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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Gandhara (Pakistan and Afghanistan)'
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1
Hussain, Khawar. "Pakistan's Afghanistan policy." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FHussain.pdf.
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Khan, Muhammad Ashraf. "Les figurines en terre cuite de Sardheri et leurs relations avec les autres figurines du Gandhara." Paris 1, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989PA010598.
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Le gandhara, se trouve dans l'extreme nord-ouest du pakistan, entre les monts de la passe de khyber, la riviere de kaboul et le grand fleuve indus. L'histoire ancienne du gandhara est, en effet, le long recit des epopees de peuples venus de l'occident lointain, de l'iran, des steppes de l'asie centrale, et qui voulaient atteindre le souscontinent indien. Le site de sardheri se trouve au nord-ouest du pakistan, a livre un tres grand nombre de figurines feminines en terre cuite. Il en va de meme pour d'autres sites archeologique de gandhara. Les figurines feminines de sardheri les quatre types de deesses-meres l'archaique, l'hellenistique, indo-scythe, et gandharienne. Le but de cette etude est tout d'abord d'etablir une structure chronologique basee sur le temoignage apporte par les strates pour les figurines feminines de sardheri et ensuite de presenter les collections de figurines provenant de divers sites et periodes qui ne representent pas un repertoire d'echantillons complet pour ces sites et periodes.
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Hippler, Jochen. "Dauerkrise in Pakistan." Universität Potsdam, 2009. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2009/2936/.
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Ist Pakistan das gefährlichste Land der Welt? Jochen Hippler, ein exzellenter Kenner dieses Landes, analysiert die innenpolitische Dauerkrise. Der Staat wird immer fragiler und die Politik immer mehr durch Gewalt geprägt. Große Teile des Staatsapparates sind deformiert. Gelingt es nicht, diesen Zerfall zu stoppen, wird Pakistan mittelfristig für die Welt bedrohlicher als das krisengeschüttelte Afghanistan.
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Hassan, Talal. "AFGHANISTAN COMPLEX SITUATION AND ITS IMPLICATIONS ON PAKISTAN." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22705.
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The aim of this thesis to high lights the Afghanistan complex situation and itsimplications on Pakistan. Though out the history, Afghanistan complex situation andweak government create a security threat for Pakistan. Since the late 1970s Afghanistanhad suffered brutal civil war in addition to foreign interventions in the form of the 1979Soviet invasion and the 2001 U.S. invasion. Pakistan is significantly and directly affectedby the foreign invasion in Afghanistan. Pakistan is facing a variety of security threats; aninternal threat, an Indian threat, and the threat from Afghanistan. In order to comprehendPakistan's security dilemma, it is necessary to start our discussion with analyze theAfghanistan geographically importance, foreign intervention in Afghanistan, pak-afghanrelation, Pakistan’s foreign policies towards Afghanistan, the resistance movement andrefugee problems, and then evaluate the security situation. Admittedly, the India factorcannot be ignored in studying Pakistan's security dilemma.
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D’Souza, Shanthie Mariet. "India in Post-ISAF Afghanistan." Universität Potsdam, 2014. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2014/6992/.
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Indien macht sich Sorgen, ob seine betont nichtmilitärische Politik in Afghanistan nach Abzug der ISAF-Truppen Früchte trägt. Als einer der größten Entwicklungshilfegeber hat Indien nach Vertreibung
der Taliban 2001 mehr als zwei Mrd. US-Dollar in das Land gepumpt und der Nachfrage nach militärischer Hilfe bislang erfolgreich getrotzt. Unter Umgehung des einflussreichen Grenzlandes Pakistan will Indien von den Bodenschätzen Afghanistans, seiner strategischen Lage und seinem Wirtschafts- und Handelspotenzial profitieren. Die Angst vor der Rückkehr der Taliban sitzt jedoch tief und die eigene Verwundbarkeit ist groß, wie die Bombenangriffe 2008 und 2009 auf indische Botschaften in Afghanistan
zeigten. Langfristig wird Indien seine Interessen in diesem Raum nur über einen multilateralen Ansatz sichern können.
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Malik, Abdul Hamid Masood Alauddin. "Impelled Afghan migration to Pakistan, 1978-1984." Peshawar : Area Study Centre, 2000. http://books.google.com/books?id=8vttAAAAMAAJ.
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Karlsson, Julia. "Counterinsurgency in the Afghanistan-Pakistan Borderlands : A Discourse Analysis of the American Assessment of the Border to Pakistan in the Afghanistan Counterinsurgency Mission." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-320748.
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The main theatre of the war in Afghanistan is in its borderlands to Pakistan. There the Taliban strongholds never ceased and its local population seem to affiliate with the enemy. December 1 2009 President Barack Obama presented a new “comprehensive” strategy concerning the mission in Afghanistan. This was a strategy highly dominated by counterinsurgency – or in other words to change the main focus from the enemy to the population. The study’s aim was to analyse the assessment of the borderlands in the new Afghanistan counterinsurgency mission. This was done with the tools of critical discourse analysis and also in identifying ideal types in the counterinsurgency theory. The goal was to understand how the borderlands were assessed in the mission and if the concepts of regional aspects, external support, winning hearts and minds and securing the population were addressed. The results show that the borderlands were assessed well in accordance to counterinsurgency theory, but the specific cultural aspects of Afghanistan were given little attention. The situation in the borderlands is still to this day very unstable.
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Dessart, Laurent. "Les Pachtounes : économie et culture d'une aristocratie guerrière (Afghanistan-Pakistan)." Paris, Muséum national d'histoire naturelle, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000MNHN0024.
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Janjua, Muhammad Qaiser. "In the shadow of the Durand Line security, stability, and the future of Pakistan and Afghanistan." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Jun/09Jun%5FJanjua.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2009.Thesis Advisor(s): Berger, Marcos (Mark T.). "June 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 10, 2009. Author(s) subject terms: Pakistan, Afghanistan, Instability and Insecurity, Durand Line, Pak-Afghan Border, Pashtunistan, Baluchistan, Afghan Refugees, Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), Global War on Terror (GWOT). Includes bibliographical references (p. 91-99). Also available in print.
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Ames, Todd Trowbridge. "Factors affecting the repatriation of the Afghan refugees." PDXScholar, 1992. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4274.
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Pipes, Gregory D. "Baloch-Islamabad tensions problems of national integration /." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Mar/10Mar%5FPipes.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Middle East, South Asia, Sub-Saharan))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2010.Thesis Advisor(s): Kapur, S. Paul ; Khan, Feroz Hassan. "March 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 21, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Baloch, Baluch, Balochi, Baluchi, Balochistan, Baluchistan, Pakistan, Islamabad, Insurgency, Afghanistan, India. Includes bibliographical references (p. 81-86). Also available in print.
