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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Gamal Abdel Naser

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Academic literature on the topic 'Gamal Abdel Naser'

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Published: 24 April 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Gamal Abdel Naser"

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A.V., Fedorchenko. "Assessing the Heritage of Gamal Abdel Nasser." MGIMO Review of International Relations 2, no. 59 (April 1, 2018): 205–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2018-2-59-205-213.

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Yaqub, Nadia. "Teaching with Film and Photography in Introductory Middle East Courses." Review of Middle East Studies 51, no. 1 (February 2017): 50–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2017.53.

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Some years ago, a colleague from another institution told me how much she was looking forward to screening Nasser 56 in her introductory Middle East history course. Students had just finished reading about the Nasser era, and the screening of Muhamad Fadel's stylish biopic starring the charismatic film star Ahmed Zaki would serve as an enjoyable way to round out the unit. I was surprised, not at my colleague's use of the film in her class, but at her timing. Released in 1996, Nasser 56 is very much the product of the Mubarak era. It offers rich opportunities to discuss the particular challenges Egypt faced in the 1990s and how this nostalgic look back at a triumphant moment in Gamal Abdel Nasser's (Jamal ʿAbd al-Nasir's) presidency was marshalled to animate an economically and politically fraught period. Its celebration of ʿAbd al-Nasir as an effective and caring patriarch to the nation could be interpreted as an endorsement of Egypt's authoritarian political system. However, the film is less useful as an explication of ʿAbd al-Nasir as a political figure, or of 1950s Egypt.

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Lipa, Michał. "Reżim Gamala Abdela Nasera i geneza pierwszej fali liberalizacji gospodarczej w Egipcie." Poliarchia 5, no. 8 (June 30, 2017): 41–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/poliarchia.05.2017.08.03.

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Gamal Abdel Naser’s Regime and the Genesis of the First Wave of Liberalization in EgyptThe aim of this article is to analyse the origins of the first wave of economic liberalization in Egypt. This paper refers to the historical period preceding the fundamental change of economic policy initiated by Anwar as-Sadat in the 1970s, analysing the causes of delegitimation of Gamal Abdel Nasser’s regime (1952–1970). The author characterizes the mechanisms of consolidation of the authoritarian rule, describes the main pillars of power, and analyses Nasser’s economic reforms (statism and central planning), including their social consequences.

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Vélez, Federico. "Do Suez ao Canal do Panamá e além: A influência de Gamal Abdel Nasser na América Latina." Varia Historia 31, no. 55 (April 2015): 163–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0104-87752015000100007.

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Este artigo explora a influência do líder egípcio Gamal Abdel Nasser na América Latina. Na década de 1950, uma geração de intelectuais e políticos latino-americanos viram, no sucesso do emergente nacionalismo árabe, simbolizado por Nasser, um exemplo a imitar. No Panamá, a nacionalização egípcia do Canal de Suez, em 1956, desencadeou nova onda de demandas contra o controle e a posse do canal interoceânico pelos Estados Unidos. Em toda a região, frente ao aparecimento de regimes reacionários, intelectuais de esquerda enfatizaram a necessidade de um Nasser latino-americano; um caudilho moderno, que emergiria do interior das Forças Armadas imbuído de potente nacionalismo sem concessões e compromisso inegociável com o progresso social.

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Imam, Menna M., Ali F. Bakr, and Yousry M. Anany. "Use of freehand sketching: Documenting heritage buildings, Gamal Abdel Nasser Street (1830–1930), Alexandria, Egypt." Alexandria Engineering Journal 55, no. 3 (September 2016): 2749–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.aej.2016.04.034.

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Gordon, Joel. "Film, Fame, and Public Memory: Egyptian Biopics From Mustafa Kamil to Nasser 56." International Journal of Middle East Studies 31, no. 1 (February 1999): 61–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800052971.

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Three years ago, the film Nasser 56 (1996), from Muhammad Fadil, a dramatic reenactment of the Suez crisis, set unprecedented attendance records in Egypt. Opening at the end of another disappointing year marked by a steady decline in studio film production and a dearth of high-quality offerings—and held back from public screening a full year by wavering government support—the film breathed new life into the movie industry and precipitated a national discussion about the legacy of Gamal Abdel Nasser. The film has come and gone from Cairo theaters (although screenings abroad continue), but Nasser 56 will remain a historic film. In dramatic fashion, it broke a long-accepted taboo against cinematic depiction of modern political leaders. It is also the first serious attempt at film biography by an Egyptian filmmaker in thirty years.

