Journal articles: 'Gambia – History'

1

Herlehy, Thomas J., and David P. Gamble. "The Gambia." International Journal of African Historical Studies 22, no. 3 (1989): 552. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220235.

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Jammeh, Buya. "Gambia gagged?" Index on Censorship 42, no. 4 (2013): 110–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306422013513859.

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3

Wright, Donald R. "The Effect of Alex Haley's Roots on How Gambians Remember the Atlantic Slave Trade." History in Africa 38 (2011): 295–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2011.0014.

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Beginning in late August 1974, I spent eight months in The Gambia, collecting oral traditions. My intention was to use what I obtained to reconstruct the history of Niumi, a precolonial “state” (Mandinka: banko) located at the mouth of the Gambia River. Over three centuries of slave trading in the river, Niumi was a dominant player in the region's political economy. Thus, one of my primary goals was to learn how Gambians remembered the centuries-long commerce that connected people living along the Gambia River to a vast Atlantic economic system, the heart of which was the sale and transportation of humans.To my disappointment, with only a few exceptions, Gambian informants did not recall much about the slave trade. In Albreda and Juffure, the two Gambia-River villages where people were most involved in dealings with Europeans during the slave-trading era, the best informants could say little beyond noting ruins of old buildings and mentioning vague doings of “the Portuguese.” In the end, only three informants were able and willing to say anything beyond the most banal generalities about the capture, movement, and sale of slaves that occurred in the Gambia River. My assessment was that in the body of stories that Gambians held in their collective memory, a vast void existed between tales of the long-ago, and likely mythical, origins of a clan, village, or state and events that occurred much more recently, in this case after the British settled Bathurst, near the river's mouth, in 1816.

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Jeng, Malick. "The Gambia: Journalists cleared." Index on Censorship 19, no. 2 (1990): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064229008534786.

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Gamble, David P., Arnold Hughes, and Harry A. Gailey. "Historical Dictionary of the Gambia." International Journal of African Historical Studies 33, no. 2 (2000): 448. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220709.

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6

Rolfe, M., C. M. Tang, S. Sabally, J. E. Todd, E. B. Sam, and A. B. Hatib N'jie. "Psychosis and Cannabis Abuse in the Gambia." British Journal of Psychiatry 163, no. 6 (1993): 798–801. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/bjp.163.6.798.

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Cannabis abuse is a major public health problem in The Gambia and other parts of West Africa, and the rise in the incidence of psychotic illness reflects the increased background use of cannabis by the local population. A case-control study was performed to determine the association between psychosis and cannabis abuse in The Gambia and the importance of other risk factors. Out of 234 patients admitted to Campama Psychiatric Unit over 12 months, 210 (90%) were enrolled in a case-control study. Urine was tested for cannabinoid substances and 38% were positive compared with 12% of matched non-psychotic control subjects. Analysis of the matched pairs showed that a positive urinary cannabinoid test, cigarette smoking, alcohol consumption, travel to Europe and family history of mental illness were all significant risk factors for psychotic illness; Koranic education reduced the risk. There was a positive correlation among the psychotic patients between a positive urinary cannabinoid test and the use of alcohol, ataya tea and cigarette smoking; a family history of mental illness showed a negative correlation.

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Kretzschmar, Imogen, Ousman Nyan, Ann Marie Mendy, and Bamba Janneh. "Mental health in the Republic of The Gambia." International Psychiatry 9, no. 2 (2012): 38–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s1749367600003076.

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The Republic of The Gambia, on the west coast of Africa, is a narrow enclave into Senegal (which surrounds the nation on three sides), with a coastline on the Atlantic Ocean, enclosing the mouth of the River Gambia. The smallest country on mainland Africa, The Gambia covers 11 295 km2 and has a population of 1705 000. There are five major ethnic groups: Mandinka, Fula, Wolof, Jola and Sarahuleh. Muslims represent 95% of the population. English is the official language but a miscellany of minor languages are also spoken (Serere, Aku, Mandjago, etc.). The Gambia has a history steeped in trade, with records of Arab traders dating back to the ninth century, its river serving as an artery into the continent, reaching as far as Mauritania. Indeed, as many as 3 million slaves were sold from the region during the trans-Atlantic slave trade. The Gambia gained independence from the UK in 1965 and joined the Commonwealth of Nations.

