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1

Ahir, Nisha. "Mahatma Gandhi, M.D.?" Miami University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=muhonors1111688178.

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Holzwarth, Simone. "Gandhi and Nai Talim." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Kultur-, Sozial- und Bildungswissenschaftliche Fakultät, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/17651.

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Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, Ikone der indischen Unabhängigkeitsbewegung, war überzeugt davon, dass eine neue soziale Ordnung für ein Indien frei von kolonialer Unterdrückung und basierend auf seinen Ideen von sarvodaya (Wohlstand für alle), swaraj (Selbstbestimmung) und wirtschaftlicher Unabhängigkeit nur mit einem radikalen Wandel im Bildungsbereich Realität werden konnte. Er kritisierte, dass Bildung vornehmlich auf die Bedürfnisse der städtischen Eliten, der Kolonialverwaltung und -wirtschaft ausgerichtet war und hatte die Vision einer ‚neuen‘ Bildung, später auch bekannt als Basic Education oder Nai Talim, basierend auf ruralem Handwerk und Landwirtschaft und damit fokussiert auf die ländliche Bevölkerung. Die vorliegende Dissertation rekonstruiert die Herausbildung von Gandhis Bildungsideen und verschiedene Versuche zu deren Institutionalisierung. Dabei kontextualisiert sie seine Sichtweisen vor dem Hintergrund der Debatten um diverse Vorstellungen einer neuen sozialen Ordnung in der indischen Unabhängigkeitsbewegung, zeigt auf, wie seine Bildungsideen eng verknüpft waren mit seiner Kritik an der Kolonialherrschaft und nimmt seine Ideen vom Zusammenhang zwischen Bildung und sozialer Transformation in den Blick. Besonderes Augenmerk gilt dabei Gandhis Vorstellungen von manueller Arbeit und welche Rolle er ihr im Bildungsprozess zudachte. Bei der Analyse seiner Ideen und Metaphern und seiner Vision von Nai Talim nimmt die Arbeit auch die diversen damit verbundenen Inspirationsquellen in den Blick und fokussiert auf die von ihm konstruierten symbolischen Bedeutungswelten und visuellen Elemente, die ein wichtiger Teil seiner Selbstrepräsentation und Massenmobilisierung waren und später auch ihren Niederschlag in Bildungsrealitäten fanden. Nicht zuletzt analysiert die Arbeit Institutionalisierungsprozesse, ihre Widersprüche, die Kritik an Gandhi’s Ideen und den Wandel von Gandhis ‚Pädagogik der manuellen Arbeit‘ hin zu einer ‚Pädagogisierung der manuellen Arbeit‘.
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, the icon of the Indian independence movement, was convinced that a new social order for an India free from colonial subjugation and based on his ideas on sarvodaya (the welfare of all), swaraj (self-rule) and economic self-sufficiency could only become reality with a radical shift in education. He criticized the fact that, hitherto, education had been primarily targeted at the urban elites and the needs of the colonial government and economy and envisioned a ‘new’ education, later also known as Basic Education or Nai Talim, centred on rural crafts and agriculture and targeted especially at village populations. This dissertation traces the historical development of Gandhi’s educational ideas. It reconstructs his vision of Nai Talim primarily based on his own writings and reflections, contextualises it in ongoing debates in the independence movement on the future of India’s social order and analyses how his vision was embedded in his critique of British colonial rule and in the connection he made between education and social reconstruction. A focus thereby is also his understanding of manual labour in society and its relationship with the education process. Analysing key ideas and metaphors in his educational thought, the dissertation refers to his sources of inspiration, his use of symbolism and the visual in his self-presentation and mass mobilization and how elements of these symbolic worlds of meaning also became part of education programmes. Finally, it also deals with the diverse institutional developments based on Gandhi’s education ideas, their inherent contradictions, the criticism they generated and the shift from his ‘pedagogy of manual work’ to a ‘pedagogization of manual work’.
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Pillay, Koneshverrie. "Mahatma Gandhi : a psychobiographical study." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1159.

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The study is of a psychobiographical nature, employing a psychological theory as a paradigm within which to uncover the narrative of an individual’s life. There are relatively few studies of this nature, particularly with a South African focus. The study applied a qualitative psychobiographical research method which aimed to describe Mahatma Gandhi's psychological development according to Erik Erikson’s (1950) Psychosocial Developmental Theory. Mohandas Karamchund Gandhi or Mahatma Gandhi as he was generally known was a major political and spiritual leader. Although much has been written on his life, a psychobiography has not yet been written. He was chosen as the research subject through purposive sampling on the basis of interest value, uniqueness and significance of his life. The data collection and analysis was conducted according to Yin’s (1994) ‘analytic generalization’ which incorporated Erikson’s theory of psychosocial stages. Alexander’s (1988) nine proposed guidelines assisted in the process of data analysis. The study concluded that Gandhi had attained the ego virtues of hope, will, purpose, competence, fidelity love, care and wisdom as proposed by Erikson’s (1950) Psychosocial Developmental Theory within the delineated age frame.
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4

Vettickal, Thomas V. "Sarvodaya of Mahatma Gandhi, realistic utopia." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/nq35355.pdf.

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5

Bansal, Anupam. "Indira Gandhi National Centre for Arts." Kansas State University, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/36073.

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6

Sharma, Sanjeev. "An inquiry into Kenneth Frampton's 'Critical Regionalism' : Charles Correa's Gandhi Memorial Museum & Balkrishna Doshi's Gandhi Labor Institute." Kansas State University, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/36068.

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7

Cox, Peter. "Gandhi and post-development : re-enchanting emancipation." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.577191.