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Ahmand, Irfan. "Role of airpower for counterinsurgency in Afghanistan and FATA (Federally Administered Tribal Areas)." Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA501136.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense Decision Making and Planning)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2009.Thesis Advisor(s): Davis, Zachary ; Khan, Feroz H. "June 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 13, 2009. DTIC Identifier(s): FATA(Federally Administered Tribal Areas), Civilian Casualties, Insurgent Recruiting, Kinetic Operations, Antiamericanism, Militancy, Radicalization, Weak Governance, Pakistan Air Force, North West Frontier Province, Safe Havens, Taliban, Al Qaeda, Tribes, Warlords, Radical Islam, Greek Civil War, Philippine Insurgency, Soviet-Afghan War. Author(s) subject terms: Afghanistan, Pakistan, FATA, Airpower, COIN, Insurgency, Militancy. Includes bibliographical references (p. 105-113). Also available in print.
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Afsar, Shahid A. Samples Christopher A. "The evolution of the Taliban." Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA483587.
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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2008.Thesis Advisor(s): Johnson, Thomas H. "June 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on August 26, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 165-178). Also available in print.
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Tora, Julien. "La frontière afghano-pakistanaise et son influence sur la stabilité mondiale." Grenoble : IEP, 2007. http://iepdoc.upmf-grenoble.fr/memoires/pdf/2007/Z7304.pdf.
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Mémoire IEP : Science politique : Grenoble, IEP : 2007.Séminaire : "Règlement pacifique des différends, recours à la force et prévention des conflits internationaux" dirigé par Karine Bannelier-Christakis. Titre provenant de la page de titre numérisée. Bibliogr. p. 109-114.
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Fröhlich, Christine. "Histoire et monnayage des Indo-Scythes et des Indo-Parthes (1er siècle avant notre ère - 1er siecle de notre ère). Catalogue raisonné des monnaies du Cabinet des Médailles." Paris, EPHE, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001EPHE4043.
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Les dynasties indo-scythe et indo-parthe régnèrent en Inde du Nord-Ouest, dans tout le Gandhara pour les Indo-Scythes, et depuis Hérat, en Afghanistan, jusqu'à Mathura, en Inde, pour les Indo-Parthes. Les premiers souverains indo-scythes arrivèrent au Gandhara au début du Ier siècle avant notre ère, et leur dynastie est remplacée par celle des Indo-Parthes aux alentours de notre ère. Ces deux peuples nomades se situent donc entre les derniers Indo-Grecs et en même temps que les premiers Kushans. La thèse proposée aborde toutes les questions posées par les spécialistes, qui sont surtout chronologiques. La reconstruction de l'histoire de ces deux dynasties repose principalement sur les monnaies. C'est pourquoi deux des quatre volumes de la thèse ont été consacrés à la recension des données numismatiques, avec un catalogue de la collection inédite du Cabinet des Médailles de Paris, un recensement des trésors publiés et inédits, et un volume de corpus qui rassemble 10 000 monnaies environ. Le premier volume est dévolu à une étude bibliographique importante, des origines à nos jours, à l'analyse des données textuelles (très rares), archéologiques (peu nombreuses), épigraphiques (difficiles d'interprétation) et iconographiques (essentielles pour la distinction de rois homonymes comme Azès et Abdagasès). Il s'achève par une mise en perspective historique qui permet d'établir la succession des souverains indo-scythes et leur répartition géographique, avec la distinction de trois ateliers monétaires. La question de l'existence d'un ou deux Azès ne peut encore être tranchée. L'ordre de succession des souverains indo-parthes est bien déterminé, région par région. L'originalité du système politique indo-parthe a été mise en valeur: il s'agit d'un pouvoir extrêmement fragmenté, avec un roi plus puissant comme l'étaient Gondopharès et Sasès, et des souverains subordonnés, comme Abdagasès. Le rôle fondamental des satrapes et des dynasties locales a également été dégagé.
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Ragnarsson, Gustav, and Lula Mohamed. "Ett nödvändigt ont? Om USAs agerande gentemot Pakistan. : En studie om utrikespolitisk förändring." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Akademin för lärande, humaniora och samhälle, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-30334.
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This study examines foreign policy change.In contrast to most previous research this study investigates when trend-and significant foreign policy changes occurs. This study is a case study that examines US foreign policy changes and actions towards the Islamic republic of Pakistan.This study will also be using Jakob Gustavsson’s theory on foreign policy change. This is a qualitative study.A relationship historically defined by its ups and downs. This study finds that it is most likely that in order for significant changes to occur in foreign policy there must be changes in the fundamental structural conditions. A plausible conclusion is that the trend change that has occurred is the result of a series of events under 2011 that led to a crisis between the two countries
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Rahimabadi, Neda. "Le conflit Baloutche : des dynamiques nationales et régionales à l'engagement international." Thesis, Paris 5, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA05D011.
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Les Baloutches sont un groupe ethnique résidant en Asie du Sud-central. Baloutchistan ou, à défaut, le Baloutchistan (qui signifie terre des Baloutches), est un territoire historique qui s'étend du sud-est de l‘Iran et sud de l'Afghanistan au sud-ouest du Pakistan. Le Baloutchistan historique est connu comme le Grand Baloutchistan. Le Grand Baloutchistan est aujourd'hui réparti entre trois pays: l'ouest du Pakistan, sud de l'Iran et le sud-ouest d‘Afghanistan. Les Baloutches sont donc principalement concentrés dans ces territoires. Cependant, il existe une population baloutche importante dispersée dans les Eats arabes du golfe Persique (comme l‘Oman, l‘Émirats arabes unis, etc), en Afrique comme ailleurs en Asie, ainsi qu’une petite diaspora en Europe, en Australie et aux Etats unis. Le nombre total des Baloutches dans les régions mentionnés est estimée entre 10 et 15 millions. Les frontières du Grand Baloutchistan d‘aujourd'hui sont le résultat d'une répartition territoriale officielle entre l'Afghanistan, l'Iran et l'Inde (Pakistan d‘aujourd‘hui) qui a eu lieu vers l‘année 1870. "Bien qu‘apparemment insignifiante dans le contexte de toutes les crises régionales et internationales qui affectent notre monde, le Baloutchistan est, en fait, un espace de liaison: le point à partir duquel les intérêts stratégiques diamétralement opposés convergent" (Draitser, 2012). En ce qui concerne la terminologie, l'utilisation du nom du Baloutchistan, il est utile de prendre en compte le fait que le Baloutche en persan signifie la crête de coq, et puisque les troupes baloutches qui ont combattu pour Astyages de Kai Khosrow en 585-550 BC portaient des casques avec une crête de coq, c'est pourquoi on a leur donnée le nom de « Baloutche ». Dans la liste des guerriers de Kai Khosrow de l'empire d‘achéménide, Ferdowsi a mentionné le baloutche dans le Shâh Nâmeh (Le Livre des Rois) sous l'autorité du général Ashkash (Dashti, 2012). Toutefois, la période pendant laquelle le nom du Baloutchistan ou Baloutchistan est entré dans l‘usage général n'est pas claire, mais elle peut être attribuée à la 12ème/18ème siècle qui a vu Nasir Khan I de Kalat devenir "le premier dirigeant indigène d'établir une autorité autonome sur une grande partie de la région" (Encyclopédie Iranica, 2014). Malgré qu'il n'y ait pas de consensus parmi les scientistes, l'histoire Baloutches et l'origine des Baloutches peuvent probablement être attribués à de pastorales nomades, des tribus indo -Iraniennes qui se sont installés dans le nord-ouest de la région iranienne Balashakan, étant eux- mêmes, les