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‘Issa, Hossam. "La Nahda ou le rêve de la nation égyptienne de Muhammad ‘Ali à Gamal Abdel Nasser." Égypte/Monde arabe, no. 26 (June 30, 1996): 173–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/ema.1480.

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Smith, Philip. "The Semiotic Foundations of Media Narratives: Saddam and Nasser in the American Mass Media." Narrativization of the News 4, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1994): 89–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jnlh.4.1-2.06the.

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Abstract The article examines the impact of cultural structures on journalistic story telling. It argues that the mass media can be understood in neofunctionalist terms as a subsystem of civil society. Mass media discourses are therefore responsive to the cultural forms shaping civil discourse. At the core of American media discourse is a set of binary codes that specify civic virtues and vices. These codes provide the foundation from which more complex narrative forms are constructed in the American mass media. The proposed model of codes and narratives is briefly applied in a comparative analysis of American mass media interpretations of Gamal Abdel Nasser and the 1956 Suez crisis, and Saddam Hussein and the 1990-1991 Gulf War. (Sociology)

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9

Yahel, Ido. "Covert Diplomacy Between Israel and Egypt During Nasser Rule." SAGE Open 6, no. 4 (October 2016): 215824401666744. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2158244016667449.

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The history of Egypt and Israel consists of four wars and hundreds of border incidents that have taken the lives of tens of thousands of people. It seems that only the rise to power of a leader in the stature of Anwar Sadat could put an end to this bloody circle, because the previous president, Gamal Abdel Nasser, was not willing to hold any kind of political contact with Israel. But Nasser’s reign involved constant political contact between Egypt and Israel, most of whom remain confidential. This article attempts to examine whether any of these contacts were likely to succeed and yield a peace treaty between the two countries, an agreement that could have prevented three wars and saved the lives of so many people on both sides. It will do so by examining these contacts, their characteristics, and the reasons for their failure, while dividing them into three periods: the 1948 war to the 1956 war, the 1956 war to the 1967 war, and the 1967 war to the death of Nasser in 1970.

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Diong, Natalie Jia Ning. "Sawt Al-Arab or Sawt Al-Nasser? The Case of Mass Media under Gamal Abdel Nasser and the Convoluted Rise of Pan-Arabism." Journal of Georgetown University-Qatar Middle Eastern Studies Student Association 2015 (April 2015): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.5339/messa.2015.5.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Gamal Abdel Naser"

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Hassouna, Moustafa El Said. "Leadership efficiency and Weberian charisma : the case of Gamal Abdel Nasser (1952-1970)." Thesis, University of Kent, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.236707.

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In, Nam-sik. "Authoritarianism in Egypt and South Korea : praetorian regimes of Gamal Abdul Nasser and Chung Hee Park." Thesis, Durham University, 2003. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1065/.

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Gamal, Abdel-Latif Hemdan Nasser [Verfasser], and Michael [Akademischer Betreuer] Kurrat. "Analysis and Optimization of medium Voltage Distribution Networks with Integration of Decentralized Generation / Nasser Gamal Abdel-Latif Hemdan ; Betreuer: Michael Kurrat." Braunschweig : Technische Universität Braunschweig, 2011. http://d-nb.info/1175825816/34.

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Eldeniz, Selin. "The Relationship Between The Egyptian State And The Muslim Brotherhood From 1952 To 1970." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615101/index.pdf.

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This thesis aims to analyze the relationship between two main inspiration sources of the Arab world, both emerged in Egypt: Gamal Abdel Nasser and the Muslim Brotherhood. The focus is defined as the relationship between the Egyptian state of Nasser&rsquo
s era and the Muslim Brotherhood
hence the time period is determined to be between 1952 and 1970. The reason why I have chosen this subject is that for the Middle East in general, and Egypt in particular, both actors have played a significant role in the path of deposing Western colonialism and engaging with modernism. On the other hand as both sides could provide alternative theories and means of governance against each other, the relationship seems more than interesting
especially regarding region&rsquo
s endeavor of providing a strong response and local alternatives to dominant Western values of modernism, it seems more than worthy to focus on these two main players and their interactions with each other.

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Saber, Dima. "De Nasser à Nasrallah : l’identité arabe à l’épreuve de ses récits médiatiques. Une analyse sémio-pragmatique de l’émergence de deux symboles de la nation. Nationalismes et propagandes, 1948-2006." Thesis, Paris 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA020055/document.