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Historically, emancipation has been interpreted as inseparable from modernity. Emancipation has been configured in terms of an increase in reason and a commensurate 'disenchantment' and a banishment of the sacred. The emergence of post-development as a recognisable discourse within the field of development studies and practice has raised important questions regarding understandings of social progress. Notable in the literature and practice of post-development is an increased reference to the human spirit and 'spirituality' as an integral part of the process of social liberation. According to Marxist theory, such reference undermines its emancipatory potential. This thesis provides an alternative way of interpreting this return of the sacred by arguing that post-development is more fruitfully interpreted as a reinvention of Gandhian praxis. Moreover, the conjunction of Gandhian categories with post-colonial and post-developmental analyses provide an alternative lens through which to frame a model of emancipation more appropriate to the context of post-modernity. This process foregrounds issues of agency and identity in social change locating discussion of the spiritual in activist narrative as central to the structural processes of social change. The framework produced by these discussions is subsequently employed in order to examine the verity of environmentalist claims to emancipation. The argument is informed by ongoing post-development activism in North India and a range of new social movement activity. Fundamental to the approach is the need to focus on the ongoing processes involved in social transformation as a means to emancipation, rather than to any pre-determined aims. In conclusion, I show how the conjunction of Gandhian thought and post-development. is providing a framework for re-enchanted understandings of emancipatory action. Contingent upon their location, such emancipations are applicable to the 'North' as well as the 'South'.
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8

Jalia, Aftab Amirali. "Refiguring the sketch : the Nari Gandhi cartographic." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/43905.

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Thesis (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Architecture, 2008.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 115-117).
Nariman Dossabhai Gandhi, one of the earLiest proponents of organic architecture Taliesin and heaviLy influenced by Frank LLoyd Wright's teachings on the same subj personal understanding of the term: organic, extending it beyond his mentor's architectural rendition. Nari Gandhi defied the Legal and social norms that govern most present day ... Less-known exemplar of the organic ideology. This study of his works is placed in th that saw the emergence of new social thought, culture and architectural ... nation wanting to renew its physical identity. My thesis looks at his Life, unusual working ... and attempts to understand the ramifications of the rarity he embodied. A 37 mln film, researched and shot in India, accompanies this text and is the first like and works.
by Aftab Amirali Jalia.
S.M.
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9

Power, Shahed Ahmed. "Gandhi and deep ecology : experiencing the nonhuman environment." Thesis, University of Salford, 1990. http://usir.salford.ac.uk/14753/.

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The present study concentrates on the experience of nature in the life of Mohandas K. Gandhi. This detailed environmental biography of Gandhi follows him from the early years in India, through his years in England as a young man and on to South Africa where his beliefs about humanity's proper relationship with the nonhuman world were shaped. There is also a detailed examination of his dietary and nature-cure experiments which date from his years in England, 1888 - 1891, with a discussion of the original works that he cites in his own writings. Diet involves a most intimate relationship with the nonhuman environment. Gandhi sought a diet which involved the least unavoidable violence and which the poor could afford. Health for Gandhi was a state of total well-being - social, physical and spiritual. Gandhi established communities of workers dedicated to service, first in South Africa at Phoenix Settlement and Tolstoy Farm, and then in India at Sabarmati Ashram and Sevagram. Here his respect for the integrity of other living beings was tested by experience. Rabid dogs, the threat of venomous snakes to both livestock and humans, and the nuisance of monkeys pilfering from the ashram's fruit trees and vegetables were situations that had to be resolved. Since its inception in 1972 the Deep Ecology movement has been linked with the name of the Norwegian ecophilosopher Arne Naess, who has also devoted many years to an analysis of Gandhi's philosophy. The experience of nature and reflection on humanity's right relationship with the nonhuman environment is brought up to the present-day via a consideration of some of the individuals and indigenous people that deep ecology acknowledges as part of its background, such as Henry Thoreau, John Muir, Mary Austin, Aldo Leopold and Richard St. Barbe Baker.
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10

Jahanbegloo, Ramin. "Gandhi et la pensee occidentale (thoreau, ruskin, tolstoi)." Paris 4, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA040264.

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Cinquante apres son assassinat, m. K. Gamdhi reste indeniablement l'une des figures politiques et morales les plus marquantes de l'histoire de l'humanite. Homme d'une profondeur quasiment insondable et personnage hors de commun, gandhi etait a la fois un grand sage et un grand politicien. Au contraire des vieux sages indiens, gandhi considerait la politique comme une dimension de la vie humaine a trouvers laquelle il fallait essayer d'atteindre ce qu'il appelait "l'esprit de verite". La vision politique de gandhi se presente donc comme un nouvelle attitude dans la pensee politique de l'indemoderne. En verite l'attitude de gandhi en ce domaine releve strictement de son evolution spirituelle. On doit rappeler qu'il a ete profondement marque pas d'autres sources intellectuelles que la pensee indienne et notamment par trois grands penseurs du xixe siecle: ruskin, thoreau et tolstoi. Si le royaum de dieu est en vous de tolstoi permet a gandhi de vivifier sa passion pour la parole du christ et de raffermir sa foi en l'ahimsa, unto this last de ruskin, lui offre une nouvelle vision pratique de la vie de la communaute. Quant a h. D. Thoreau, il consolide intellectuellement la valeur de satyagraha inaugure par gandhi en afrique du sud
Mahatma gandhi was one of those rare human beings who was simultaneously a theoretician and practicioner of non-violence. Gandhi possessed an inner conviction that non-violence was not only one of the key words of his own century but of centuries still to come. It is in this sense that his ideas on non-violence and tolerance transcend the context of india itself, even though these ideas were initially conceived in relation to india's independence and future. Nevertheless, in spite of what may seem obvious, it is no mere truism to state that gandhi would not have been gandhi had he not been born indian. But at the same time, gandhi also sought support for his ideas of tolerance and non-violence in other cultures. In all likelihood, he was deeply influenced by three thinkers of the west: thoreau, ruskin andtolstoy. It was leo tolstoy who exerted the greatest influence on gandhi's thought through his concept of love. Thoreau's book, on the duty of civil disobedience provided gandhi with a solid foundation for his satyagraha in south africa. And last but not least, ruskin awakened gandhi's conscience on the idea of community and simplicity
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Chhetri, Puran Kumar. "Gandhi and Nehru : master-disciple relationship : a critique." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1244.

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12

Daley, Kevin Luke. "Gandhi and the problem of Indian unity, 1944-48." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Department of History, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/2418.