descendants des Aryens descendus au sud de l'Asie centrale il y a environ trois mille ans. Ces tribus indo-Iraniennes sont aujourd’hui connues sous le nom de Balashchik. Le Balashchik deviendrait connu sous le nom des baloutches, des siècles plus tard, quand ils ont migré du nord-ouest de l‘Iran au sud et de la périphérie orientale du plateau iranien, une région qui allait devenir Baloutchistan. Dans cette région du Baloutchistan, les Baloutches ont établi un nation-état indépendant ou semi-indépendant qui durerait environ trois cent ans (Dashti, 2012). Le Balûchistân attirerait les Britanniques dans la première moitié du 19ème siècle comme une voie stratégique pour sécuriser les routes commerciales vers l'Orient, et comme un tremplin vers l'Afghanistan contre les Russes pendant la Première Guerre afghane (1839-1842). Le Raj britannique continuait à statuer et d'administrer la région du Baloutchistan par les traités de 1841 et 1854 avec le Khan (souverain) de Kalat (la capitale du khanat de Kalat, qui était un état princier dominant une grande partie du Grand Baloutchistan). Le traité de 1876 assurerait l'indépendance et la souveraineté de Kalat, dès le départ des Britanniques de la région. Vers la fin du 19ème siècle, un certain nombre de processus de démarcation du Baloutchistan a eu lieu, la plupart du temps pour apaiser l'Iran. (...)The Baluch are an ethnic group residing in south-central Asia. Baluchistan or, alternatively, Balochistan (meaning land of the Baluch), is a historic territory that stretched from southeastern Iran and southern Afghanistan to southwestern Pakistan. Historic Baluchistan is known as Greater Baluchistan. Greater Baluchistan is today divided into the boundaries of three countries: western Pakistan, southern Iran, and southwestern Afghanistan. The Baluch are therefore concentrated within these territories. However, there is a large Baluch population dispersed in the Persian Gulf States, and a small diaspora in Europe. Although there is no consensus among scholars, Baluch history and the origin of the Baluch can most likely be traced to pastoralist-nomadic, Indo-Iranic tribes that settled in northwestern Iranian region of Balashakan, having, themselves, descended from the Aryans who had moved south from Central Asia around three thousand years ago. These Indo-Iranic tribes became known as the Balashchik. The Balashchik would become known as the Baloch centuries later when they migrated from northwestern Iran to the south and eastern fringes of the Iranian plateau, a region that would become known as Balochistan or Baluchistan. Within this region of Baluchistan the Baluch established an independent or semi-independent nation-state that would last for approximately three hundred years (Naseer Dashti, 2012). Baluchistan would attract the British in the first half of the 19th century as a strategic pathway to secure trade routes to the East, and as a launching pad into Afghanistan against the Russians during the First Afghan War (1839-1842), The British Raj would go on to rule and administer the region of Baluchistan through the treaties of 1841 and 1854 with the Khan (ruler) of Kalat (the capital of the Khanate of Kalat, which was then a princely state controlling much of Greater Baluchistan). The Treaty of 1876 would assure independence and sovereignty for Kalat. Upon the departure of the British from the region. Late in the 19th century a number of demarcation processes of Baluchistan took place, mostly to appease Iran, then Persia. A dispute over claims to Sistan by both Iran and Afghanistan finally saw the division of the territory of Baluchistan in two, between Iran and Afghanistan, in 1904 by the British Commissioner, Sir McMahon. The Khan of Kalat would declare independence on 15 August 1947. The Khan also established an interim constitution that provided for a bicameral parliament. This period of independence lasted from 15 August 1947 to 27 March 1948. After a brief rebellion by the Baluch in Western Baluchistan against Persian rule, Western Baluchistan, or Iranian Baluchistan would finally be incorporated into Iran in 1928. The assimilation of Baluchistan into Pakistan following the 1947 partition of India, and subsequently the creation of Pakistan, was forceful, since the then Khan of Kalate, Mir Ahmed Yar Khan, refused to join Pakistan, and military force had to be used to placate the resistant Baluch, under the leadership of Mir Ahmed Yar Khan. The Baluch of Pakistan, therefore, consider Baluchistan occupied territory. The Khanate of Kalat ceased to exist on 14 October 1955 when the province of West Pakistan was formed. Since their forced accession into Pakistan up to the present, the Baluch have been subjugated to discriminatory policies that have assured their impoverished status. (...)
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Hayaud-Din, Mian Ahad. "U.S. Foreign Policy in Islamic South Asia: Realism, Culture, and Policy Toward Pakistan and Afghanistan." [Tampa, Fla. : s.n.], 2003. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/SFE0000074.
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Shackelford, Cris. "Propositional Analysis, Policy Creation, and Complex Environments in the United States' 2009 Afghanistan-Pakistan Policy." ScholarWorks, 2014. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/168.
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Military conflicts have become nonlinear and the interrelated political and socio-economic changes within these conflicts have created new challenges for American policymakers. A tool called Wallis' Propositional Analysis (PA) suggests a new paradigm that includes thinking about complexity and robustness/systemicity in a policy. The purpose of this single case study was to determine how the PA paradigm adds heuristic value to complex policy decision-making. A backdrop of Wallerstein's complexity theory and complex adaptive systems (CAS) guided this study. This study examined policy statements from the Obama administration on the Afghanistan and Pakistan conflicts in late December 2009. Data were coded and analyzed using Wallis' specific methodological approach that includes a systematic analysis of the policy's propositions and complexity and robustness/systemicity. Key findings indicated that the PA paradigm offers a heuristic method for how to think about the interrelated propositions within a policy that reflect the expected changes the policy intends to make. Specifically, this study demonstrated that an interwoven PA structural approach to policymaking affords the policymaker a method to consider the complex and nonlinear changes in the policy environment. By applying the PA paradigm, policymakers can positively impact social change by exploring policy options that consider a range of possible outcomes from the policy proposal, prior to policy implementation.
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Qureshi, Akhtar. "War in Pakistan the effects of the Pakistani-American War on Terror in Pakistan." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/497.
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This research paper investigates the current turmoil in Pakistan and how much of it has been caused by the joint American-Pakistani War on Terror. The United States' portion of the War on Terror is in Afghanistan against the Al-Qaeda and Taliban forces that began after the September 11th attacks in 2001, as well as in Pakistan with unmanned drone attacks. Pakistan's portion of this war includes the support to the U.S. in Afghanistan and military campaigns within it's own borders against Taliban forces. Taliban forces have fought back against Pakistan with terrorist attacks and bombings that continue to ravage the nation. There have been a number of consequences from this war upon Pakistani society, one of particular importance to the U.S. is the increased anti-American sentiment. The war has also resulted in weak and widely unpopular leaders. The final major consequence this study examines is the increased conflict amongst the many ethnicities within Pakistan. The consequences of this war have had an effect on local, regional, American, and international politics.B.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
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Schwarz, Wolfgang. "Drohnen : the smart art of killing?" Universität Potsdam, 2013. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2013/6519/.
