Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Garanzie fondamentali'

Ce travail vise à examiner la protection des droits fondamentaux en Angola de 1975 à nos jours, de faire le constat de la rupture entre le présent et le passé de ces droits en Angola et d'en relever les avancées, les stagnations ou les régressions. En d'autres termes, il permettra d'identifier les difficultés qui minent la reconnaissance et la protection effective de ces droits tels qu'ils apparaissent dans les différentes Constitutions de la Première à la Troisième République, ainsi que dans d'autres instruments juridiques internes et internationaux pertinents en matière de droits de l'homme. Au plan institutionnel, il s'agira d'analyser minutieusement les différents mécanismes de protection des libertés fondamentales créés afin d'évaluer leur effectivité et de déterminer les possibilités de leur amélioration. Cet examen suppose leur identification, laquelle doit prendre en compte la protection juridictionnelle et non juridictionnelle<br>This thesis analyzes the protection of fundamental rights in Angola from 1975 to the present day. It aim at determining the break between the past and present situation of these rights in Angola and to identify in which area this situation has improved, stalled or regressed. In others words, il point out the difficulties which undermine the recognition and effective protection of these rights, in the way they have been consacrated by the successive constitutional texts from the First to the Third Republic, as well as in other legal instruments, both domestic and international, relating to the subject of human rights protection. On a institutional plan, this means to review thoroughly the different mechanisms meant to ensure the protection of fundamental freedoms in Angola, in order to assess their effectiveness and to determine how to improve them. This requires identifying these mechanisms, considering both judicial and non judicial protection

La transition démocratique est un processus complexe, difficile et souvent étudié sous un angle politique. Ce phénomène sujet d’actualité presque au quotidien exige une analyse juridique synthétique. Cette thèse conçue comme une sorte de “guide” vise à établir les piliers, les fondements et les assises communes de toute transition démocratique en tenant compte de la spécificité de chaque Etat. Il ne s’agit pas d’imposer une transition “standard” mais de fixer les grandes lignes “guide lignes” indispensables pour réaliser et réussir la transition démocratique vers l’Etat de droit démocratique : le but ultime de la transition. L’étude présentée constitue en définitive un essai d’une modélisation juridique expliquant le processus transitoire de son départ jusqu’à sa fin notamment quant aux respect des droits fondamentaux. La qualification de la transition, de ses étapes, de ses mécanismes et de son résultat ne peut s’effectuer qu’en se fondant sur le respect qu’accordent les acteurs de la transition à la démocratie, à la reconnaissance et à la protection des droits fondamentaux. Toute transition s’éloignant de ces critères ne sera pas qualifiée de démocratique. Cette analyse théorique appuyée par des exemples concrets, permet d’évoquer l’influence mutuelle entre la démocratie et les doits fondamentaux. Ces droits fondamentaux, qui ne peuvent être garantis que par un régime démocratique, sont au coeur du processus transitoire. Ils constituent un défi pour les acteurs de la transition. Le traitement de la violation des droits fondamentaux commis avant la transition en reste hélas l’un des enjeux majeurs<br>The democratic transition is a complicated and a difficult process which is always examined from a political view. This phenomenon which constitutes topicality requires a deep legal analysis. This thesis is aiming at to set pillars and establish common foundations to every democratic transition in taking into consideration the specificity of each state. It’s not a question of a “standard” transition but rather to set the necessary “guide lines” to achieve and succeed democratic transition towards the rule of law : the ultimate target of transition. The study constitutes an easy of modelling of a new legal system aiming to set out the transitional process from the start till the end, based on the respect of the fundamental rights. The qualification of the transition, its stages, mechanisms, and results is made on the basis accorded by the transition actors to democracy, to recognition and protection of fundamental rights. Every transition getting off these criterias shall not be considered democratic. These theoretical analyses supported by practical examples allow us to evoke mutual influence between democracy and fundamental rights. These ones, only guaranteed by democratic regime, are in the heart of the transitional process. They constitute a challenge for the transition actors. The treatment of fundamental rights violations committed before the transition remain one of the most difficult stakes