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The last four years of Gandhi's life saw the end of British rule in India and the emergence of the sovereign states of India and Pakistan. This thesis examines Gandhi's political progress during the period. It provides an account of how and why it came about that the independence of India was accompanied by partition. As late as 1946, the partition of India seemed an unlikely prospect: the British preferred a unitary India, Congress was committed on principle to Indian unity, and the Muslim League leaders intended to use their demand for "Pakistan" as a means of securing separate representation for Indian Muslims in an all India Union. However, while partition seemed unlikely, independence was known to be imminent: from mid-1945, H.M.G. was increasingly determined to effect a rapid transfer of power. The central argument of this study is that Gandhi played an important role in determining the outcome of Indian independence. At a profound level, the spirit of Gandhianism had long informed the Indian political culture within which the independence debate took place. In the period 1944 to 1948, the impact of Gandhianism contributed to the rise of sentiments which eventually compromised Indian unity. Furthermore, changing political conditions during this turbulent period often brought Gandhi to the front rank of the Congress leadership. On such occasions, fired by the Gandhian vision of an idealized future Indian society, his was a voice raised in consistent opposition to proposals likely to promote an equal, or nearly equal, distribution of power between Congress and the League at the Centre. Moreover, Gandhi's enthusiasm in this respect impelled him to attempt to subvert British intermediary efforts when, from time to time, such efforts appeared likely to succeed in reconstructing the power structure so as to accommodate the essence of the demands of the Muslim political separatists. By early 1947, in the absence of a power-sharing arrangement, the only alternative was partition: H.M.G. had placed a time limit on the Raj, and communalist forces were so aroused at the social level as to require that independence be informed by some form of Muslim separatism. This thesis contends that the Congress leaders settled upon partition as the preferred form of separatism to be implemented in the independence scheme. It analyzes the nature of Gandhi's eventual acquiescence to the Congress leaders' decision for partition, and examines the Mahatma's militant response to the reality of Pakistan.
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Look, Wing-kam, and 陸詠琴. "Jose Rizal and Mahatma Gandhi: nationalism and non-violence." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1997. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31951429.

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Ferigate, Anderson Azevedo. "A presença de Gandhi na literatura de Cecília Meireles." Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), 2018. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/6971.

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A obra literária de Cecília Meireles, especialmente a poesia, é bastante conhecida por boa parte dos apreciadores da literatura nacional, especialmente por livros como Viagem e Romanceiro da Inconfidência. No entanto, ainda há um aspecto de sua obra pouco estudado pela crítica e pela academia: a intensa relação que a autora estabeleceu com a cultura indiana. Pretende-se, portanto, mostrar a presença, na literatura ceciliana, especificamente nas crônicas e nas poesias, dos princípios filosóficos mais determinantes do legado do Mahatma Gandhi, o principal líder político e religioso da Índia no século XX, a saber: Satyagraha – a busca pela Verdade e o Ahimsa – o princípio da Não-Violência. Mostra-se, também, que essa intensa relação intercultural com o país se deu desde muito cedo na vida da escritora e percorreu de maneira direta ou indireta toda sua trajetória literária, seja na busca de autoconhecimento, de desapego, como na tentativa de aplicar aqueles valores éticos de Gandhi em sua própria vida e que aparecem refletidos em sua literatura. A dissertação vem, portanto, contribuir, no âmbito das relações interculturais, para a discussão acadêmica a respeito da forte presença de Gandhi na literatura de uma das mais reconhecidas escritoras de língua portuguesa, Cecília Meireles.
Meireles’ literaly work, especially the poetry, is well known by most of national literature appreciators, particularly for books like “Viagem” and “Romanceiro da Inconfidência”. However, there is still an insufficiently studied aspect of her work by critics and the literary academy: the intensive relation that she established with the Indian culture. Therefore, it is intended to present, in her production, specifically on her chronicles and poetry, the most defining philosophical principles from Mahatma Gandhi, India’s most important political and religious leader from the 20th century, i.e. Satyagraha – the seek for the Truth and Ahimsa – the Non-Violence principle. It is also known that this massive intercultural relation with the country began in the early years of Meireles and covered, directly or indirectly, all her literary work, either on the seek for self-knowledge and detachment or on the attempt to apply Gandhi’s ethical values on her own life, which is reflected in her literature. Thus this dissertation contributes, in the context of intercultural relations, to the academic discussion about the strong presence of Gandhi on the work of one of the most renowned writers of Portuguese language, Cecília Meireles.
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Look, Wing-kam. "Jose Rizal and Mahatma Gandhi : nationalism and non-violence /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1997. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B18736683.

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16

Gonsalves, Tahira. "Gandhi, nationalism and the subaltern, an examination of Indian historiography." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ52905.pdf.

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17

Eisenmann, Annette. "Voluntary suffering and nonviolence in the philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.317113.

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Latronche, Marie-France. "L'influence de Gandhi en France de 1919 à nos jours." Paris 4, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1988PA040130.

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L'on commença à parler de Gandhi en France, au moment où il lança le premier mouvement de désobéissance civile en inde, le 6 avril 1919. Dans la presse, on le représenta d'abord comme un agitateur politique. Mais assez vite, le caractère spécifique de sa révolution suscita l'intérêt parmi quelques intellectuels. En 1922, l'orientaliste louis Massignon publiait un texte de Gandhi, et en 1923, Romain Rolland le révélait a l'occident à travers son essai Mahatma Gandhi. Pour les intellectuels de droite il était une menace contre l'occident, tandis que ceux de gauche s'intéressaient à ses méthodes. Son image pendant la période de l'entre-deux-guerres était tributaire des idéologies qui s'opposaient. En décembre 1931, il donna une conférence à paris puis se rendit en suisse, auprès de Romain Rolland. Apres son passage, se constitua à paris, un "groupe des amis de Gandhi" qui donnait des informations sur son action. Des pacifistes, des catholiques, des économistes étaient influencés par certaines de ses idées. En 1942, Lanza Del Vasto publia son pèlerinage aux sources. A partir de 1955, il entreprit une action non-violente à cause du problème algérien, qui permit à l'opinion publique de se familiariser avec ce nouveau moyen de revendication sociale. Aujourd'hui, le message de Gandhi survit principalement à travers le concept de non-violence, au sein de mouvements politiques ou religieux. Cet aspect de son idéologie a été privilégié au détriment de l'ensemble de son message. La double influence, indienne d'une part et occidentale d'autre part, que Gandhi a reçue, fait de sa pensée une synthèse de deux cultures. Celle-ci est avant tout une philosophie de l'action et une réflexion sur la civilisation, qui ouvre de nombreuses perspectives de recherche
The name Gandhi was first spoken about in France, when Gandhi initiated his first movement of civil disobedience on the 6th of April 1919. In the press, he was first portrayed as a political agitator. But quickly, the specific character of his revolution aroused interest among certain french intellectuals. In 1922, the orientalist Louis Massignon published one of Gandhi’s texts and in 1923, Romain Rolland exposed him to the western world through his essay Mahatma Gandhi. For the rightwing intellectuals, he was a threat to the west, whereas those of the leftwing were interested in his principles. His image will thus be, during the inter-war period, dependent upon the ideologies which opposed each other. In December 1931, he addressed a meeting in Paris, and then went to Switzerland, to meet Romain Rolland. After his passage in Paris, a group known as the "friends of Gandhi" was formed, informing the public of his deed in India. Pacifists, Catholics and economists alike, were influenced by his ideas. In 1942, Lanza Del Vasto published le pèlerinage aux sources and from 1955, on the occasion of the algerian problem, he began a non-violent action, which permitted the public opinion to familiarize itself with this innovative means of social demand. Today Gandhi’s message survives mainly through the concept of non-violence, in political or religious movements. This particular aspect of his ideology has been rigorously adhered to throughout his whole message. The twofold influence, indian on the one hand and western on the other, gives to Gandhi’s thought process a synthesis of two cultures. This latter is mainly a philosophy of action and a reflection on civilization, which opens many research perspectives
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Prasad, Upendra. "Gandhivadi samajavada /." Nai Dilli : Namana Prakasana, 2001. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38847828z.