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Notre récit commence dans l’Egypte nationaliste des années 1950. Le coup d’Etat mené par Gamal Abdel Nasser et le “Mouvement des Officiers Libres” ouvre la voie à une révolution politique, économique, et socioculturelle, au Caire et dans l’ensemble du monde arabe. Il met alors en place un puissant dispositif médiatique : il fonde la radio la Voix des Arabes, publie La Philosophie de la révolution, et fera très rapidement du journal Al-Ahram la langue de sa révolution. De la guerre de Suez en 1956, à l’union avec la Syrie en 1958, l’Egypte soutiendra alors tous les mouvements de libération nationale jusqu’à la “catastrophe” de 1967, qui signe l’arrêt de mort du nationalisme nassérien. Lorsque le nationalisme laïc n’a pas réussi à restituer la Palestine et la dignité arabe perdues, certains ont cru que c’est la religion qui le fera. Deux modèles antagonistes secouent alors le consensus des années 1960 : au “pétro-islam” saoudien s’oppose désormais un islam chiite inspiré par la Révolution islamique en Iran et prôné par le Hezbollah et son Secrétaire général Hassan Nasrallah. Les années 1980-1990 correspondent aussi à l’introduction des chaînes satellites dans le monde arabe ; au pouvoir mobilisateur de la radio des années 1950, se substitue la force de l’image de chaînes comme Al-Jazeera et Al-Manar. Ainsi, trois décennies après la dernière guerre israélo-arabe, la question de l’identité est exportée sur le front libanais : Nasrallah dit mener, en 2006, “la guerre de la nation contre l’ennemi sioniste”. Comment, à travers leur couverture de la révolution, de la guerre, de la défaite et de la victoire, les médias arabes ont-ils dit l’identité tout au long des soixante dernières années d’histoire ? Comment la radio, la presse écrite, la télévision satellitaire, mais aussi la chanson, les clips et les jeux vidéo ont-ils dit l’arabité? Qu’est-ce que “être arabe” dans le discours médiatique d’aujourd’hui et de quelles manières l’islam politique prôné par les médias contemporains reprend-t-il les anciennes thématiques du nationalisme nassérien ?
Our story starts in the nationalist Egypt of the 1950s. The military coup undertaken by Gamal Abdel Nasser and the “Free Officers Movement” paved the way for a political, economic and socio-cultural revolution in Egypt and the entire Arab world. Soon after, Nasser established a powerful multifaceted media apparatus: he founded The Voices of the Arabs radio station, published The Philosophy of the Revolution, while Al-Ahram was slowly becoming the “tongue” of his revolution. From the Suez crisis in 1956, until the union with Syria in 1958, Nasser’s Egypt supported all anti-colonial liberation movements in the Arab world, until the 1967 defeat that signed the death sentence of pan-Arab nationalism. When secular nationalism couldn’t resuscitate Palestine and the tarnished Arab dignity, some thought that religion could. Two antagonistic models shook the fragile consensus of the 1960s: a Saudi “petro-Islam”, and the more recently emerging Shiite Islam, inspired by the Islamic Revolution in Iran, and mainly promoted by Hezbollah and its Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah. The 1980s also correspond to the introduction of the first satellite channels in the Arab world: the power of images on channels like Al-Jazeera and Al-Manar began to substitute radio’s mobilizing discourse of the 1950s. Three decades after the last Arab-Israeli war, the question of Arab identity is exported to the Lebanese front: Hassan Nasrallah says he is leading, in 2006, “the nation’s war against the Zionist enemy”. How did Arab media, through their coverage of revolutions, wars, defeats and victories, take part in the mechanisms of construction of post-colonial identities? How did the radio, the print and the satellite media, the songs, the music clips and the video games all define what is being “an Arab” today? And in which ways, does today’s political Islam, promoted by contemporary media narratives, reclaim the old pan-Arab and nationalist themes?

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Pendegraft, Gregory. "Third World Decolonization: The Pan Africanist Movement in the Age of Nasserism." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc984267/.