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Bellagamba, Alice. "My Elderly Friends of The Gambia." Cahiers d'études africaines 53, no. 209-210 (2013): 345–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesafricaines.17353.

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9

Janson, Marloes. "Male Wives and Female Husbands." Journal of Religion in Africa 46, no. 2-3 (2016): 187–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12340084.

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The Tablighi Jamaʻat—a transnational Islamic missionary movement that propagates greater religious devotion and observance in The Gambia—opens the door to a new experience of gendered Muslim piety.Tablighor Islamic missionary work results in novel roles for women, who are now actively involved in the public sphere—a domain usually defined as male. To provide their wives with more time to engage intabligh, Tablighi men share the domestic workload, although this is generally considered ‘women’s work’ in Gambian society. Contrary to the conventional approach in scholarship on gender and Islam to study such inversion of gender roles in terms of Muslim women’s ‘empowerment’ and Muslim men’s ‘emancipation’, in the Gambian branch of the Jamaʻat the reconfiguration of gender norms seems to be motivated by Tablighis’ wish to return to the purported origins of Islam. Following the example of the Prophet’s wives, Tablighi women actively engage intablighand, taking Muhammad as their example, Tablighi men have taken over part of their wives’ household chores. Paradoxically, by reconfiguring gender norms Gambian Tablighis eventually reinstate the patriarchal gender order.

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10

Gijanto, Liza. "Historic Preservation and Development in Banjul, The Gambia." Journal of African Diaspora Archaeology and Heritage 2, no. 1 (2013): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/2161944113z.0000000003.

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11

Burton, Matthew J., Richard J. C. Bowman, Hannah Faal, et al. "The Long-Term Natural History of Trachomatous Trichiasis in The Gambia." Investigative Opthalmology & Visual Science 47, no. 3 (2006): 847. http://dx.doi.org/10.1167/iovs.05-0714.

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12

Janson, Marloes. "Roaming About For God's Sake: The Upsurge of the Tablīgh Jamā'at in the Gambia." Journal of Religion in Africa 35, no. 4 (2005): 450–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006605774832199.

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AbstractThe proliferation of the Tablīgh Jamā'at, an Islamic missionary movement that strictly observes the fundamentals of the faith, is a manifestation of the recent Islamic resurgence in West Africa. The movement originated in South Asia, but has expanded to Africa. Despite the Jamā'at's great influence on the lives of many West African Muslims, sub-Saharan Africa is a region that has been ignored almost completely in studies of the movement. This article focuses on The Gambia, which appears to be a booming centre of Tablīgh activities in West Africa. On the basis of the conversion stories of a male and a female Tablīgh activist, the central themes in the Gambian branch of the Tablīgh Jamā'at will be explored. These themes result from local factors such as the socio-economic crisis and gender relations. Nevertheless, they also bear similarities with recurrent subjects in other 'fundamentalist' movements throughout the world.

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13

Gardner, Leigh. "The curious incident of the franc in the Gambia: exchange rate instability and imperial monetary systems in the 1920s." Financial History Review 22, no. 3 (2015): 291–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565015000232.

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In 1922, British colonial Gambia demonetized the French 5-franc coin, which had been legal tender at a fixed rate in the colony since 1843. Until World War I, this rate was close to the international rate under the gold standard. When the franc began to depreciate in 1918, however, a gap emerged between the Gambian rate and the international rate, prompting a rapid influx of the coins. The demonetization cost the colonial administration over a year's revenue, affecting the later development of the colony. The 1920s have long been a fruitful period for the study of monetary history owing to the instability of exchange rates during and after the war. This article extends the study of this period to examine the impact of these changes on dependent colonies in West Africa, highlighting the importance of local compromises and particularities in colonial monetary systems.

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14

Barrett, Hazel R., and Harry A. Gailey. "Historical Dictionary of the Gambia (Second Edition)." International Journal of African Historical Studies 21, no. 4 (1988): 720. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219763.

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15

R., Trevor Wilson. "History, status and use of equines in the West African Republic of Gambia." International Journal of Livestock Production 8, no. 5 (2017): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5897/ijlp2016.0352.

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16

Williams, P. J. "Effect of measles immunization on child mortality in rural Gambia." Journal of Biosocial Science 21, S10 (1989): 95–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002193200002530x.