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Kripalani, Coonoor. "A comparative study of the political concepts of M.K. Gandhi and Mao Zedong, 1919-1949." Thesis, [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1986. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B12034150.

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Latronche, Marie-France. "L'Influence de M.K. Gandhi en France de 1919 à nos jours." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1990. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37615044d.

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Ahluwalia, Sanjam. "CONTROLLING BIRTHS, POLICING SEXUALITIES: A HISTORY OF BIRTH CONTROL IN COLONIAL INDIA, 1877-1946." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2001. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin980270900.

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Ramanathapillai, Rajmohan. "Nonviolence, ecology and war : extending Gandhian theory /." *McMaster only, 1997.

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Oommen, George. "Gandhi's portrayal of Jesus stemming from his reading of the Sermon on the Mount a Reformed perspective /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2008. http://www.tren.com/search.cfm?p036-0394.

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Tattvamasi. "Mahātmā Gāndhī kā ṭrasṭīśipa siddhānta /." Naī Dillī : Rāṣṭrīya Gāndhī Saṅgrahāya tathā Rādhā Pablikeśansa, 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb391866894.

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Ho, Pui-chi Christine. "Contemporary heroines : are they conformers or revolutionaries? : a study of Jiang Qing and Indira Gandhi /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2001. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk:8888/cgi-bin/hkut%5Fabs%5Fpdf?B23425611.

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Kleinhans, Jan-Peter. "Why are Gandhi and Thoreau AFK? : In Search for Civil Disobedience online." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Medier och kommunikation, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-204675.

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This thesis investigates if Distributed Denial-of-Service attacks constitute a valid form ofcivil disobedience online. For this purpose a multi-dimensional framework is established,drawing on Brownlee’s paradigm case and classical theory of civil disobedience. Threedifferent examples of DDoS attacks are then examined using this framework - the attacksfrom the Electronic Disturbance Theater in support of the Zapatista movement;Anonymous’ Operation Payback; Electrohippies’ attack against the World TradeOrganization. Following the framework, none of these DDoS attacks are able to constitute acivilly disobedient act online. The thesis then goes on and identifies four key issues, drawingon the results from the examples: The loss of 'individual presence', no inimitable feature ofDDoS attacks, impeding free speech and the danger of western imperialism. It concludes thatDDoS attacks cannot and should not be seen as a form of civil disobedience online. Thethesis further proposes that online actions, in order to be seen as civilly disobedient actsonline, need two additional features: An 'individual presence' of the protesters online tocompensate for the remoteness of cyberspace and an inimitable feature in order to berecognizable by society. Further research should investigate with this extended framework ifthere are valid forms of civil disobedience online.
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Haldar, Ipsita. "Gandhi and modern republican theory of freedom or non-domination: a study." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1579.

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Vyas, Ashwin G. "Systematic Statement of Mahatma Gandhi's Theory of Social Stratification." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1986. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331565/.

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This study presents the major ideas of Mahatma Gandhi on social stratification and social inequality. The methodology consists of systematically reading and analyzing the literature through which the theoretical components of social stratification in Gandhi's writings become more explicit, and evaluating these theoretical components. A systematic statement of Gandhi's theory of social stratification included the following five components. First, social differentiation is inherent in human nature. Gandhi believed in the universality of social differentiations and was convinced that societies were organized into the divisions on the basis of vocations. Second, relations among strata imply that a division of labor is essential for the stability and organization of society. Gandhi also implied that this division of labor is necessary and functional. Third, normative patterns establish traditions of heredity. To Gandhi, the four divisions in society defined a person's "calling" which is essential for social organization. Fourth, the system of stratification is the universal law that everyone is obliged to follow. Gandhi tried to legitimize social stratification through moral and religious values of the society. Fifth, social stratification system defines duties only and does not confer any privileges. To Gandhi, the divisions of people into strata was the best possible adjustment of social stability and progress. While accepting some form of social stratification for the benefit of total funcioning of the society, Gandhi refused to accept that social inequality necessarily grows out of the process of social stratification. To maintain the hereditary law of social stratification and reduce the inequality, Gandhi suggested the abolition of the present caste system and the revival of four orders of social organization, the removal of the concept of untouchability, the regulation of trusteeship, decentralization of power, the increase of women's status, and vocational education for all.
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Jayaraman, Rukmani Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. "The operational code belief system and leadership behaviour: the case of Indira Gandhi." Ottawa, 1991.

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Bauer, Jacob N. "The Normative Ethics of Gandhian Nonviolence." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1386789526.

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Desai, I. R. B. "Producing the Mahatma : communication, community and political theatre behind the Gandhi phenomenon 1893-1942." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.522879.