Les ressortissants de pays tiers sont devenus au fur et à mesure de la construction européenne des véritables sujets du droit de l'Union européenne. Toutefois, leur protection est fragmentée en raison d'une « catégorisation » croissante de leurs statuts, en fonction de la situation de fait ou de droit qui les caractérise. L'émergence d'un socle commun de garantie de droits sociaux fondamentaux à partir des normes européennes peut être néanmoins constatée. La coordination des régimes nationaux de sécurité sociale s'applique en effet explicitement aux ressortissants de pays tiers en séjour régulier. De même, les normes sociales européennes dont les destinataires ne sont pas déterminés en fonction de la nationalité peuvent leur être adressées. Pareil constat s'applique également aux normes relatives au principe de non-discrimination.Ce socle commun pourrait alors servir de base pour l'élaboration d'un statut social, entendu comme un attribut de la citoyenneté sociale, concrétisée par la participation sociale à la vie de la cité. Ce statut social pourrait être lui-même le fondement de l'élaboration d'un véritable statut européen consacré aux ressortissants de pays tiers en séjour régulier. Il contribuerait à la réalisation de l'objectif mis en avant par le Conseil européen de Tampere des 15 et 16 octobre 1999 consistant à donner un traitement équitable à cette catégorie de ressortissants. Il concourrait aussi au renforcement de leur intégration au sein des sociétés des Etats membres d'accueil. Il s'agirait d'une intégration par le bénéfice et l'exercice des droits sociaux fondamentaux, consistant dans le financement des systèmes de sécurité sociale, l'exercice d'une activité professionnelle, ou encore la participation aux activités syndicales et de représentation collective<br>Third-country nationals have become veritable subjects of the EU Law. Nevertheless, their protection is fragmented by the increasing categorization of their status, in consequence of their fact and juridical situation. The emergence of a common standard of protection of fundamental social rights based on the EU regulations and policies may be however noted. Thus the coordination of social security systems applies explicitly to the regular staying third-country nationals. EU social regulations and directives also apply to those persons when the nationality condition is not specified. The same situation is also considered on the non-discrimination principle field. Then, this common standard of protection can offers a base to the development of a social status that is an attribute of the social citizenship, materialized by the social participation in the community. This social status could come itself the foundation of the construction of a truly European status dedicated to the regular staying third-country nationals. It could contribute to the realization of the European Council Tampere's objective to give a fair treatment to those persons. It could also contribute to the reinforcement of their integration at the member States community. It consists in a social integration, by the practice of fundamental social rights like working, funding social security, or getting involved with trade unions representation

Le présent travail se propose d’examiner le rôle joué par la Cour Constitutionnelle italienne dans la garantie des droits fondamentaux des individus, inscrits dans la Constitution, eu égard notamment à la catégorie des étrangers, n’ayant aucun lien de citoyenneté avec l’Etat.La recherche a été menée dans une perspective de reconstruction historique qui part de l’évolution de la justice constitutionnelle en Europe et des travaux de l’Assemblée constituante en Italie concernant l’institution du« Juge des lois ».Dans la première partie de la thèse, on a approfondi les profils de la structure de la Cour, de son fonctionnement, des instruments décisoires et des mécanismes d’accès au jugement constitutionnel sur les lois. A l’égard de ces derniers, on a voulu focaliser l’attention sur le recours incident tel qu’il est configuré dans notre système de justice constitutionnelle, en analysant ses points de force et ses limites et en opérant, ensuite, une comparaison avec la question prioritaire de constitutionnalité introduite, il y a dix ans, dans le système français.Objet d’étude a été également, le manque, dans le système italien, de toute forme de recours direct de la part des particuliers qui leur permette de saisir la Cour, même à défaut d’un jugement à quo engendrant la saisine de la question de légitimité constitutionnelle.On a pris, par conséquent, en considération les propositions législatives concernant l’introduction d’une telle institution et les orientations doctrinales qui se sont exprimées en termes positifs ou négatifs par rapport à cette possibilité.La deuxième partie, représentant le cœur du travail, concerne la contribution de la Cour constitutionnelle à la définition du statut juridique de l'étranger et à la mise en œuvre du droit constitutionnel d'asile. L’évolution de la jurisprudence constitutionnelle en matière d’immigration se