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The Gambia provides an unusual opportunity for the application of cost analysis to health due to a relatively long history of immunization and recent empirical research. The results should apply not only to immunization programmes but also to a variety of types of primary health care in developing countries. In particular, well-based estimates of the cost per case averted and the cost per death prevented by alternative health interventions should prove to be of widespread interest and usefulness.

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17

Buckley, Liam. "Photography and Photo-Elicitation after Colonialism." Cultural Anthropology 29, no. 4 (2014): 720–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.14506/ca29.4.07.

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In photo-elicitation studies of colonial imagery, photographs are seen as repositories of historical data. This article examines the author’s experience of photo-elicitation in the postcolonial context of The Gambia, West Africa. Here, Gambian viewers responded to the aesthetic and compositional details of colonial photographs rather than their historical content. This attention to the surface of the photograph and its aesthetic qualities suggests a disconnection or distraction from the colonial history depicted in the images. This photo-elicitation does not engage or resolve a historical relationship with the colonial past. Rather, it reveals an engagement with elements of the photograph in which the visual legacies of colonialism—identification, representation, memorialization—remain absent. The absence of acknowledged connections to the past calls into question the ability of the photograph to represent the colonial past or its subjects to the viewer. In Gambian viewers’ preoccupation with aesthetic details, the photograph becomes a crafted object, rather than a link to colonial subordination. This calls into question the efficacy of photo-elicitation to demonstrate reactions to colonialism that move beyond Eurocentric frameworks.

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18

Gibbs, Joseph. "John Massey, George Lowther, and the taking of the Gambia Castle, 1721." International Journal of Maritime History 28, no. 3 (2016): 461–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871416647228.

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19

Roberts, Penelope A., and Richard Schroeder. "Shady Practices: Agroforestry and Gender Politics in the Gambia." International Journal of African Historical Studies 33, no. 1 (2000): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220270.

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20

Sundby, Johanne, Reuben Mboge, and Sheriff Sonko. "Infertility in the Gambia: frequency and health care seeking." Social Science & Medicine 46, no. 7 (1998): 891–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0277-9536(97)00215-3.

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21

MacKenzie, A. Fiona D., and Richard A. Schroeder. "Shady Practices. Agroforestry and Gender Politics in the Gambia." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 35, no. 1 (2001): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/486380.

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22

Danso, Sunkung, and Sulikah Asmorowati. "The shift towards democratic governance: System change versus regime change analysis in The Gambia 2017-2019." Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik 33, no. 4 (2020): 339. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mkp.v33i42020.339-351.

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Democratic governance has been seen as a catalyst for inclusive growth and meaningful development in many countries. Shifting from authoritarian rule to more democratic rule has also been seen as essential for many governments worldwide. Democratic governance is often a problem for developing countries, including most African countries and particularly The Gambia. This paper analyses the shift towards a more democratic governance style that is heated debated in The Gambia. The debate started when one of the coalition government members asserted that they could achieve regime change; however, a democratic system change remains lacking. This paper has sought to analyze whether the shift toward a more democratic leadership style in The Gambia is one of system change or regime change and ascertain what has democratically changed and bad governance in the new government. This article’s main objective is to create political awareness and enlighten the readers on the change’s misconceptions towards democratic governance. The discussion focuses on democratic governance and the collective action theory of governance to explain the democratic process in New Gambia. This study adopts qualitative case study research methods; the research employed a systematic review of the existing scholarly journal articles, books, newspapers, and television interview recordings. The observation used to identify, understand, and interpret the democratic governance situation in The Gambia from 2017 to 2019. The findings show that the coalition government has succeeded in achieving a democratic regime change; however, the democratic system change itself is too slow, or it is not happening. For the first time in The Gambia’s history, a seating president defeat through the ballot box. In conclusion, the democratic governance system change is far-fetched. It is vital to state that there is little or no difference between Jammeh’s regime and the current regime under President Barrow’s leadership. The same problems continue to persist. Finally, the transparency and accountability mechanisms must be enhanced to address the endemic problem of corruption.

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23

Janneh, Fatou. "Gambian Women’s Struggles through Collective Action." Studies in Social Science Research 2, no. 3 (2021): p41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/sssr.v2n3p41.