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Ho, Pui-chi Christine, and 何佩芝. "Contemporary heroines: are they conformers orrevolutionaries? : a study of Jiang Qing and Indira Gandhi." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2001. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31953025.

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Vagale, Uday Kumar. "Bangalore-Future Trends In Public Open Space Usage. Case Study: Mahatma Gandhi Road, Bangalore." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/9941.

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From 'Pensioners Paradise' or 'Garden City' to 'Silicon Valley' or 'Garbage City', the city of Bangalore has come a long way. One of the interesting aspects of life in Bangalore is 'public life' and the use of public space. However the quality of public spaces in Bangalore has deteriorated over the years due to several reasons. Rapid development, increase in traffic, encroachment into public spaces and lack of management of public spaces have all contributed to this. The CBD (Central Business District) area, especially M.G. Road has evolved as the de-facto centre of Bangalore. Hence a space that used to cater to a city of 2 million in 1980 has to now cater to a city of 5 million. This has led to congestion on M.G. Road, especially along the sidewalk, where people jostle each other to get to their destinations and one can no longer take a leisure stroll or promenade in comfort. Although the sidewalk has been historically an important public space, it is now slowly being reduced to the function of circulation. The increase in population has also altered the demands on public spaces in Bangalore. The cosmopolitan image that Bangalore has acquired has resulted in the creation of many eclectic spaces such as pubs, open-air cafés, and food courts. The common man is being left out of this semi-public realm because of affordability, causing a social rift. Also with pressure increasing on the streets it is becoming difficult to cater to these needs in an appropriate manner. The public realm is slowly diminishing and the semi-private realm is filling the void. This calls for a re-evaluation of the role of a street and how it is functioning in Bangalore and exploration of new spatial types of public spaces, which can be introduced in the public realm. Public spaces should reconcile these differences rather than aggravate them. With pressure on land due to increasing population and density a contest for space is inevitable. What is important is to reconcile these differences and evolve a strategy through which public space can be returned to the people irrespective or religion, caste, creed, class or political alignment for the common good without compromising on aesthetics. At the same time the poor and deprived need to feel a sense of belonging and ownership in the city. Public space is one of the few mediums for such expressions and hence the duty of the city to provide it. Also the absence of iconic public spaces as landmarks has resulted in Bangalore remaining an imageless city, a former middle-class city with no apparent vernacular. Today Bangalore has no real city centre to represent its image and cater to its citizens. The elements of a city centre already exist as observed by Rao & Tewari; it is a matter of giving it structure and a sense of place. Bangalore today confronts several problems with respect to its public spaces ' lack of an imageable city centre; contest for urban and public space based on class and caste; privatisation / corporatisation of public space. To curtail violent and disruptive demonstration of ideas and aspirations by various interest groups especially those of the suppressed, the city needs a democratic, civic space in the perceived/evolving heart of the city ' M.G. Road. Such a space would attempt to bridge the zoning of Bangalore and the lack of imageability of the city; providing its citizens a space to speak their minds, to protest, to celebrate, to mourn, to recreate and most importantly to unite. The thesis document comprises three sections. The first section deals with theory pertaining to the design of public spaces that provides a basis to evaluate public spaces in Bangalore, and draw conclusions, which can be applied in the design project. It draws from public space theory pertaining to the issues identified earlier. The second section provides a brief history of urbanisation of Bangalore. It describes the use of public space from colonial times to the present and draws conclusions for future development of public spaces in Bangalore. The last section applies and tests the conclusions arrived at in the previous two chapters through a design project for a site on Mahatma Gandhi Road. The design process and final product comprises the third section.
Master of Landscape Architecture
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Mishra, J. "Nationalism and internationalism : a study of the political ideas of Tagore, Gandhi and Nehru." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/180.

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Stewart, Peter. "Ideas against imperialism, Gandhi, the Communist party of India and some ideas related to social change /." Title page and abstract only, 1990. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09ars851.pdf.

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Kuriakose, Karikottuchira Gandhi. "Implications and application of the educational philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi to the United Nation's Literacy Program /." Access Digital Full Text version, 1995. http://pocketknowledge.tc.columbia.edu/home.php/bybib/11848339.

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Thesis (Ed.D.)--Teachers College, Columbia University, 1995.
Includes tables. Typescript; issued also on microfilm. Sponsor: Florence McCarthy. Dissertation Committee: Douglas Sloan. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 152-159).
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Varghese, Joshy P. "The Metaphysics of Diversity and Authenticity: A Comparative Reading of Taylor and Gandhi on Holistic Identity." Thesis, Boston College, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104265.