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Das Pro und Contra hinsichtlich bewaffneter Drohnen für die Bundeswehr schwelte hierzulande bereits seit Längerem, als Bundesverteidigungsminister de Maizière 2012 mit einem befürwortenden Plädoyer aus der Deckung trat und solche Kampfmaschinen als „ethisch neutral“ einstufte. Inzwischen könnte – ohne Einbeziehung des Parlaments – eine Entscheidung der Bundesregierung gefallen sein. In der Antwort auf eine parlamentarische Anfrage der Linkspartei hieß es, „dass eine durchhaltefähige bewaffnete Aufklärung […] als Schutz bei plötzlich auftretenden gravierenden Lageänderungen unbedingt erforderlich ist“.
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Kursawe, Janet. "Drogenpolitik im Goldenen Halbmond Wahrnehmungsmuster und drogenpolitische Strategien als Reaktion auf die steigende Drogenverbreitung in Afghanistan, Pakistan und Iran." Frankfurt, M. Verl. für Polizeiwiss, 2010. http://d-nb.info/1000781267/04.
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Marguier, Arnaud. "Les supports et les colonnes isolées dans l'architecture des monastères bouddhiques du Nord-Ouest de l'Inde." Strasbourg, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011STRA1092.
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Les supports et les colonnes ont une importance considérable dans l'architecture des monastères bouddhiques du Nord-Ouest de l'Inde. Ces monastères sont généralement divisés en deux parties. La première est "publique". Elle st le lieu de l'installation de la plupart des monuments et c'est là que les pélerins pouvaient se rendre pour réaliser le rituel de circumambulation et déposer leurs offrandes. La seconde est "privée". Elle servait de lieu de résidence des moines. Des colonnes ont été érigées dans la partie "publique" de certains monastères. Au Nord du Pakistan, la colonne partiellement conservée près du garnd stūpa Dharmarājikā de Taxila est relativement tardive. Il est possible que plusieurs des anciens monuments circulaires construits autour de ce grand stūpa aient été des colonnes. Au Gandhāra, l'existence de colonnes est moins bien attestée. Dans le Swāt, des colonnes entouraient le grand stūpa circulaire de Butkara I comme l'ont montré les fouilles italiennes que dirigea D. Faccenna. Plus à l'Ouest, en Afghanistan, à Hadda, dans le monastère de Tape Kalān fouillé par J. Barthous, des colonnes avaient été installées sur le podium d'un ancien stūpa construit en briques. Près de Ghazni, à Tape Sardār, les fouilles italiennes dirigées par M. Taddei ont permis la découverte d'une base de colonne de chaque côté de l'escalier du grand stūpa. Près de Kaboul, le Monāre Čakari témoignait encore, il y a une cinquantaine d'années, de l'importance des colonnes isolées en AfghanistanSupports and columns are very important in North Western India's Buddhists monasteries architecture. Those monasteries are generally divided in two parts. The first one is "public". It is the place where most of monuments stand and there pilgrims could make their offerings. Second part of monastery is "private", reserved for monks. Columns were erected in the "public" part of some monasteries. In North Pakistan, the partially conserved column near the great Dharmarajika stupa at Taxila, is quiet late. Some circular monuments built around this great stupa can have been columns. In Gandhara, columns are less known. In Swat, some columns surrounded the great circular stupa, as was shown by italians survey under direction of D. Faccenna. More western, in Afghanistan, at Hadda, in Tape Kalan monastery surveyed by J. Barthoux, some columns were erected on the podium of an ancient built in bricks stupa. Near Ghazna, at Tape Sardar, italians survey under direction of M. Taddei, allowed the discovery of two columns base situated respectively at each side of the great stupas stairs. Near Kaboul, the Minare Cakari was still standing fifty years ago to testify isolated columns importance in Afghanistan
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Johnston, Jason A. Taylor Stephen C. "Effective and efficient training and advising in Pakistan." Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FJohnston.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.Thesis Advisor(s): Simons, Anna ; Second Reader: Sepp, Kalev. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 14, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Foreign Internal Defense (FID), Training and Advisory Assistance, Pakistan, Frontier Corps, Special Service Group (SSG), U.S. Army Special Forces, Tehrik e Taliban Pakistan (TTP), al-Qaeda, Northwest Frontier Province (NWFP), Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), Waziristan Accord, Internal Defense and Development (IDAD), Security Force Assistance (SFA), International Military Education and Training (IMET), Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF), Operation Enduring Freedom-Afghanistan (OEF-A), Unconventional Warfare (UW), counterinsurgency, Operational Planning and Assistance Training Teams (OPATT), Civilian Auxiliary Force-Geographical Unit (CAFGU), Joint Special Operations Task Force-Philippines (JSOTF-P), Operation Cyclone, Movimento Popular di Libertacao di Angola (MPLA), Security Assistance Training Program (SATP). Includes bibliographical references (p. 73-80). Also available in print.
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Mann, Zahid Nawaz. "The nature of insurgency in Afghanistan and the regional power politics." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FMann.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.Thesis Advisor(s): Simons, Anna ; Second Reader: Khan, Feroz H. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 15, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Pashtun Nationalism, Pashtunwali, Durand Line, Afghan Jihad, Afghan Taliban, Al-Qaeda, Insurgency, Counterinsurgency, FATA, South Asian Conflicts, Indian Cold-Start Strategy, Kashmir Dispute, Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, U.S. AFPAK Strategy, U.S. Troop Surge, Reconciliation with Taliban, Operation Enduring Freedom, U.S.-Pakistan Relations, Nuclear Weapons of Pakistan, Counterinsurgency Strategy of Pakistan, Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), Operation Rah-e-Raast, Operation Rah-e-Nejat, Drone Attacks, Central Asian Republics (CARs), Oil and Gas, The New Great Game, Interests of Iran, India, China and Russia in Afghanistan, Gwadar Port. Includes bibliographical references (p. 105-115). Also available in print.
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Mahmood, Tariq. "The Durand Line : South Asia's new trouble spot /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FMahmood.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2005.Thesis Advisor(s): Peter R. Lavoy, Feroz Hassan Khan. Includes bibliographical references (p. 97-104). Also available online.
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Khan, Mohamed Umer. "Re-emergent pre-state substructures : the case of the Pashtun tribes." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2011. http://repository.royalholloway.ac.uk/items/f5943f61-e7b7-14f2-12c0-d5b7388534a3/9/.
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This study explores borderlands as a function of the imposition of the post-colonial state upon primary structures of identity, polity and social organisation which may be sub-state, national or trans-state in nature. This imposition, particularly in the postcolonial experience of Asia, manifests itself in incongruence between identities of nation and state, between authority and legitimacy, and between beliefs and systems, each of which is most acutely demonstrated in the dynamic borderlands where the competition for influence between non-state and state centres of political gravity is played out. The instability in borderlands is a product of the re-territorialisation of pre-state primary structures, and the state's efforts in accommodating, assimilating or suppressing these structures through a combination of militarisation, providing opportunities for greater political enfranchisement, and the structure of trans-borderland economic flows. The Pashtun tribes of the Afghan borderland between Pakistan and Afghanistan are exhibiting a resurgence of autonomy from the state, as part of the re-territorialisation of the primary substructure of Pakhtunkhwa that underlies southern Afghanistan and north-western Pakistan. This phenomenon is localised, tribally driven, and replicated across the entirety of Pakhtunkhwa. It is a product of the pashtunwali mandated autonomy of zai from which every kor, killi and khel derives its security, and through the protection of which each is able to raise its nang, and is able to realise its position within the larger clan or tribe. Other examples of competition between postcolonial states and primary structures are the Kurdish experience in south-eastern Turkey and the experience of the Arab state. While manifesting significant peculiarities, all three cases - the Kurds, the Arabs and the Pashtuns - demonstrate that the current configuration of the postcolonial state system in Asia is a fragile construction, imposed upon enduring, pre-state primary structures which are resurgent through competition with the state.