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In the mid-twentieth century Egyptian President Gamal Abdel-Nasser, along with President Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana rose to international prominence as leaders and visionaries who were able to achieve political independence in their respective home countries while attempting to shape a destiny for Africa that did not involve Western imperialism. For Nasser's part, he first secured independence for Egypt, then turned his attention to the Middle East, but soon became as active in the politics of Sub Saharan Africa, also known as black Africa, as he was in the Arab world. This thesis explores Nasser's forays into Sub Saharan Africa during the period of decolonization on the continent and how his aspirations for Africa were equally a part of his political agenda that came to be known as Nasserism. Considering Nasser was the leader of the Third bloc, Egypt's fate was tied to Africa just as much as it was to the Middle East. Beyond the aspects of Nasser's involvement in Africa, this work also explores the active role Africans played in their quest for independence from European colonizers. Many African leaders during this time were as prominent and as shrewd as Nasser and were committed to establishing an anti-imperialist continent while developing modern African states based on the principles of Pan Africanism. While this occurred, new countries began to enter Africa and it became up to the African heads of state to determine how much involvement they wanted from these outsiders and at what cost. As these many dynamics played out in Africa, Pan Africanism was simultaneously occurring in the United States that linked black America's fate with Africa in movements that emphasized black nationalism and Third World political ideology.

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Craissati, Dina. "The political economy of Nasserism and Sadatism : the nature of the state in Egypt and its impact on economic strategy." Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61996.

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Seleem, Amany Youssef. "The Interface of Religious and Political Conflict in Egyptian Theatre." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1373973567.

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Anouti, Hani. "The Politics of discrimination: a comparative study of the situation of Christian Arab minorities in Egypt and Syria." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/543838.

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This thesis investigates the puzzle of why the level of discrimination against religious minorities was higher in Egypt than in Syria, and therefore why the transition from "Arab" nationalism to "re-Islamization" of politics was greater in the first country than in the second (at least prior its civil war). The answer is the different survival strategies used by these dictatorships in front of the emergence of a strong Islamist opposition that questioned the existence of these secular Arab regimes. In addition, these strategies depend on the congruence or not between the religious identity of the ruling elites and the majority of the population. When the elite in power have the same religious identity of the majority combined with an important Islamist challenge, the levels of religious discrimination will be high. When the elite-population identity does not match, or when the Islamist challenge is contained, religious discrimination will be smaller.
Esta tesis investiga la paradoja de por qué el nivel de discriminación contra las minorías cristianas árabes fue mayor en Egipto que en Siria, y por tanto por qué el paso del nacionalismo “árabe” a la “reislamización” de la política fue mayor en el primer país que en el segundo (hasta el comienzo de su Guerra Civil). La explicación se encuentra en las diferentes estrategias de supervivencia utilizadas por sus dictaduras ante la aparición de una fuerte oposición islamista que cuestionaba la existencia de los regímenes árabes seculares. La variación de estrategias se debe a su vez a la mayor o menor congruencia entre la identidad religiosa de las élites gobernantes y la mayoría de la población. Cuando la identidad religiosa población-elite coincide y se da un importante desafío islamista, la discriminación será alta. Cuando no coincide, o no se da el desafío islamista, la discriminación religiosa será menor.

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Sierańska, Joalnta. "Aspiracje mocarstwowe w polityce zagranicznej Egiptu." Doctoral thesis, 2019. https://depotuw.ceon.pl/handle/item/3561.