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Thesis advisor: Arthur Madigan
The human self and society in general have always been in transition and transformation. Our senses of ourselves and of our society are in dialectical relation with our sense of whether or to what degree we feel part of important dimensions such as religion and politics, which are both an expression of our identity and factors that may sometimes change our identity. In modern western society it seems that identity has shifted from what Charles Taylor calls "embeddedness" in religion to a mode of life where religion is, to a great extent, expected to be a personal matter and even a personal choice. This is not impossible to understand, and historical work shows us that there are important continuities between the modern reason that rejects religion and the religion that it rejects. In this complicated process there is no mistaking the emergence of a democratic politics that rests to a significant degree on the rational project of modernity. We might even say that the success of that politics is one of the most important signs of the success of modern reason. In any case, we see in the west the development of a political system that has made society increasingly secular and religion increasingly private. This is not the case everywhere in the world. In may other places outside the "west" religion and its expressions are more public and individuals consider religion as a significant factor in defining their self-identity. In these places, many people are found expressing and promoting an identity that they consider meaningful in a world that is not fundamentally defined--or only defined--by the sort of secular political system that restricts religious beliefs and practices to the private domain. In these places, there is somewhat less difficulty with the sort of dilemma that we find in many liberal secular parts of the modern west, where even public expressions of religious beliefs are protested or challenged even though the right to such expressions are constitutionally guaranteed for all citizens. The dialectics of religion and politics and their importance in defining human self-identity is the central domain for my research, though I need many detours into other cultural factors in order to substantiate my claims. Bouncing back and forth between western and eastern religious, philosophical, and political perspectives, I finally found some points of contacts in Charles Taylor and Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi. They became my focus of this research. Still, I felt it necessary to offer a preliminary account of secularism, as our present context, in order to set the background of my exploration of the works and, in some important respects, the lives of Taylor and Gandhi. Hence, my first chapter is an overview of the sources of secularism in the West and in India. The second chapter deals with the Taylorian understanding of diversity, authenticity, and holistic identity. My third chapter is on Gandhi's understanding of diversity, authenticity, and holistic identity. My fourth and final chapter brings to light my own sense of our prospects for an integral understanding of religion, politics, and self-identity within the contexts of post-religious, post-secular, and post-metaphysical thinking. While claims for secular humanism and secular politics have always been somewhat convincing to me, I was not sure why religion should be necessarily so `problematic' for such a program. In fact, the pathologies of both reason and religion have become more explicit to us today. Secularism seems to repeat the exclusivism of the anti-secular stance of some religions by becoming anti-religious itself. Indeed, among secularists and even atheists there is a general trend to consider religions as intrinsically "anti-humanistic" in nature. It is true that secular humanism has sometimes helped religions to explore how deeply "humanistic" they are at heart, in their revelations and traditions. So perhaps, it is possible to have comprehensive frames and theories of humanism and secularism from within the boundaries of religions themselves without negating or diminishing either the spiritual or the secular. A dialogue between Taylor and Gandhi can be useful for us today especially as pointers toward such a humanistic approach to self, religion and politics. This dialogue between these western and the eastern thinkers can enlarge, enrich, and enlighten each other. What we then see, on the one hand, is the limit of a purely secular politics that is lacking a proper metaphysical foundation to guarantee the religious needs of humanity; and on the other hand, we also see the hesitation and struggle of religions to accommodate the demands of secularism. In both cases, we have reason to hope for a new `metaphysics of diversity and authenticity' which in turn might validate a role for religion, and perhaps also the ethical principles that it yields. Still, this is an incomplete and inconclusive dialectic and in that sense only a contribution to ongoing debate. I thank for your attention to my narrative and my proposals. Let me conclude now, so that I can listen to your stories, because you too help me to define myself
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2013
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Philosophy
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STANBURY, PAMELA COOK. "PROCESSES OF VILLAGE COMMUNITY FORMATION IN AN AGRICULTURAL SETTLEMENT SCHEME: THE INDIRA GANDHI NAHAR PROJECT, INDIA." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184165.

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Anthropological research conducted in the Indira Gandhi Nahar Project area of the western Indian state of Rajasthan during 1984-1985 assessed the impact of agricultural land settlement planning on village community formation. The large-scale project, begun in 1957, has brought irrigation water to the extremely arid Thar desert and has brought irrigation water to the extremely arid Thar desert and has dramatically altered the social and physical landscape. Significant efforts have been made by the Government of Rajasthan to select settlers from the poor and landless population, as part of a social welfare policy, allocate agricultural land to them and create new settler communities. A single village, one of the earliest established by the project, was selected for the study of community formation. Historical and contemporary data were collected on five themes: (1) the settler household, (2) kinship, (3) patronage, (4) institution building, and (5) socieconomic stratification. For each theme area, a series of questions were asked regarding the impact of settlement planning. Although settlement planning has been a major influence on the study village, research revealed that settlers arrived under highly diverse circumstances and played diverse roles in the process of community growth. Research also revealed that the village community has maintained some traditional features of Indian social organization in the face of great upheaval associated with settlement. Both the indigenous families and some of the earliest unplanned settlers have developed large local kinship networks, assumed positions of wealth in a hierarchical caste system, and have been involved in building political institutions based on a stratified system. They have also been responsible for attracting later settlers, including both landless agriculturalists and, to a limited extent, service workers. The settlers selected according to settlement policies have not developed extensive kin networks and have been less active in institution building and developing patronage relationships.
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Baldoli, Roberto. "Nonviolence as impure praxis : reconstructing the concept with Aldo Capitini." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/20209.

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This thesis aims to ‘reconstruct’ the concept of nonviolence, offering a new unifying and pluralistic definition, which rejects recent worrying uses of the term, and is able to deal with the crisis of democracy and the construction of a post-secular society. Currently nonviolence is split in two between principled and pragmatic nonviolence. This division has been successful, but it is now a problem: it divides means and ends, politics and morality, religion and politics. In order to find a way out we will turn to the Italian philosopher Aldo Capitini. He interpreted nonviolence as a tension, a praxis of liberation from the chains of reality and openness to the existent. This approach includes a pragmatic dimension, which is a logic reinterpreting current practices and inventing new ones to build up via facti a new society (omnicracy); and a principled dimension, which is a craft of integrating reality with values, reaching its peak in the connection with everybody in an action of value (compresence). This approach offers actions of protest-to-project to overcome the division between means and ends; a political approach between ‘realism and serenity’ to overcome the division between politics and morality; an open religion which can work at the centre of society and politics. Finally, we will extend Capitini’s reflection claiming that nonviolence as praxis is a non-systematic revolutionary approach aiming at freedom and plurality. We will add that this praxis is impure, because made of less than perfect actions performed in a very imperfect environment by imperfect human beings. Reconceiving nonviolence as impure praxis will allow us to reunite principled and pragmatic nonviolence, reinterpreting the former as actualisation of a public principle and the latter as a phronesis. This interpretation will offer an interesting form of transformative realism, which enriches via facti any democratic order with life, and show the way to overcome the secular divisions towards a post-secular society centred on the Assisi presumption.
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Gandhi, Minakshi [Verfasser], and Peter [Akademischer Betreuer] Angel. "Role of long non-coding RNA lincNMR in nucleotide metabolism in cancer / Minakshi Gandhi ; Betreuer: Peter Angel." Heidelberg : Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1195143826/34.

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Dey, Subhasish. "Essays on the world's largest public-works programme : Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) of India." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2016. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/essays-on-the-worlds-largest-publicworks-programme-mahatma-gandhi-national-rural-employment-guarantee-scheme-mgnregs-of-india(80e372aa-3d55-41f8-9181-858a5d859b66).html.