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Women have a long history of organizing collective action in The Gambia. Between the 1970s to the 1990s, they were instrumental?to The Gambia’s politics. Yet they?have?held no political power within its government. This paper argues that, since authorities failed to serve women’s interests, Gambian women resorted to using collective action to overcome their challenges through kafoolu and kompins [women’s grassroots organizations] operating in the rural and urban areas. They shifted their efforts towards organizations that focused on social and political change. These women’s organizations grew significantly as they helped women to promote social and economic empowerment. The women cultivated political patronage with male political leaders to achieve their goals. Political leaders who needed popular support to buttress their political power under the new republican government cash in patronage. Thus, this study relies on primary data from oral interviews. Secondary sources such as academic journals, books, and policy reports provide context to the study.

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Martin, Susan. "Gambian Markets - The Marketing of Foodstuffs in The Gambia, 1400–1980: A Geographical Analysis. By Hazel R. Barrett. Aldershot, Hants., and Brookfield, Vermont: Gower, 1988. Pp. xiv + 231. £19.50." Journal of African History 31, no. 2 (1990): 317–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700025081.

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Kanteh, Abdoulie, Jarra Manneh, Sona Jabang, et al. "Origin of imported SARS-CoV-2 strains in The Gambia identified from whole genome sequences." PLOS ONE 16, no. 8 (2021): e0241942. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0241942.

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The SARS-CoV-2 disease, first detected in Wuhan, China, in December 2019 has become a global pandemic and is causing an unprecedented burden on health care systems and the economy globally. While the travel history of index cases may suggest the origin of infection, phylogenetic analysis of isolated strains from these cases and contacts will increase the understanding and link between local transmission and other global populations. The objective of this analysis was to provide genomic data on the first six cases of SARS-CoV-2 in The Gambia and to determine the source of infection. This ultimately provide baseline data for subsequent local transmission and contribute genomic diversity information towards local and global data. Our analysis has shown that the SARS-CoV-2 virus identified in The Gambia are of European and Asian origin and sequenced data matched patients’ travel history. In addition, we were able to show that two COVID-19 positive cases travelling in the same flight had different strains of SARS-CoV-2. Although whole genome sequencing (WGS) data is still limited in sub-Saharan Africa, this approach has proven to be a highly sensitive, specific and confirmatory tool for SARS-CoV-2 detection.

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Bellagamba, Alice. "Entrustment and its Changing Political Meanings in Fuladu, the Gambia (1880–1994)." Africa 74, no. 3 (2004): 383–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2004.74.3.383.

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AbstractThe practice of entrustment is a form of voluntary allegiance for the sake of protection, one which historically lies at the core of host–stranger relationships along the River Gambia. Deeply woven into the social fabric of local communities, it was appropriated by various historical subjects during the twentieth century in order to construct networks of political confidence and mutual assistance at a local and national level. This article traces this dynamic process of re-elaboration. In so doing, it takes into account the history of a Mandinka commercial settlement in eastern Gambia from the late nineteenth century to post-Independence times, and questions the shifts that occurred in the political significance of entrustment with changing social and economic scenarios. Contextualised in the longue durée, the practice of karafoo shows its relevance as a cultural resource encouraging the creation of networks of trust and interdependence in social settings historically characterised by seasonal and more stable forms of migration.

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Wright, Donald R. "Requiem for the Use of Oral Tradition to Reconstruct the Precolonial History of the Lower Gambia." History in Africa 18 (1991): 399–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172074.

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For the simple truth is that much oral tradition is mutually contradictory, biased, garbled, nonsensical, and essentially codswallop.In 1974—the same year I ventured into the field to begin collecting oral data for my doctoral thesis, a precolonial history of a Mandinka state at the mouth of the Gambia River—Robert W. Fogel and Stanley L. Engerman published their now much maligned work on African American slavery, Time on the Cross. With publication of the book, Fogel and Engerman did something few historians had done before or have done since: they made public their evidence—all of it, data and statistical methodology—so others could determine how they had arrived at their conclusions. Perhaps it was because their interpretation of slavery was so different from those preceding it that historians used Fogel and Engerman's published evidence to dismantle, piece by piece, their arguments and the way they had arrived at them.But making available otherwise inaccessible evidence seemed to me the right thing to do. So, in the field and afterward, I offered up my oral data. (The written evidence I used was already available, either published or in archives at various places on three continents.) I deposited copies of cassette tapes of my interviews, with copies of transcribed translations, in the Gambia and in the United States. Also, within a few years of finishing the dissertation I published two volumes of translated, transcribed, and annotated oral traditions from the collection in an inexpensive series that I thought would be accessible to most interested parties. If people wanted to test my hypotheses, attack my methods, or berate my conclusions, they at least had the materials for doing so.