caractérise par une certaine autolimitation de la part de la Cour par rapport au pouvoir discrétionnaire du législateur. L'attitude de la Cour varie toutefois également en fonction des aspects réglementés et des droits présumés violés par la législation soumise au contrôle de constitutionnalité.En définitive, la Cour a contribué considérablement à un ajustement dynamique du statut des droits et des devoirs des étrangers, également avec des déclarations d'inconstitutionnalité visant à assurer la reconnaissance effective des droits de l’homme, consacrés dans la Constitution et dans le droit supranational et international, qui doivent être appliqués quelle que soit la possession du status civitatis ou le caractère régulier du séjour. En ce qui concerne le droit constitutionnel d’asile, la disposition de référence est l’article 10, paragraphe 3 de la Constitution.Le punctum crucis de la réflexion sur l'asile tel qu’il est défini par la Constitution est représenté par la relation de cet institut avec ceux de la protection internationale (statut de réfugié et protection subsidiaire) régis par la législation interne de transposition des directives européennes faisant partie dudit « Système européen commun d’asile » ainsi que de la forme résiduelle de protection interne dite "humanitaire", envisagée dans notre système jusqu'à sa récente abrogation. On a tenté de répondre à deux questions : le droit constitutionnel d'asile peut-il être considéré comme "absorbé" par les instruments de protection indiqués ci-dessus et, par conséquent, mis en œuvre dans notre système juridique?Quel rôle la Cour constitutionnelle a-t-elle joué dans la définition de la nature juridique de cette institution et des droits qui lui sont associés, en l’absence d’une loi mettant en œuvre la réserve de législation prévue par la disposition constitutionnelle susmentionnée?Le travail se conclut donc par le souhait d’une intervention plus significative de la Cour, sanctionnant l’absence d’une discipline prescrite par la Constitution, afin de rétablir le droit autonome de l’individu à l’asile constitutionnel<br>The present work aims to investigate the role of the Italian Constitutional Court in the protection of fundamental rights of individuals, enshrined in the Constitution. Special reference will be made to the category of third-country nationals, who are untied from the State by any bond of citizenship.This research is conducted following a perspective of historical reconstruction, starting from the evolution of constitutional justice in Europe and the works of the Italian Constituent Assembly concerning the establishment of a “Judge of laws”.The first section of the thesis analyses the Court’s structure, its functioning, the decision-making tools and the mechanisms of access to the constitutional judgment of the laws. With regard to the latter, it is intended to focus attention on the mechanism of cross-claim as it is designed in the Italian constitutional justice’s system, by analyzing its strengths and limits and by making a comparison with the “question prioritaire de constitutionnalité” introduced in France ten years ago.Furthermore, research aims to investigate the absence, in the Italian system, of any forms of direct appeal by the individuals, which may allow them to send a referral to the Court in the absence of an a quo judgment in which an opportunity for the referral of the question of constitutional legitimacy can be initiated.Moreover, object of analysis are the legislative proposals for the establishment of such an instrument, as well as the doctrinal orientations that have spoken in favor or against this opportunity.The second part, which constitutes the more original contribution of the work, relates to the role that the Constitutional Court has provided in defining the legal status of foreigners and in implementing the constitutional right of asylum. The evolution of the constitutional jurisprudence in the matter of immigration is characterized by a trend of self-restraint by the Court as far as the discretion of the legislator is concerned.However, the attitude of the Court also varies according to the aspects governed by sectorial legislation and the rights that are presumed to be violated by the laws subjected to the scrutiny of constitutionality.Ultimately, the Court has considerably contributed to a dynamic adjustment of the status of the rights and duties of foreigners, also with declarations of unconstitutionality aimed at ensuring effective recognition of human rights, enshrined in the Constitution and in supranational and international law, which must be applied regardless of the possession of the status civitatis or regularity of the stay.As for constitutional right of asylum, the reference provision is Article 10, paragraph 3 of the Constitution.The punctum crucis of the reflection on constitutional asylum is represented by the relationship of this institution with those of international protection(refugee status and subsidiary protection) governed by the internal legislation transposing the