect subjunctive (reflex of Latin pluperfect subjunctive) are analogically extended into the first and second person plural present subjunctive forms, resulting in syncretism between present and imperfect subjunctive forms for the relevant persons. The scope and directionality of such extensions are remarkably consistent, and are indicative of a change driven by the structure of the inflectional paradigm in the relevant varieties. A significant consequence of this development, which fits into a general Romance tendency for analogical remodelling of first and second person plural forms, is alignment between previously overlapping distributions of stem allomorphs and stress placement, and thus greater predictability of inflected forms.
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Donaldson, Bryan. "Clause Structure and Illocutionary Force in Medieval Gallo-Romance: Clitic Position in Old Occitan and Early Old French Sentential Coordination." Probus, April 7, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/probus-2020-0009.
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Abstract This paper analyzes the position of object and adverbial clitic pronouns in coordinated affirmative verb-first declaratives introduced by e(t) “and” in Old Occitan and early Old French, a context in which clitics are variably preverbal or postverbal. An empirical study reveals that this variation is principled and reflects semantico-discursive properties in the same way in these two related and grammatically similar medieval Gallo-Romance varieties. On a theoretical level, I posit that preverbal clitics occur when conjunction occurs at the TP level, and postverbal clitics occur when conjunction occurs at the CP level, and that the choice of clause structure (TP vs. CP) for second conjunct clauses depends on illocutionary force, which in turn depends on discourse coherence relations and the semantics of verba dicendi (verbs of utterance).