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NUGENT, PAUL. "CYCLICAL HISTORY IN THE GAMBIA/CASAMANCE BORDERLANDS: REFUGE, SETTLEMENT AND ISLAM FROM c. 1880 TO THE PRESENT." Journal of African History 48, no. 2 (2007): 221–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853707002769.

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ABSTRACTThis article begins with a quotation from a local informant highlighting a perception in the Gambia/Casamance borderlands that there is a pattern linking the violence of the later nineteenth century with more recent troubles. It argues that there is some merit in this thesis, which is encapsulated in a concatenation of events: systematic raiding by Fodé Sylla led to the creation of a relatively depopulated colonial border zone which was later filled by Jola immigrants from Buluf to the southeast. In the perception of some, it is these immigrants who attracted the MFDC rebels. Mandinkas and Jolas of Fogny Jabankunda and Narang, and Karoninkas from the islands of Karone have therefore been largely unreceptive to appeals to Casamance nationalism. The article also argues that there are more twisted historical connections. Whereas in the later nineteenth century, the Jolas associated Islam with violent enslavement, they later converted en masse. Their attitude towards Fodé Sylla remained negative, whilst the Mauritanian marabout, Cheikh Mahfoudz, was credited with the introduction of a pacific form of Islam that valorized hard work and legitimated physical migration. This legacy has posed a further barrier to militant nationalism. Islam and violence remain linked, but the signs have been reversed.

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Wiseman, Virginia, Anthony Scott, Lesong Conteh, Brendan McElroy, and Warren Stevens. "Determinants of provider choice for malaria treatment: Experiences from The Gambia." Social Science & Medicine 67, no. 4 (2008): 487–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2008.04.007.

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Mokuolu, Olugbenga, Kolade Ernest, Adeniyi Adeoye, and Rasaq Olaosebikan. "Risk factors for malaria in children presenting with fever or history of fever in rural Gambia." Journal of Pediatric Infectious Diseases 05, no. 02 (2015): 149–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/jpi-2010-0242.

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Bowman, R. "Natural history of trachomatous scarring in the Gambia Results of a 12-year longitudinal follow-up." Ophthalmology 108, no. 12 (2001): 2219–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0161-6420(01)00645-5.

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OURA, C. A. L., P. A. S. IVENS, K. BACHANEK-BANKOWSKA, et al. "African horse sickness in The Gambia: circulation of a live-attenuated vaccine-derived strain." Epidemiology and Infection 140, no. 3 (2011): 462–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095026881100080x.

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SUMMARYAfrican horse sickness virus serotype 9 (AHSV-9) has been known for some time to be circulating amongst equids in West Africa without causing any clinical disease in indigenous horse populations. Whether this is due to local breeds of horses being resistant to disease or whether the AHSV-9 strains circulating are avirulent is currently unknown. This study shows that the majority (96%) of horses and donkeys sampled across The Gambia were seropositive for AHS, despite most being unvaccinated and having no previous history of showing clinical signs of AHS. Most young horses (<3 years) were seropositive with neutralizing antibodies specific to AHSV-9. Eight young equids (<3 years) were positive for AHSV-9 by serotype-specific RT–PCR and live AHSV-9 was isolated from two of these horses. Sequence analysis revealed the presence of an AHSV-9 strain showing 100% identity to Seg-2 of the AHSV-9 reference strain, indicating that the virus circulating in The Gambia was highly likely to have been derived from a live-attenuated AHSV-9 vaccine strain.

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Brown. "Await the Jarga: Cattle, Disease, and Livestock Development in Colonial Gambia." Agricultural History 90, no. 2 (2016): 230. http://dx.doi.org/10.3098/ah.2016.090.2.230.

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Shimakawa, Yusuke, Maud Lemoine, Harr Freeya Njai, et al. "Natural history of chronic HBV infection in West Africa: a longitudinal population-based study from The Gambia." Gut 65, no. 12 (2015): 2007–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/gutjnl-2015-309892.