European directives forming part of the so-called "Common European Asylum System" as well as of the residual form of so- called "humanitarian" internal protection, contemplated in the Italian system until its recent repeal.An attempt was made to answer two questions: can the constitutional right of asylum be considered as "absorbed" by the tools of protection indicated above and, therefore, implemented in our legal system?What role has the Constitutional Court played in defining the legal nature of this institution and the rights associated with it, in the absence of a provision implementing the rule of law/statutory reservation provided by the aforementioned constitutional provision?The work concludes, therefore, with the hope of a more meaningful intervention by the Court, that may sanction the absence of a constitutionally prescribed discipline, in order to restore the autonomous right of the individual to constitutional asylum

L’ordine europeo di indagine penale, introdotto dalla direttiva 2014/41/UE, è uno strumento di cooperazione giudiziaria nel settore delle prove divenuto imprescindibile a fronte della crescente dimensione transnazionale assunta dalla criminalità, quale conseguenza dell’evaporazione dei confini geografici nello Spazio di libertà, sicurezza e giustizia dell’Unione europea. La direttiva sovranazionale, recepita nell’ordinamento italiano attraverso il d.lgs. n. 108 del 2017, ha dato vita a un istituto avente natura ibrida, animato dal principio del reciproco riconoscimento, che conserva, al contempo, alcuni tratti tipici della mutua assistenza giudiziaria tradizionale, nel tentativo di coniugare l’efficienza investigativa e la tutela delle garanzie fondamentali. Sullo sfondo di un contesto caratterizzato dall’assenza di armonizzazione tra le regole processuali e probatorie nazionali, il meccanismo di acquisizione della prova all’estero ruota attorno al principio di proporzionalità, che prende forma nel giudizio di bilanciamento, da condursi in concreto tenendo conto delle peculiarità del caso, tra le esigenze connesse all’accertamento del reato e il sacrificio imposto ai diritti delle persone a vario titolo coinvolte nelle procedure di emissione ed esecuzione dell’ordine. La presente tesi di dottorato intende fornire un’analisi a trecentosessanta gradi dell’ordine europeo d’indagine, prendendo le mosse dalla disciplina normativa, con l’obiettivo di mettere in luce le principali problematiche emerse nelle sue prime esperienze applicative e individuare soluzioni in grado di accorciare le distanze che separano teoria e prassi. A tal fine, ampio spazio è dedicato alla ricostruzione delle prime pronunce giurisprudenziali rese sul tema dalla Corte di giustizia e dalla Corte di cassazione, che rivelano complessivamente la tendenza a prediligere le istanze di efficienza investigativa a scapito dei diritti della difesa, per poi esporre, in chiave critica, alcuni casi pratici selezionati presso le Procura della Repubblica di Milano e di Monza<br>The European criminal investigation order, introduced by Directive 2014/41/EU, is an instrument of judicial cooperation in the field of evidence, which has become necessary, given the growing transnational dimension of crime as a result of the sublimation of geographical boundaries in the European Union's Area of Freedom, Security and Justice. The supranational directive, implemented by Italian Legislative Decree no. 108 of 2017, has given rise to a construct of hybrid nature, inspired by the principle of mutual recognition, which maintains, at the same time, certain features typical of traditional mutual legal assistance, in an attempt to combine investigative efficiency and protection of fundamental guarantees. In an underlying backdrop still characterized by the absence of harmonization of national procedural and evidentiary rules, the mechanism for adducing evidence in a foreign country revolves around the principle of proportionality, which in turn takes shape in the context of a balancing judgement - to be conducted in the actual case and taking into consideration the specificities of such case - between the needs related to the detection of crime and the sacrifices imposed on the rights of the persons involved, for various reasons, in the procedures aimed at issuing and executing the relevant order. This doctoral thesis intends to provide a comprehensive analysis of the European Investigation Order, beginning with its legal framework, for the purposes of highlighting the main problems that have emerged in its early-stage enforcement and of identifying solutions capable of shorten the gap between theory and practice. To this end, a large space is firstly dedicated to the analysis of the early case-law rendered by the Court of Justice and by the Italian Court of Cassation on this theme, which reveals the overall tendency to prefer purposes of investigatory efficiency to the detriment of defense rights; secondly, this thesis critically evaluates some practical cases selected at the Public Prosecutor's Office of Milan and Monza.