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Celem niniejszej rozprawy doktorskiej, która jest studium politologicznym i mieści się w subdyscyplinie „Stosunki Międzynarodowe”, jest przedstawienie i analiza aspiracji mocarstwowych w polityce zagranicznej Egiptu, wpływu i znaczenia przywództwa Gamala Abdela Nasera, ideologii panarabizmu i naseryzmu, jak również tożsamości międzynarodowej Egiptu dla narodzin i ewolucji tychże aspiracji. Jest nim również przyczynienie się poprzez rezultaty badawcze do wypełnienia luki w dotychczasowych badaniach i pracach politologicznych w Polsce, poszerzenia obszaru badań ze względu na brak kompleksowego opracowania, monografii nt. aspiracji mocarstwowych w polityce zagranicznej Egiptu. Oprócz rekonstrukcji kluczowych wydarzeń w polityce wewnętrznej i zagranicznej Egiptu odnoszących się do przedmiotu badań i przedstawienia ich analizy, celem autorki rozprawy jest prezentacja i analiza percepcji aspiracji mocarstwowych Egiptu zarówno w świecie arabskim, z uwzględnieniem rywalizacji o wpływy w regionie Bliskiego Wschodu, jak i w globalnym środowisku międzynarodowym z analizą znaczenia Egiptu dla względnej stabilności w regionie, bezpieczeństwa ontologicznego Izraela, walki z islamskim ekstremizmem i fundamentalizmem. Praca ma także ambicje przedstawienia predyktywnego aspektu aspiracji mocarstwowych tego państwa w odniesieniu do kwestii uzyskania przez nie statusu mocarstwa regionalnego w przyszłości. W rozprawie dokonano porównania polityki i aspiracji mocarstwowych Egiptu realizowanych przez pięciu kolejnych egipskich prezydentów: Gamala Abdela Nasera, Anwara as-Sadata, Hosniego Mubaraka, Muhammada Mursiego i Abd al-Fattaha as-Sisiego. Jednym z głównych celów dysertacji jest także pokazanie kim byli/są egipscy przywódcy, jakie były źródła ich inspiracji, na jakich wzorcach Egipt się opierał w budowaniu silnego państwa i dążeniu do przewodzenia państwom arabskim, kto był inspiracją dla Nasera. Autorka pracy podjęła próbę zaprezentowania doświadczenia egipskich polityków i wiedzy przez nich wykorzystanej w budowaniu silnego państwa. Odnośnie do cezur czasowych, badania, których rezultaty są zaprezentowane w rozprawie, obejmują swym zakresem kluczowy dla Egiptu i jego aspiracji mocarstwowych okres rozpoczynający się w 1952 roku, a kończą się na aktualnych wydarzeniach w polityce zagranicznej i ich implikacjach dla tych aspiracji. Dla całościowego ukazania tematu koniecznym było również przeprowadzenie badań uwarunkowań historycznych procesu narodzin państwowości Egiptu w latach 1805-1922, a także uwarunkowań politycznych, sytuacji społecznej i politycznej w Egipcie do roku 1952. Okres rozpoczynający się w 1952 roku jest kluczowy, gdyż po raz pierwszy od ponad dwóch tysięcy lat, od czasów faraonów, Egipt zaczął być rządzony przez Egipcjan. Wiek XIX jest także ważny dla przedmiotu badań ze względu na kształtowanie się nowoczesnej tożsamości etnicznej mieszkańców kraju. W Egipcie zaczęto zdawać sobie sprawę z 5 tys. lat cywilizacji i historii oraz z ich wkładu w cywilizację ludzką.
The aim of this doctoral dissertation, which is a political science study belonging in the sub-discipline "International Relations", is the presentation and analysis of the power aspirations in Egypt's foreign policy: the influence and meaning of Gamal Abdel Nasser's leadership, the ideology of pan-Arabism and Nasserism, as well as the international identity of Egypt for the birth and evolution of these aspirations. The purpose of the dissertation is also to contribute through the research results to filling the gap in current research and political science in Poland, expanding the research area due to the lack of a comprehensive study, a monograph on power aspirations in Egypt's foreign policy. In addition to the reconstruction of key events in Egypt's internal and foreign policy relating to the subject of research and the presentation of their analysis, the author's aim is to present and analyze the perception of Egypt's power aspirations both in the Arab world, including competition for influence in the Middle East region, and in the global environment with an analysis of the significance of Egypt for a relative stability in the region, Israel's ontological security and the struggle against Islamic extremism and fundamentalism. The thesis also has the ambition to present a predictive aspect of Egypt’s power aspirations with regard to the issue of obtaining the status of a regional power in the future. In the dissertation, the author carried out a comparative analysis of the Egyptian foreign policy and power aspirations pursued by five successive Egyptian presidents: Gamal Abdel Nasser, Anwar as Sadat, Hosni Mubarak, Muhammad Mursi and Abd al-Fattah as-Sisi. One of the main goals of the dissertation is also to show who the Egyptian leaders were/are, what were the sources of their inspiration, on what models Egypt was based in building a strong state and striving to lead the Arab states, who was the inspiration for Nasser. The author of the thesis attempted to present the experience of Egyptian politicians and knowledge used by them in building a strong state With regard to the caesura of historical events, research, the results of which are presented in the dissertation, cover the key for Egypt and its power aspirations, the period beginning in 1952, and ending with current events in foreign policy and their implications for these aspirations. For the overall presentation of the subject, it was also necessary to conduct research on the historical conditions of the birth of Egyptian statehood between 1805-1922, as well as political conditions and social and political situation in Egypt until 1952. The period beginning in 1952 is crucial because for the first time since over two thousand years, from the time of the Pharaohs, Egypt began to be ruled by the Egyptians. The 19th century is also important for the subject of research due to the shaping of modern ethnic identity of the inhabitants of the country. In Egypt, people began to be aware of 5,000 years of civilization and history and their contribution to human civilization.