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Mark, Peter. "Constructing Identity: Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century Architecture in the Gambia-Geba Region and the Articulation of Luso-African Ethnicity." History in Africa 22 (January 1995): 307–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171919.

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The precolonial architectural history of the northern Upper Guinea coast from the Gambia to the Geba rivers has yet to be studied in depth. Yet this region, the first to be visited and described by European travelers in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, is among the best-documented parts of sub-Saharan Africa for the four centuries of precolonial African-European contact. The establishment of communities of Luso-African traders in the sixteenth and seventeenth century makes the Gambia-Casamance-Bissau area important to the study of early sustained cultural interaction between Europeans and West Africans.One result of the establishment of Portuguese and Luso-African trading communities was the development of a distinctive style of architecture, suited to the climate and making use of locally-available building materials. The history of the trade itself has been extensively studied by George Brooks. His work, along with that of Jean Boulègue, provides a firm foundation for the study of local architecture and living space. It is not my intention to rewrite these excellent sources, although much of my material is drawn from the same primary documents they have used, and although, in presenting the historical context from which seventeenth-century coastal architecture developed, I necessarily cover some ground that Brooks has already trod.In addition to the history of building styles, several related questions that are highly significant to the history of European-African cultural interaction need to be addressed. These questions include: what were the respective roles of Africans, Europeans, and Luso-Africans in the development of a distinctive architectural style? Is it possible to discern the influence of evolving Luso-African construction on local African architecture? And of local building styles on Afro-European construction? In other words, to what extent does architecture reflect mutual, two-way interaction between European and African society?

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Schoenbuchner, Simon M., Sophie E. Moore, William Johnson, et al. "In rural Gambia, do adolescents have increased nutritional vulnerability compared with adults?" Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 1416, no. 1 (2018): 77–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/nyas.13587.

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Shimakawa, Y., M. Lemoine, C. Bottomley, et al. "P0598 : Natural history of chronic hepatitis B infection in The Gambia, West Africa: A longitudinal population-based study." Journal of Hepatology 62 (April 2015): S540—S541. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0168-8278(15)30804-7.

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NUGENT, PAUL. "A SOURCE BOOK FOR GAMBIAN ELECTIONS - A Political History of the Gambia 1816–1994. By Arnold Hughes and David Perfect. Rochester NY: University of Rochester Press, 2006. Pp. xviii+530. £50/$90 (isbn1-58046-230-8)." Journal of African History 48, no. 3 (2007): 494–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002185370700312x.

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Thomson, Steven K. "Christianity, Islam, and ‘The Religion of Pouring’: Non-linear Conversion in a Gambia/Casamance Borderland." Journal of Religion in Africa 42, no. 3 (2012): 240–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12341232.

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AbstractThe twentieth-century religious history of the Kalorn (Karon Jolas) in the Alahein River Valley of the Gambia/Casamance border cannot be reduced to a single narrative. Today extended families include Muslims, Christians, and practitioners of the traditionalAwasena‘religion of pouring’. A body of funeral songs highlights the views of those who resisted pressure toward conversion to Islam through the 1930s, ’40s and ’50s. The introduction of a Roman Catholic mission in the early 1960s created new social and economic possibilities that consolidated an identity that stood as an alternative to the Muslim-Mandinka model. This analysis emphasizes the equal importance of both macropolitical and economic factors and the more proximal effects of reference groups in understanding religious conversion. Finally, this discussion of the origins of religious pluralism within a community grants insight into how conflicts along religious lines have been defused.

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Witte, Leendert J. "<i>Loculicytheretta morkhoveni</i> sp. nov. (Ostracoda) from West Africa and its relevance to the history of the Mediterranean Seaway." Journal of Micropalaeontology 5, no. 2 (1986): 85–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1144/jm.5.2.85.

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Abstract. Loculicytheretta morkhoveni sp. nov., of which the females have six loculi per valve, was found in Recent beachsand samples from Senegal and The Gambia (West Africa). A displaced specimen of the same species was present in a sample from deeper water off Guinea, where it occurred with L. aff. L. pavonia (having four loculi per valve). The presence of the Mediterranean species L. pavonia (with three loculi) in deep samples West of Gibralter is interpreted as a result of transportation by outflowing currents.The discontinuous distribution pattern of the genus Loculicytheretta is tentatively related to a reversal of the flow regime in the Mediterranean basin during the Pliocene.