Come indica il titolo, questa ricerca studia il conflitto tra libertà fondamentali del mercato interno dell’Unione europea e dei diritti fondamentali e la posizione della Corte in quanto garante dei diritti nella risoluzione di tali conflitti. La Trattazione considera non solo la Giurisprudenza della Corte di Giustizia, che risolve i conflitti tra libertà del mercato e diritti fondamentali; ma anche l'ordinamento europeo, e il suo rapporto con il diritto nazionale, considerando anche la giurisprudenza delle corti costituzionali e supreme degli Stati membri. L’analisi è svolta in una introduzione; in tre capitoli (Capitolo 1, “Integrazione economica e protezzione dei diritti fondamentali”; Capitlo 2, “Conflitto tra libertà fondamentali di mercato e diritti fondamentali”; Capitolo 3, “La tutela dei diritti fondamentali negli stati membri come limiti all’integrazione europea”) e nelle successive conclusioni.

Come indica il titolo, questa ricerca studia il conflitto tra libertà fondamentali del mercato interno dell’Unione europea e dei diritti fondamentali e la posizione della Corte in quanto garante dei diritti nella risoluzione di tali conflitti. La Trattazione considera non solo la Giurisprudenza della Corte di Giustizia, che risolve i conflitti tra libertà del mercato e diritti fondamentali; ma anche l'ordinamento europeo, e il suo rapporto con il diritto nazionale, considerando anche la giurisprudenza delle corti costituzionali e supreme degli Stati membri. L’analisi è svolta in una introduzione; in tre capitoli (Capitolo 1, “Integrazione economica e protezzione dei diritti fondamentali”; Capitlo 2, “Conflitto tra libertà fondamentali di mercato e diritti fondamentali”; Capitolo 3, “La tutela dei diritti fondamentali negli stati membri come limiti all’integrazione europea”) e nelle successive conclusioni.