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Mann, Carol. "Traditions et transformations dans la vie des femmes afghanes des camps de réfugiés au Pakistan depuis le 11 septembre 2001." Paris, EHESS, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006EHES0006.
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Ce travail présente les camps de réfugiés afghans à la frontière entre le Pakistan et l'Afghanistan, en particulier le vécu de sa population féminine, comme des lieux de brassage et de transition depuis vingt-cinq ans. C'est ici que s'est formée une culture d'exil nourrie de traditions patchounes pré-islamiques, des tentatives de réformes émanant des gouvernements afghans depuis la fin du XIXe siècle et de représentations issues des médias globalisés, ainsi que les modèles proposés par l'aide humanitaire. Sur ce site émerge une forme particulière d'Islamisme qui servira de base idéologique aux gouvernements au pouvoir à Kaboul après le retrait soviétique ; c'est aussi le creuset d'une modernité paradoxale touchant particulièrement les femmes, qui s'accèlère depuis les événements du 11 septembre 2001 et l'intervention américaine qui s'ensuit. Le fond historique dont les ressemblances entre les politiques sociales et sanitaires de l'Empire britannique en Inde et celles de l'humanitaire actuel sont égalements décrits. La recherche est fondée dans un travail et un engagement humanitaires personnels réalisés dans ces camps entre 2001 et 2005 qui mène également à un questionnement réflexif sur l'évaluation et l'interprétation des situations rencontréesThis study examines Afghan refugee camps on the border between Pakistan and Afghanistan (NWFP), in particular its female population, as places of transition and transformation over the last twenty-five years. A culture of exile has been constituted, mixing pre-islamic Pushtoon tradition, the attempts at change experimented by various hapless Afghan rulers since the late XIXth century, representations coming from globalized media as well as models put forward by humanitarian aid. This is the site where a particular species of Fundamentalism emerged wich became the ideological basis for governements in power in Kabul after the Soviet retreat ; it is also the locus for a paradoxical form of modernity affecting women in particular and accelerated since 9/11. The historical background and the resemblances between the health and social policies of the British Rai and those of present-day aid will also be described. This research is based on personal humanitarian work undertaken in the camps between 2001 and 2005 wich includes a self-critical approach to understanding and interpreting some of the situations encountered
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Asplund, Thidlund Peter. "The good and the bad: UCAV counterinsurgency : how are the UCAV theories reflected in the counterinsurgency in Afghanistan and Pakistan?" Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-6199.
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The modern battlefield is a changing environment where new ideas and technology are being tried and implemented. One such technology that has brought recent changes to the battlefield is the Unmanned Aerial Combat Vehicles (UCAV), commonly (and often incorrectly) referred to as “drones”. UCAV can be considered the new weapon of choice to deal with irregular opponents or terrorist organisations, such as those in Afghanistan and Pakistan. However, the use of UCAV is not without contradictory elements and leads to debate. It is within this debate that this study takes foothold. This study will be analysing the debate and issues surrounding this by evaluating four contrasting variables, measuring impact through different means and aiming to increase the understanding of UACV in the field. There are several crossovers in the analysis of all four variables citing the strengths and weaknesses of UCAV provisions in conflict. The analysis, however, conclude that a sole, holistic use of UCAV strikes would not resort in a termination of threats, such as the Taliban or Al-Qaida. This means that both the positive and the negative aspects of UCAV are seen in the conflict and do not contradict one another. Regretfully, this implicates that even if the Taliban and Al-Qaida becomes less effective due to the UCAV strikes, they will not perish.
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Howard, N. "Malaria control for Afghans in Pakistan and Afghanistan (1990-2005) : a mixed-methods assessment considering effectiveness, efficiency, equity, and humanity." Thesis, London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine (University of London), 2017. http://researchonline.lshtm.ac.uk/4646629/.
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Increased global attention and funding has provided opportunities to strengthen malaria control. One cross-border control programme researched a range of prevention and treatment interventions over twenty years to reduce the malaria burden for Afghans in Pakistan and Afghanistan. Malaria in these areas is unstable and seasonal. Primary vectors include Anopheles culicifacies, An. fluviatilis, and An. stephensi. Objectives were to evaluate malaria control interventions in refugee settlements in Northwest Pakistan and returnee settlements in Eastern Afghanistan. Findings offer lessons for programmes in other fragile and conflict-affected settings, while helping inform regional and global malaria control efforts. A mixed-methods study design included two study sites. The northwest Pakistan site covered 248 camps on malarious land near the Afghan border. The eastern Afghanistan site covered 200 villages near Jalalabad. As the national border separating study sites was relatively porous and both populations mobile, there were no notable sociodemographic differences between sites. Notable differences related to national malaria control policies, infrastructure, and priorities. Data were collected as part of operational research by HealthNet-Transcultural Psychosocial Organisation (HNTPO) between 1990 and 2005. Economic and quantitative data were analysed using Microsoft ExcelTM and Stata®11-14. Qualitative data were analysed thematically using inductive and deductive coding. Cost-effectiveness analysis of adding indoor residual spraying to case management in Pakistan (1990-95) showed favourable incremental cost-effectiveness ratios per case prevented and DALY averted. A clinical trial of extended-dose chloroquine in Pakistan (1998) showed that while increasing chloroquine dosage reduced recrudescence, approximately 50% failure was still too high for first-line treatment. Qualitative analysis of men’s and women’s perspectives on malaria prevention during the Taliban regime in Afghanistan (2000), showed women and men had similar knowledge, while lack of money was a major disincentive to ITN purchasing. Clinical and epidemiological analysis of pregnant and reproductive-age women in Afghanistan (2004-2005), showed malaria prevalence was much lower than anaemia prevalence in pregnancy and women were well-informed about malaria risks, but their autonomy was limited. Key findings are discussed in relation to the study framework, providing overall lessons, implications, and potential limitations.
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Baig, Zohaib Najam. "Future tense: lessons from the best and worst cases in Afghanistan from Pakistan's perspective." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/53010.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedReissued 5 May 2017 with typographic corrections to degree, abstract.