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Books on the topic "Gamal Abdel Naser"

1

Lacouture, Jean. Gamal Abdel Nasser. Paris: Bayard, 2005.

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DeChancie, John. Gamal Abdel Nasser. New York: Chelsea House Publishers, 1988.

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Roux, Dominique de. Gamal Abdel Nasser. Lausanne: L'Age d'homme, 2000.

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Gamal Abdel Nasser: A bibliography. New York: Greenwood Press, 1991.

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Mikdadi, Faysal. Gamal Abdel Nasser: A bibliography. New York: Greenwood, 1991.

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Farid, Abdel Majid. Nasser, the final years. Reading: Ithaca Press, 1994.

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Massarrat, Abid, and University of the Punjab. Pakistan Study Centre, eds. Gamal Abdul Nasser and after: The Palestine problem in international politics. Lahore: Research Society of Pakistan, Pakistan Study Center, University of the Punjab, 2012.

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The struggle for the Arab world: Egypt's Nasser and the Arab League. London: KPI, 1985.

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Frank, Gerd. Allahs grosse Söhne: Staatengründer und Reformer : Hassan II., Ibn Saud, Gamal Abdel Nasser, Kemal Atatürk, Hussein II. [Frankfurt am Main]: Societäts-Verlag, 1990.

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Lê, Nguyẽ̂n Hié̂n. Gương kiên nhã̂n: Hellen Keller, Alexander Fleming, Wright, Santos-Dumont, Jean-Henry Fabre, Gamal Abdel Nasser, Champollion, Florence Nightingale. [Long An]: Nhà xuât bản Long An, 1991.

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Book chapters on the topic "Gamal Abdel Naser"

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James, Laura M. "Gamal Abdel Nasser." In Mental Maps in the Early Cold War Era, 1945–68, 218–39. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230306066_12.

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Fahmy, Khaled. "Gamal Abdel Nasser." In Global Middle East, 103–16. University of California Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1h9dk55.12.

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"Nasser, Gamal Abdel (Egypt)." In The Statesman’s Yearbook Companion, 274–75. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-95839-9_545.

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"Young Gamal Abdel Nasser." In Making the Arab World, 152–74. Princeton University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvc7728b.9.

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Fahmy, Khaled. "8 Gamal Abdel Nasser." In Global Middle East, 103–16. University of California Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/9780520968127-011.

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Litvin, Margaret. "Nasser’s Dramatic Imagination, 1952–64." In Hamlet's Arab Journey. Princeton University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691137803.003.0003.

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This chapter explains that much of what matters for Arab Hamlet appropriation in the postcolonial period—the international sources, the way they were absorbed, and the concerns they help express—was shaped by the legacy of Gamal Abdel Nasser. Nasser's geopolitical and cultural priorities made a range of Hamlets available and conditioned how intellectuals received them. Beyond this, from the moment in 1954 when he declared to his people, “All of you are Gamal Abdel Nasser,” the Egyptian leader personally embodied his country's identity and acted out its drama of historical agency. Beyond Egypt's borders, he became (like his radio station) “the voice of the Arabs.”

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"5. Young Gamal Abdel Nasser." In Making the Arab World, 152–74. Princeton University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781400890071-007.

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"Gamal Abdel Nasser in Latin America 1." In Latin American Revolutionaries and the Arab World, 5–22. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315563077-2.

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Gordon, Joel. ""Each of You Shall Be Gamal"." In Nasser's Blessed Movement. American University in Cairo Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5743/cairo/9789774167782.003.0011.

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This chapter examines Gamal Abdel Nasser' transformation from conspirator in the July revolution to public statesman. The revolution of the Free Officers began to take form in the third year of their military rule. Following the March crisis, the officers abandoned plans to restore democratic life in Egypt in the near future. They used the police to preserve order, and occasionally to create disorder. The chapter considers the assassination attempt on Nasser by a member of the Muslim Brotherhood in October 1954—known as the Manshiya incident—and the Command Council of the Revolution's (CCR) subsequent crackdown on its most serious adversaries, particularly the communists and the Muslim Brothers, and even Muhammad Nagib. It also discusses Nasser's personal consolidation of power with an eye towards cementing his role as sole leader of Egypt as well as redefining the role of the revolutionary council.

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Hasou, Tawfig Y. "Egyptian Foreign Policy Under President Gamal Abdel-Nasser." In The Struggle for the Arab World, 48–67. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315829074-3.

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