La multiplication d'organismes divers dotés de prérogatives répressives, et notamment des autorités de régulation tels que le conseil de la concurrence, le conseil supérieur de l'audiovisuel ou la commission des opérations de bourse, constitue un phénomène difficilement contestable. Face à cette tendance, l'existence de garanties assortissant leurs pouvoirs de sanction importe davantage qu'un débat stérile sur la nature-administrative ou juridictionnelle-de ces organismes. L’analyse des jurisprudences respectives du conseil constitutionnel et de la cour européenne des droits de l'homme permet de dégager un certain nombre de garanties fondamentales destinées à encadrer cette répression extra-pénale. La notion de « droit à un procès équitable » supposent des garanties concernant d'abord l'organisation de ces instances (indépendance et impartialité) et leur procédure de sanction (respect des droits de la défense, c'est-à-dire du principe du contradictoire, du droit au recours juridictionnel, de la présomption d'innocence et de la publicité des débats). Ces garanties de formes doivent également être complétées par des garanties de fond résultant du principe de légalité (incriminations et sanctions claires, précises, accessibles et non rétroactives) ainsi que du principe de proportionnalité de la sanction (limitation du cumul entre sanctions pénale et administratives, absence d'automaticité et motivation de la sanction)<br>The multiplication of diverse organisms with repressive prerogatives, and specially regulation authorities as the “conseil de la concurrence”, the “conseil superieur de l'audiovisuel” or the “commission des operations de bourses”, is a hardly contestable phenomenon. Facing this tendency, the existence of guarantees flanking their sanction powers seems more important than a sterile debate on the nature-administrative or jurisdictional- of these organisms. The analyse of both jurisprudences of the “conseil constitutionnel” and the European court of human rights allow to draw several fundamental guarantees destined to flank this extra-penal repression. The "fair trial" notion supposes some guarantees concerning first the organisation (independence and impartiality) of this instances and their sanction procedure (defence rights respect it means, cross-examination principle jurisdictional appeal, innocence presumption and oral hearing). These formal guarantees must also be completed by substantial guarantees result from the principle of legality (clear, distinct, accessible and non-retroactive incriminations and sanctions) and from the principle of proportionality (limitation of addition between penal and administrative sanctions, no automatic and justified sanctions)

La présente thèse démontre l’existence d’un véritable contrôle juridictionnel du respect par les États membres des droits fondamentaux garantis par l’Union européenne. Elle repose principalement sur le raisonnement selon lequel le contrôle juridictionnel s’est renforcé, en lien avec le processus d’intégration caractérisant le système juridique de l’Union. Le droit français est étudié en tant que droit constitutif de ce système. Historiquement, la Cour de justice a commencé à produire les normes de référence du contrôle par le biais du renvoi préjudiciel. Ce contrôle a émergé progressivement, il a un champ d’application fondé sur celui du droit de l’Union. Ce dernier est, par principe, son périmètre d’exercice. Indissociable de ces bases jurisprudentielles, le contrôle juridictionnel connait un renforcement global qui a pour caractéristique d’être intégratif. Cette évolution s’engage par l’entrée en vigueur du traité de Lisbonne et la force juridique contraignante qu’il confère à la Charte des droits fondamentaux. Il en résulte la consécration du contrôle juridictionnel dans le droit « dispositionnel ». Ce renforcement se poursuit par un élargissement du contrôle, initié par ce traité et produit par différents juges du système juridique de l’Union. Le contrôle opéré par les juges de droit commun se développe incontestablement, tandis que la Cour de justice a peu l’occasion d’intervenir dans le cadre du recours en manquement. De nouveaux organes de contrôle apparaissent avec leurs singularités. Il s’agit du juge constitutionnel et de la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme<br>This thesis demonstrates the existence of a genuine judicial review of compliance by Member States regarding fundamental rights guaranteed by the European Union. It is based mainly on the reasoning that this control has been reinforced, in line with the integration process characterizing the Union's legal system; French law, as a constituent right of this system, is studied. Historically, the Court of Justice started to produce the reference standards for control by means of the reference for a preliminary ruling, allowing them to progressively emerge, adhering to the scope of EU law. This framework is, in principle, the scope of its exercise. The integrative strengthening of the review, inseparable from these legal bases, entails the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon and the binding legal force of the Charter of Fundamental Rights.. The recognition of review in “dispositional” law is a strong illustration of this. It has continued with this expansion, initiated by this treaty, and also brought about by different judges within the Union’s legal system. This has weakened the principle of its exercise within the scope of the Union’s law. Furthermore, this strengthening has been amplified by an overall consolidation of the courts’ review function. Indeed, it’s common law judges – in principle, ordinary national judges – who operate as a review on developments, in particular; a contrario, the Court of Justice has not had much of a chance to do so within the framework of this action, failing to fulfil its obligations. Yet, - the demonstration continues – new review bodies emerge. These will be the constitutional judge, and in the longer term, the European Court of Human Rights