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India’s National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGS) is a unique initiative in the history of state sponsored social security interventions, which guarantees at least 100 days of employment on local public works to anyone who demands for it. NREGS is in operation since 2006. This is world’s largest public-works programme ever, covering around 45 million households every year. Launching of the NREGS indicates a renewal of importance of public-works programme in the global South during the last decade. After 9 years of its continued implementation, there seems to be a dearth of systematic and scientific studies based on grassroots primary survey on how this programme is being implemented and why there is a renewed interest around this programme among the academics and development practitioners across the world. This thesis therefore seeks to understand i) what impacts NREGS created at the household level and ii) the political economy behind its implementation. This thesis comprises of three essays or chapters. Chapter1 and Chapter 3 are based on a threewave household-level longitudinal primary dataset and Chapter 2 is based on a threewave village-level longitudinal primary dataset. All the surveys were conducted between the period 2009 and 2012 in West Bengal state of India. First core chapter of this thesis addresses the research question: what are the impacts of the NREGS participation on household level economic variables and whether participation in NREGS can work as a proxy for collateral in accessing the informal credit for consumption smoothing? Second core chapter addresses the research question: whether the Village Council level ruling political party preferentially allocates the NREGS fund to optimise its chances re-election. Third core chapter addresses the research question: whether there is any non-poor capture of NREGS and whether households’ explicit political affiliation with the ruling party matters in obtaining any extra dividend under NREGS.
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Gandhi, Hetvi [Verfasser], Petra [Akademischer Betreuer] Schwille, Christian [Akademischer Betreuer] Boekel, and Gerhard [Akademischer Betreuer] Rödel. "Early events in cytokine receptor signaling / Hetvi Gandhi. Gutachter: Petra Schwille ; Gerhard Rödel. Betreuer: Petra Schwille ; Christian Boekel." Dresden : Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2014. http://d-nb.info/1068445475/34.

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Chazot, Pascal. "Co-naissance de la connaissance : unvoyage au sein des processus d'apprentissage à l'école internationale Mahatma Gandhi, en Inde." Paris 13, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006PA131026.

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La thèse étudie les processus oeuvrant à la co-construction d’une culture épistémologique et ses effets équilibrants thérapeutiques, dans une école expérimentale en Inde, basée sur une pédagogie innovante centrée sur le plaisir d’apprendre. Elle pose l’apprentissage comme acte global au sein de l’espace pédagogique et met à jour le nécessité d’activer corps et mouvement de l’apprenant en synergie avec ses actes de parole et de pensée. La formation des enseignants doit aussi se faire par un acte global. D’abord, une approche culturelle de la relation maître-élève, à partir d’un mythe indien, conduit à la découverte du complexe d’Ekalavya, issu d’une angoisse liée au besoin de respect. Ensuite, une approche analytique d’une formation de formateurs met à jour un schème d’apprentissage dynamique : action-concept-mot, créant une chaîne de construction de savoirs, où les ressources, produites par l’apprenant en fonction de ses besoins, forment la trame d’une pédagogie par ressources générées
The thesis studies the processes that lead to the co-construction of an epistemological culture and its harmonizing and therapeutic effect, in an experimental school in India that is based on an innovative pedagogy centred on the pleasure in learning. It postulates learning as a holistic act within the pedagogic space and emphasizes the need to activate body and movement of the learner in synergy with the acts of speech and thought. The training of teacher-student relation based on an Indian myth leads to the discovery of the complex of Ekalavya, born of an anxiety linked to the need for respect. Next, an analytical approach of a teacher training puts forth a dynamic schema; action-concept-word, creating a chain of construction of knowledge, wherein the resources produced by the learner according to her needs, form the framework of a pedagogy of generated resources learning
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Roy, Jadab. "Socio philosophical understanding of untouchability: past and present." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/2695.

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Sharma, Namrata. "The educational relevance of two thinkers for 21st century society - Tsunesaburo Makiguchi in Japan and Mahatma Gandhi in India." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2006. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10019834/.

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This thesis questions the use and relevance of two dissident educators of the twentieth century in their respective educational institutions today: Tsunesaburo Makiguchi (1871- 1944) in Japan and Mahatma Gandhi (1869-1948) in India. Makiguchi's ideas are studied with an emphasis on the documents of the Soka Schools in Tokyo and Gandhi's ideas are analysed through concentrating on the documents of the Ikeda Centre for Value Creation (ICVC) in South India. This thesis argues that both Makiguchi and Gandhi have generated significant socio-political changes both at home and abroad. Although, within education there is a tendency for their ideas to be interpreted according to the philosophy and life-style of the institutions in which their ideas are invoked. This thesis also points out that instead of a literal adoption of their ideas there needs to be an engagement with their strategies, beliefs, and behaviours as citizens of their respective countries. This thesis consists of eight chapters. Chapter one offers the analytical framework of this thesis. Chapters two to four place both thinkers historically and study the conceptual foundations of their values. Chapter five engages with the changing values of present day Japan and India. Within these changes, chapters six and seven investigate the use and influence of Makiguchi's and Gandhi's ideas in their respective educational institutions and national contexts. Chapter eight ends with suggestions for future research.
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Nair, Manisha. "Effect of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Guarantee Act on infant malnutrition : a mixed methods study in Rajasthan, India." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1e6100e1-1499-48b6-8b89-5880b37fe95f.