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41

Nugent, Paul. "Assan Sarr. Islam, Power, and Dependency in the Gambia River Basin: The Politics of Land Control, 1790–1940." American Historical Review 124, no. 4 (2019): 1564–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz875.

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42

Robinson, Marsha R. "Bala Saho. Contours of Change: Muslim Courts, Women, and Islamic Society in Colonial Bathurst, the Gambia, 1905–1965." American Historical Review 124, no. 4 (2019): 1565–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz906.

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43

Engel-Di Mauro, Salvatore. "Minding history and world-scale dynamics in hazards research: the making of hazardous soils in The Gambia and Hungary." Journal of Risk Research 15, no. 10 (2012): 1319–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13669877.2011.591500.

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44

Marsden, Stella Brewer, David Marsden, and Melissa Emery Thompson. "Demographic and Female Life History Parameters of Free-Ranging Chimpanzees at the Chimpanzee Rehabilitation Project, River Gambia National Park." International Journal of Primatology 27, no. 2 (2006): 391–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10764-006-9029-0.

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45

Graw, Knut. "Locating Nganiyo: Divination as Intentional Space." Journal of Religion in Africa 36, no. 1 (2006): 78–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006606775569587.

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AbstractIn Senegal and Gambia, the main reason for divinatory consultation is seen not in misfortune or uncertainty but in the client's intention, longing and desire (nganiyo). To locate this intention is the diviner's first task. Successfully executed, it is the proof of his/her divinatory capacities. Drawing on the phenomenological and semantic analysis of Senegambian divinatory praxis, especially among Mandinka speakers, it is argued that Senegambian divination should not be seen as an abstract search for knowledge but as a performative praxis constituting an intentional and empowering cultural space that allows the subject to engage actively with his current situation. In a parallel analysis, it is shown that the notions and concepts underlying the divinatory process form in themselves a highly instructive theory of intentionality and affliction.

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46

Kelly, Ann H., David Ameh, Silas Majambere, Steve Lindsay, and Margaret Pinder. "‘Like sugar and honey’: The embedded ethics of a larval control project in The Gambia." Social Science & Medicine 70, no. 12 (2010): 1912–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2010.02.012.

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47

HOWARD, ALLEN M. "ISLAM, POWER, AND DEPENDENCY IN THE GAMBIA RIVER BASIN. Islam, Power, and Dependency in the Gambia River Basin: The Politics of Land Control, 1790–1940. By Assan Sarr. Rochester NY and Suffolk, UK: University of Rochester Press and Boydell and Brewer Limited, 2016. Pp. xiii + 244. $49.95, hardback (ISBN: 9781580465694)." Journal of African History 60, no. 01 (2019): 142–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853719000185.

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48

Jayasooriya, S., A. Jobe, S. Badjie, et al. "The burden of non-TB lung disease presenting to TB clinics in The Gambia: preliminary data in the Xpert® MTB/Rif era." Public Health Action 9, no. 4 (2019): 166–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5588/pha.19.0046.

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In some low and middle-income countries, 10–20% of patients presenting with a persistent cough have tuberculosis (TB). Once TB is excluded, health service provision for alternative diagnoses is limited. We prospectively studied patients with two Xpert-negative sputum results presenting to a TB clinic in The Gambia. Of 239 patients, 108 did not have TB; 65/102 (6 were lost to follow-up) had alternative diagnoses, 24.6% of which were non-respiratory; 37/102 had no diagnosis, 27.0% of whom were HIV-1-positive; 37.8% had a history of TB and 24.3% smoked. We highlight the need for general health service integration with TB platforms and exploration of non-TB patients with chronic respiratory symptoms.

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Kroot, Matthew V., and Cameron Gokee. "Histories and Material Manifestations of Slavery in the Upper Gambia River Region: Preliminary Results of the Bandafassi Regional Archaeological Project." Journal of African Diaspora Archaeology and Heritage 7, no. 2 (2018): 74–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21619441.2019.1589712.

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50

Bellagamba, Alice. "Back to the Land of Roots. African American Tourism and the Cultural Heritage of the River Gambia." Cahiers d'études africaines 49, no. 193-194 (2009): 453–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesafricaines.18780.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Gambia – History'

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