Broadly, this thesis argues that success in Afghanistan—for Afghans and their neighbors alike—entails establishing state-building measures, supremacy of law and human rights, rapid economic growth, and strong Afghan National Security Forces who can encourage the Afghan public to accept the practices of stable democracy and good neighborly relations. To fix some of the myriad variables in Afghanistan's likely state in 2026, which will mark the end of the transformation decade following the U.S. withdrawal in 2016, the proposed project installs three hypothetical scenarios: The Good, The Bad, and The Ugly. These scenarios do not predict the future in Afghanistan but rather shed light on the factors and variables that will shape the postwar period. Examining such scenarios may allow strategic planners to develop alternative measures for complex situations. Sustained political stability and the will to reform by the Afghan establishment, fortified by consistent international financial and military support for at least 10 to 15 or more years, would likely be the key to success in the Afghanistan end game. Otherwise, Afghanistan will slip back into a situation much like the one that emerged once after the Soviet withdrawal—extremism, war, and instability. The scenarios are developed by examining several factors: the criticality of the Afghan issue throughout history; Afghanistan's indigenous facts and prospects; Pak–Afghan cross-interests and policy dimensions; Global War on Terror implications; conflicting interests; and regional and extra-regional politics.
Commander, Pakistan Navy
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Middleton, Samuel L. "The new fight on the periphery : Pakistan's Military relationship with the United States /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FMiddleton.pdf.
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Safi, Maryam. ""WE ARE FIGHTING A WATER WAR" : The Character of the Upstream States and Post-Treaty Transboundary Water Conflict in Afghanistan and India." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-445404.
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Transboundary water treaties are often expected to prevent conflicts over waters from shared rivers. However, empirical evidence shows that some upstream countries continue to experience conflict after signing a water treaty. This study explains why some upstream countries experience high post-treaty transboundary water conflict levels while others do not. Departing from theories on the character of states, I argue that weaker upstream countries are more likely to experience post-treaty transboundary water conflict than stronger upstream states. This is because a weak upstream state has fewer capabilities, which creates an imbalance of power with its downstream riparian neighbor and presents a zero-sum game condition. As a result, the upstream state is more likely to experience a high level of conflict after signing an agreement. The hypothesis is tested on two transboundary river cases, the Helmand River Basin and the Indus River Basin, using a structured, focused comparison method. The data is collected through secondary sources, including books, journals, news articles, and reports, government records. The results of the study mainly support the theoretical arguments. It shows a significant relationship between the character of the upstream state and the level of post-treaty transboundary water conflict in the upstream state.
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Sanchez, Laura. "A comparative study of refugees and idps." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/506.
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There is a grave concern for the life, liberty and security of individuals who have been forced to leave their homes and have become dispersed within their native countries and throughout the Asian continent. These internally displaced persons and refugees are the subject of this study. Some of the themes that will be discussed include: civil war, human rights violations and the economy, since these are the problems affecting the populations of Afghanistan, Pakistan and Myanmar. These case studies are of particular interest because Afghanistan is where most refugees come from, Myanmar has the longest-running military regime and Pakistan hosts the most refugees in the world. All three case studies are currently in a state of civil war, are breeding grounds for violations of human rights and have corrupt economies. Thus, the goal is to end armed conflict, to put an end to the human rights violations that come with it and to restructure the economies in each of these nation states so that the internally displaced persons and refugees can be repatriated, since displacement has become too much of a burden for Afghanistan, Pakistan and Myanmar's neighboring countries, who have been taking in all of the refugees from said countries. Theoretically, if the issues causing displacement were to be solved, then the countries that host refugees would be able to concentrate on their own populations. This study can potentially address the gap between knowledge, policy formation, and policy implementation to realize the goals of the international community in dealing with the displacement crisis.B.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
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Cavanna, Thomas. "La politique étrangère américaine vis-à-vis de l’Inde et du Pakistan dans les années 1970." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012IEPP0035.
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Cette thèse a pour objectif de décrire les principales composantes de la politique étrangère des Etats-Unis vis-à-vis de l’Inde et du Pakistan durant les années 1970. Elle se divise en quatre grandes parties correspondant aux grands tournants de la diplomatie régionale américaine durant la décennie : Le conflit indo-pakistanais de 1971 / L’essai nucléaire indien de 1974 / Les changements de régime et/ou de leader dans les trois pays durant l’année 1977 / L’invasion soviétique de l’Afghanistan, en 1979. Pour chacun de ces grandes parties, l’objectif est d’analyser quels furent les déterminants des choix effectues par les Américains dans le sous-continent et d’explorer l’influence mutuelle de Washington, New Delhi et Islamabad. Ce travail a pour ambition de montrer la manière dont les Etats-Unis, par le caractère extrêmement erratique de leur politique (degré d’implication, choix des acteurs à soutenir, modalités d’influence), et du fait qu’ils ignorèrent ou méprisèrent les réalités d’une région à laquelle ils ne s’intéressèrent le plus souvent que dans la mesure où celle-ci était l’objet d’enjeux de guerre froide la dépassant (lutte d’influence contre l’URSS, rapprochement avec la Chine…), contribuèrent à saper leur crédibilité auprès de l’Inde comme du Pakistan, et, surtout, à déstabiliser la région sur le long terme (nucléaire, montée de l’islamisme, renforcement du sentiment d’impunité pakistanais…)The objective of this dissertation is to describe the main components of the American foreign policy towards India and Pakistan in the 1970s. This work is divided in four parts corresponding to the turning points of Washington’s regional diplomacy : The 1971 Indo-Pakistani conflict / The 1974 Indian nuclear test / The 1977 regime or leadership changes in the three countries / The 1979 Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. For each of these components, the objective is to analyze the main determinants of the choices made by the Americans in the region, and to explore the mutual influence of Washington, New Delhi and Islamabad. The ambition of this work is to show the way the United States lost their credibility in both India and Pakistan and contributed to the destabilization of the Indian subcontinent, because of an extremely erratic policy (degree of implication in the area, choice of the local partners, means of influence) and because they often ignored or dismissed the very geopolitical realities of a region in which they had some interest only as far as the latter was a scene of the cold war global struggle for influence (rivalry with Moscow, rapprochement with China…). These flaws had important consequences in the long run, especially with respect to nuclear issues, the rise of Islamism, and the persistence of a feeling of impunity in the Pakistani ruling circles
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Husain, Samir. "Madrassas: The Evolution (or Devolution?) of the Islamic Schools in South Asia (1857-Present)." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1525347741957091.
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Siddiqi, Ahmad Mujtaba. "From bilateralism to Cold War conflict : Pakistan's engagement with state and non-state actors on its Afghan frontier, 1947-1989." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e904bd42-76e9-4c73-8414-dbd7049eb30f.
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The purpose of this thesis is to assess Pakistan’s relationship with Afghanistan before and after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. I argue that the nature of the relationship was transformed by the region becoming the centre of Cold War conflict, and show how Pakistan’s role affected the development of the mujahidin insurgency against Soviet occupation. My inquiry begins by assessing the historical determinants of the relationship, arising from the colonial legacy and local interpretations of the contested spheres of legitimacy proffered by state, tribe and Islam. I then map the trajectory of the relationship from Pakistan’s independence in 1947, showing how the retreat of great power rivalry following British withdrawal from the subcontinent allowed for the framing of the relationship in primarily bilateral terms. The ascendance of bilateral factors opened greater possibilities for accommodation than had previously existed, though the relationship struggled to free itself of inherited colonial disputes, represented by the Pashtunistan issue. The most promising attempt to resolve the dispute came to an end with the communist coup and subsequent Soviet invasion, which subsumed bilateral concerns under the framework of Cold War confrontation. Viewing the invasion as a major threat, Pakistan pursued negotiations for Soviet withdrawal, aligned itself with the US and gave clandestine support to the mujahidin insurgency. External support enhanced mujahidin military viability while exacerbating weaknesses in political organization and ideology. Soviet withdrawal in 1989 left an unresolved conflict. Faced with state collapse and turmoil across the border, heightened security concerns following loss of US support, and intensified links among non-state actors on both sides of the frontier, the Pakistan government drew on its recently gained experience of working through non-state actors to attempt to maintain its influence in Afghanistan. There would be no return to the relatively stable state-state ties prevailing before 1979.