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Background Malnutrition is a major risk factor of infant mortality in India. Policies targeting poverty and food insecurity may reduce infant malnutrition. The Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), a wage-for employment policy of the Indian Government, targets deprivation and food insecurity in rural households. MGNREGA could prevent infant malnutrition by improving household food security or increase the risk of malnutrition by reducing the time devoted to infant care if mothers are employed. This study analyzed the effect and the pathways of effect of households' and mothers' participation in MGNREGA on infant malnutrition. Methods A community based mixed methods study using cross-sectional survey and focus group discussions (FGDs) was conducted in Dungarpur district of Rajasthan, India. Cross-sectional study included 528 households with 1,056 participants who were infants 1 to <12 months and their mothers/caregivers. Selected households were divided into MGNREGA-households and non-MGNREGA-households based on participation in MGNREGA between August-2010 and September-20ll. Anthropometric indicators of infant malnutrition-underweight, stunting, and wasting (WHO criteria) were the outcomes. Eleven FGDs with 62 mothers were conducted. Results Of 528 households, 281 participated in MGNREGA (53%). Mothers were employed in 51 (18%) households. Prevalence of wasting was 39%, stunting 24%, and underweight 50%. Households participating in MGNREGA were less likely to have wasted infants (OR 0' 57, 95% Cl 0•37-0'89; p=O'014) and underweight infants (OR 0'48,95% Cl 0•30-0'76; p=0'002) than non-participating households. Stunting did not differ significantly between groups. Although MGNREGA reduced starvation, it did not confer food security to the participating households because of lower than standard wages and delayed payments. Results from path analysis did not support an effect through household food security and infant feeding, but suggested a pathway of effect through birth-weight. Mothers' employment had no significant effect on the outcomes in the cross-sectional study, but the qualitative study indicated that it could compromise infant feeding and care. Conclusion Participation in MGNREGA was associated with reduced infant malnutrition possibly mediated indirectly via improved birth-weight rather than improved infant feeding. Providing child care facilities at worksites could mitigate the negative effects of mother's participation in MGNREGA. Further, improving mothers' knowledge of appropriate feeding practices in conjunction with providing employment (to address deprivation and food insecurity) is key in the efforts to reduce infant malnutrition.
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Dorairaj, Lawrence. "Gandhi : critique de la civilisation moderne au nom de la culture indienne : analyse d'Hind Swaraj et d'autres textes gandhiens." Paris 4, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA040130.

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Le germe de la critique morale de Gandhi sur la civilisation moderne est contenu dans un petit livre qu'il écrivit en 1909, intitulé hind swaraj (ou l'autonomie indienne). Dans ce pamphlet, il attaquait la civilisation moderne pour son hypocrisie, ses spoliations, la rapidité de la vie à laquelle elle oblige, et par dessus tout, pour son matérialisme. La machine serait pour lui le symbole-clé de la civilisation moderne. Ses convictions restèrent les mêmes jusqu'à sa mort en 1948. Pour lui, si l'Inde adoptait la civilisation moderne dans ses institutions politiques, son industrialisation et sa foi exagérée dans la science et la médecine, cela signifierait sa ruine. Selon gandhi, la valeur d'une civilisation devrait être mesurée a l'aune de son progrès moral et de la simplicité de son style de vie. Ainsi l'Inde devrait s'efforcer d'etre fidèle a l'esprit de sa culture ancienne qui était fondée sur la spiritualité et la vie a la campagne qui ont assuré sa survie jusqu'a nos jours. Ecrivant alors que l'Inde était sous domination britannique, Gandhi affirma que l'autonomie (swaraj) véritable n'est pas simplement la liberté économique et politique mais bien davantage la liberté morale de l'individu et de la nation. La civilisation moderne serait l'antithèse de la swaraj dans ce sens. La critique de Gandhi se fonde sur ses convictions religieuses. Ainsi, une simple analyse rationnelle risque forcément d'être réductrice
The germ of Gandhi's moral critique of modern civilization is contained in a little book he wrote in 1909 called hind swaraj (or indian home rule). In this pamphlet he attacks modern civilization mainly for the rapidity of life it dictates, its hypocrisy, its exploitative nature and above all its materialism. The machine would be for him the chief symbol of modern civilization. His convictions remained unchanged till his death in 1948. For him, if India adopted modern civilization with its institutions like parliament, its industrialization and its exaggerated faith in science and medicine, it would spell her ruin. According to Gandhi, the worth of any civilization should be measured in the scale of moral progress and simplicty of life style. India should, therefore, strive to be faithful to the spirit of her ancient civilization which was founded on the bed-rock of spirituality, simplicity of life and rural life which has assured its survival to this day. Speaking in the context of the british colonization of india, Gandhi's asserts that real swaraj (or home-rule) in its fullest sense is not merely economic and political freedom but above all moral freedom for the individual and the nation. Modern civilization would be the antithesis of swaraj understood in this sense. Gandhi's critique is basically articulated on the religious plane. Therefore, a mere rational analysis of the same will not reveal its full import
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Correm, Tal. "From Force to Political Power: Frantz Fanon, M. K. Gandhi, and Hannah Arendt on Violence, Political Action, and Ethics." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2014. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/285388.

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Philosophy
Ph.D.
This dissertation analyzes the problem of political violence in popular struggles for freedom and regime change. It seeks not only to explicate the different arguments for and against the use of violence in political struggle, but also the extent to which these various ways set the conditions for the political landscape after the struggle. To do that, I engage the arguments of Frantz Fanon, M. K. Gandhi, and Hannah Arendt. While these authors diverge with regard to the role of violence in popular struggles, all three conceptualize ways to achieve nonviolent politics or at least to reduce the role of violence in normal everyday politics. While Fanon and Gandhi offer viable diagnoses of the problem of violence and liberation, by stressing the structural and affective dimensions of political violence, Arendt challenges the traditional equation between political power and violence and offers an institutional alternative in her theory of a federated council system. My analysis reconstructs the link between the critique of violence (state, colonial, or mass violence) and the constructive theory of foundation and preservation of stability and effective relations of trust. These relations of trust are necessary to prevent recurring violence and escalation in the period following the struggle. By analyzing the intersections of violence, political action, and ethics in the work of Fanon, Gandhi, and Arendt, I provide a theoretical framework for understanding the role of violence in popular struggles and everyday politics, while avoiding the limitations of each theory. The aim of this study is threefold: first, to provide an alternative to the prominent positions of realism and moralism in political philosophy through an evaluation of ethical argumentation in politics regarding the problem of violence; second, to contribute to debates about political freedom, and sovereignty in democratic theory through examination of different solutions for the conservation of power and freedom in the transition from struggle to ordinary politics; and third, to develop a critical lens with which to examine situations of conflict and popular struggles, the place of violence, and the transition to ordinary politics. By way of conclusion, I demonstrate the relevance of this study through examination of a concrete case from the Middle East: the Egyptian revolution of 2011. The theoretical framework set by the multifocal debate provides a resource to analyze the promise and the ensuing crisis of the Egyptian project.
Temple University--Theses
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Kundu, Indrani. "Paradigm shifts in jurisprudential thoughts in Indian legal system: study of A.K. Gopalan to Maneka Gandhis case and beyond." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2021. http://ir.nbu.ac.in/handle/123456789/4233.

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