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Latimer, William Scott. "What can the United States learn from India to counter terrorism." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Mar%5FLatimer.pdf.
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Jackson, Jeffrey Stephen. "The unintended consequences of border politics." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2010-12-2603.
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This report explores the reasons why the Pakistan tribal areas have become a haven and hotbed of radicalism and the steps being taken to reestablish control and to promote peace and stability in the region. It begins with a brief overview of the recent history (1893 to Partition) of the Pakistan-Afghanistan border, followed by the political and cultural ramifications in the area due to the creation of Pakistan. Religion, tribal customs, socio-economic development and the unique political relationship between the FATA and the central government must be considered when forming policy recommendations and planning future engagements. The article concludes with an examination of recent initiatives by the U.S. and Pakistan to pacify the area, to include short term and long term strategies, and describes the ramifications of failure.text
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Brown, Katherine. "Patterns in the Chaos: News and Nationalism in Afghanistan, America and Pakistan During Wartime, 2010-2012." Thesis, 2013. https://doi.org/10.7916/D82F7VNN.
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This dissertation examines the United States's elite news media's hegemony in a global media landscape, and how it can come to stand for the entire American nation in the imagination of outsiders. In this transnational, instantaneous digital media arena, what is created for an American audience can fairly easily be accessed, interpreted and relayed to another. How, then, is U.S. international news, which is traditionally ethnocentric and security-focused, absorbed in Afghanistan and Pakistan, two countries where the United States has acute foreign policy interests? This study draws from two bodies of scholarship that are analogous, yet rarely linked together. The first is on hegemony and the U.S. news media's relationship with American society and the government. This includes scholarship on indexing and cascading; agenda building and agenda setting; framing; and reporting during conflict. The second is on the American news media's relationship with the world, and nationalism as a fixed phenomenon in international news. This includes examining the different kinds of press systems that exist globally, and how they interact with each other. Afghanistan and Pakistan's media systems have expanded dramatically since being freed in 2002 and they struggle daily with making sense of the volatility that comes with the U.S.-led Afghanistan war. Through 64 qualitative, in-depth interviews with Afghan, American and Pakistani journalists, this study explores the sociology of news inside Afghanistan and Pakistan and how the American news narrative is received there. There is a widespread, long-standing perception in Afghanistan and Pakistan that American journalists stain the reputation of their nations as failed states. Just as the U.S. exercises global hegemony in a material sense, the U.S. media is powerful in shaping how American and international publics see the world. Yet, while American foreign correspondents are U.S.-centric in their reportage on the Afghan, American and Pakistani entanglement, so too are Afghan journalists Afghan-centric and Pakistani journalists Pakistani-centric. Nationalism is how journalists organize chaos and complexity. While their news stories can represent an entire nation, they are more likely to harden national identities than to broker understanding between nations.
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Latendresse, Simon. "La frontière et les ombres : les clandestins afghans de Peshawar, Pakistan." Thèse, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/21686.
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Tinnes, Judith [Verfasser]. "Internetnutzung islamistischer Terror- und Insurgentengruppen unter besonderer Berücksichtigung von medialen Geiselnahmen im Irak, Afghanistan, Pakistan und Saudi-Arabien / vorgelegt von Judith Tinnes." 2010. http://d-nb.info/1003146449/34.
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Marsh, Brandon Douglas. "Ramparts of empire : India's North-West Frontier and British imperialism, 1919-1947." 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/8382.
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This study examines the relationship between British perceptions and policies regarding India’s North-West Frontier and its Pathan inhabitants and the decline of British power in the subcontinent from 1919 to 1947. Its central argument is that two key constituencies within the framework of British India, the officers of the Indian Army and the Indian Political Service, viewed the Frontier as the most crucial region within Britain’s Indian Empire. Generations of British officers believed that this was the one place in India where the British could suffer a “knockout blow” from either external invasion or internal revolt. In light of this, when confronted by a full-scale Indian nationalist movement after the First World War, the British sought to seal off the Frontier from the rest of India.
Confident that they had inoculated the Frontier against nationalism, the British administration on the Frontier carried on as if it were 30 years earlier, fretting about possible Soviet expansion, tribal raids, and Afghan intrigues. This emphasis on external menaces proved costly, however, as it blinded the British to local discontent and the rapid growth of a Frontier nationalist movement by the end of the 1920s. When the Frontier administration belatedly realized that they faced a homegrown nationalist movement they responded with a combination of institutional paralysis and brutality that underscored the British belief that the region constituted the primary bulwark of the British Raj.
This violence proved counterproductive. It engendered wide-scale nationalist interest in the Frontier and effectively made British policy in the region a subject of All-Indian political debate. The British responded to mounting nationalist pressure in the 1930s by placing the Frontier at the center of their successful efforts to retain control of India’s defence establishment. This was a short-lived stopgap, however. By the last decade of British rule much of the Frontier was under the administration of the Indian National Congress. Moreover, the British not only concluded that Indian public opinion must be taken into account when formulating policy, but that nationalist prescriptions for the “problem” of the North-West Frontier should be enacted.text
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Zábranský, Richard. "Bushova administrativa a Pakistán: utilitární spolupráce?" Master's thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-329606.
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Pakistan is a poor and aid-dependent state but it is also the only Muslim state armed with nuclear weapons. In the late 1990s, Pakistan had to deal with economic and technological sanctions from the U.S., which punished Islamabad for its nuclear aspirations and military coup d'état in fall of 1999. The India-Pakistan rivalry is crucial aspect that impacts the U.S.-Pakistan cooperation. After 9/11, Pakistani president Musharraf was concerned that the U.S. could turn their attention to India, thus strengthening the cooperation with Pakistan's rival. The terrorist attacks of 9/11 changed the national security environment and Washington had to adapt, so it could more effectively respond to newly emerging threats. Rise of strategic importance of Pakistan was a result of the U.S. hunt for Al-Qaeda and subsequent war in Afghanistan, as Americans needed to assure access to Afghanistan, logistical support for American forces, intelligence information about situation in Afghanistan and Pakistan's border regions. However, U.S.-Pakistan cooperation was influenced by divergent national security priorities. Keywords Pakistan, USA, Musharraf, Bush, U.S. support, strategy, Taliban, Al-Qaeda, assistance, 9/11 Rozsah práce: 122 928 znaků
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Khan, Ahmad. "Habitat status and hunting pressure on migratory cranes in Pakistan and assessment of lake Ab-i-Estada in Afghanistan with proposed conservation plans for selected wetlands." 2004. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/54495129.html.
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Thesis (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 2004.Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 199-214).
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Rogers, Paul F. "Lost cause: consequences and implications of the war on terror." 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6159.
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By 2001, the al-Qaida movement had evolved into a transnational revolutionary movement with an eschatological dimension, facilitating the 9/11 attacks to gain religious support and incite a strong reaction. The Bush administration was particularly tough in its response, terminating the Taliban regime and then declaring the right of pre-emption against a wider axis of evil, which led on to regime termination in Iraq and the intended constraining of Iran. In the event, regime termination in Iraq and Afghanistan resulted in protracted wars that were intensely costly in human and resource terms, and Iranian influence actually increased. The al-Qaida movement was dispersed while being transformed into a potent idea with little in the way of an organised structure, yet was effective in catalysing movements from South Asia through the Middle East to sub-Saharan Africa. Analyses of events in Iraq and Afghanistan point to deep misconceptions over the potential for the use of military force and of imposed state building. After more than a decade after 9/11, there has been a re-orientation away from large-scale occupations towards more remote means of maintaining control, with an emphasis on armed drones, special forces and privatised military companies. This approach appears initially appropriate and attractive but may be as counterproductive as the previous approach.
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Irfan, Muhammad. "Developing and testing of culturally adapted CBT (CaCBT) for common mental disorders of Pashto speaking Pakistans and Afghans." Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/19664.
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This thesis carried out between January 2015 and July 2016, describes the process of adaptation of cognitive behaviour therapy (CBT) for common mental disorders (CMDs) and evaluation of its effectiveness through a pilot project in Pashto-speaking Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and FATA area of Pakistan and Afghanistan. This region has faced multiple traumas and difficulties including severe floods, earthquakes, Pak-Afghan-Russian war (1979-1989), the burden of Afghan refugees in Pakistan, civil war in Afghanistan, as well as terrorist attacks and bombing in the aftermath of 9/11. This brought destruction to the region and the rates of mental health problems, especially CMDs are considered to be fairly high in this region. Adapting a cost-effective intervention such as CBT, which is an effective treatment for the treatment of CMDs, might, therefore, be of enormous help in reducing CMDs in the region. However, CBT would need adapting for its use in non-western cultures.
This thesis is divided into 12 chapters. The first chapter gives an overview of the problem, i.e. CMDs around the globe. This chapter includes Prevalence, Risk Factors, Presentation and Aetiology of CMDs and moves on to focusing on different treatment options. Chapter 2 describes CBT with the emphasis on its use in CMDs. Since CBT was developed in the west (as
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highlighted in Chapter 2) and therefore might have been heavily influenced by the underlying cultural values, Chapter 3 discusses the link between culture and CBT. This chapter also encompasses discussion on Sufism (Islamic version of mindfulness). The next two chapters focus on mental health in the region under study in general but CMDs in specific. Chapter 4 describes health system of the region, the state of mental health as well as traditional healing practices in the region, while chapter 5 discusses current status of CMDs in the region.
Chapter 6 is an introduction to the project which discusses the need for the project, methodology used, the reasons for choosing CBT, and a brief description of qualitative methods to be used. Chapter 7 describes the beginning of the qualitative research of the study. It describes exploration of the patients’ views about their illness and its treatment and to see what they think about CBT. A similar approach is used in Chapter 8 to explore the views of the carers about the illness and treatment of their patients. Chapter 9 describes the interviews with the mental health professionals. It also highlights the methods adopted and the results of the qualitative analyses, similar to Chapter 7 and 8. It was also considered necessary to translate the terminologies used in CBT and for this, students were interviewed. This is described in Chapter 10. On the basis of all the qualitative work, we developed a study manual and Chapter 11 describes
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the pilot project which was conducted to assess the effectiveness of the adapted therapy based on the manual prepared for patients with CMDs, using a Randomized Controlled Trial (RCT) design.
The final chapter (chapter 12), summarizes the thesis and discusses some of the key findings. It also describes the lessons learnt from this project and elaborates the way forward for implementation of culturally adapted CBT in the region.
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Snášel, Filip. "Pakistán: klíčový faktor pro americké působení v Afghánistánu (za vlády George W. Bushe)." Master's thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-311222.
Full textAbstract:
American relations with Pakistan went through various ups and downs from being allied during the Cold war to imposing sanctions in last decade of the twentieth century. After 9/11 attack on World Trade Center and Pentagon Pakistan quickly joined the United States in the War on Terror. In my thesis I analyze positions and influence of Pakistan during invasion to Afghanistan. and seven next years of the Operation Enduging Freedom during George W. Bush administration. At first I concentrate on historical experience of Pakistan and development in the area before american invasion to Afghanistan. I also surveying terrorist movements on Pakistani soil, which are important for later development and are connected to Pakistani secret service ISI. ISI tried some years after 2001 to maintain friendly relations with Taliban and other terrorist groups along Afghan - Pakistan border, but terrorists, basically anti-system movements, wanted to establish in Pakistan and Afghanistan states constituted as Islamic emirates. President Musharraf under pressure of forthcoming events and the United States understood that supporting Taliban is no longer sustainable policy and decided to act against terrorist groups home in Pakistan. This move however triggered suicide bombings and massive uprising which hit in 2006/2007...
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Dušek, Libor. "Trojí tvář Váchánu. Proměny tradičního způsobu života horalů žijících na území Afghánistánu, Tádžikistánu a Pákistánu." Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-351526.
Full textAbstract:
This doctoral thesis introduces the Wakhi ethno-linguistic group living in the region of the Pamiri-Hindu Kush mountain knot on territories of Afghanistan, Tajikistan and Pakistan. As a result of the strategic economic and political rivalry and conflict between the British Empire and the Russian Empire for supremacy in Central Asia during the 19th century (the so- called Great Game), part of the so far homogeneous ethnic group was forced to leave their native Wakhan Corridor in the late 19th century. The Wakhi people then found themselves on the territory of future states with diametrically opposite development to their own. The goal of this work is a comprehensive analysis of the transformation of the material and spiritual culture of the Wakhi ethnic group or groups living on the territories of Afghanistan, Tajikistan and Pakistan with emphasis on their current status. Very important part of my work deals with the visual context that by means of images and photographs presents significant features associated with the Wakhi everyday life. My primary aim is to uncover the material and spiritual phenomena that are closely related to everyday life, historical and political contexts, socio-economic situation, Shia Ismaili, religion and affiliated features which the members of Wakhi ethno-linguistic...
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Tesařová, Šárka. "Mezinárodní intervence - příčina sebevražedného terorismu?" Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-404168.
Full textAbstract:
This diploma thesis aims to explore whether international intervention can be the main cause of suicide terrorism. To determine this causal relation between suicide terrorism and international intervention, it tests Robert Pape's nationalist theory. The research sample of the cases of Afghanistan, Iraq, Pakistan, and Palestine was selected based on the Suicide Terrorism Attack database. The thesis applies the empirical-analytical methodology and the method of multiple case study to confirm or refute the validity of the research hypotheses. The outcome of the thesis is that the main trigger for a suicide terrorist campaign is a significantly stronger adversary, a social climate conducive to self- sacrifice, and an individual sense of hopelessness. The presence of international intervention fulfils all these features, but the theory has its limits - an exclusive focus on foreign intervention and state centrality.