Bien que constituant un élément essentiel à tout régime de responsabilité, la notion imputation n’a engendré qu’un nombre très réduit d’études en matière de responsabilité des personnes publiques. Cette recherche s’attachera à démontrer tant l’importance du rôle joué par l’imputation que la pertinence d’une approche visant à appréhender la responsabilité par le prisme de l’opération d’imputation. Loin de se résumer à un simple aspect technique tenant à la détermination du patrimoine responsable, la problématique de l’imputation nous semble à même de permettre l’émergence d’une réflexion plus générale sur la responsabilité elle-même. En effet, parce qu’elle permet de désigner la personne débitrice de la dette de responsabilité, l’opération d’imputation correspond toujours à une prise de position sur la fonction de la responsabilité. Que celle-ci désigne l’auteur du fait générateur ou toute autre personne n’est jamais anodin. Permettant de répondre à la question de savoir pourquoi une personne est responsable, l’étude de l’imputation permet également de découvrir le fondement de la responsabilité. Plus encore, il nous sera possible de constater que le choix d’une modalité d’imputation n’est jamais neutre et induit toujours des conséquences perceptibles sur la physionomie des régimes juridiques des diverses hypothèses de responsabilité. Par le prisme de l’imputation, il nous semble donc possible de proposer une réflexion permettant de saisir la fonction de la responsabilité, d’expliquer l’existence d’une grande diversité de régimes juridiques et, surtout, de proposer une classification des hypothèses de responsabilité prenant appui sur la logique interne qui les anime<br>Although every attribution system constitutes a key element regarding the matter of liability in the public sector, the concept of imputation has only been the object of a few studies. Our research shows both the importance of the role played by the notion of imputation and the relevance of an approach which would examine the concept of liability through the imputation process. Far from constituting a simple technical tool employed to ascertain the source of liability, the notion of imputation seems to promote the emergence of a wider inquiry regarding liability itself. Indeed, because this notion serves to indicate the debtor of liability, the process of imputation always indicates a statement of views on the function of liability. The utilization of this device is never inconsequential whether it is used to designate the author of the causal event or any other person. Studying the concept of imputation does both answer the question as to why someone can be held accountable and uncover the founding principles of liability. Furthermore, it will come to our understanding that the selection of a particular method of indictment is never neutral and always involves consequences in regards to the physiognomy of the legal status of the various hypotheses of liability. By analyzing the function of liability through the lens of indictment we can grasp its meaning and thus explain the reason behind the wide diversity of legal regimes and above all, offer a classification of the various hypotheses of liability which would rely on their own internal logic

La Cour africaine des droits de l’homme et des peuples (CAfDHP) a été instaurée par l’Union Africaine en 1998 pour donner une dimension juridictionnelle à la protection supranationale des droits fondamentaux en Afrique. Comme les Cours européenne et interaméricaine, elle a été chargée d’assurer le contrôle d’un traité continental sur les droits de l’homme. Pour atteindre cet objectif, la CAfDHP a été dotée d’une compétence matérielle élargie et des garanties d’un procès équitable. Néanmoins, cette conception théorique satisfaisante a été atténuée par d’importantes insuffisances pratiques. En effet, la Cour africaine demeure peu accessible et ses décisions restent peu suivies. Par conséquent, son effectivité n’est que partiale.Par ailleurs, la Cour africaine fait l’objet d’une transformation substantielle qui en fait, plus qu’une simple Cour régionale des droits de l’homme, l’outil de revendication d’une conception nouvelle du droit international. Ainsi, elle a été fusionnée en 2008 avec la Cour de justice de l’UA pour devenir une nouvelle juridiction limitant le recours aux juridictions extérieures au continent par les États africains dans le règlement de leurs différends. Cette dynamique a été complétée en 2014 par l’extension des compétences de la juridiction issue de la fusion au jugement des individus accusés de crimes internationaux. Ce dernier amendement vise à empêcher qu’à l’avenir des africains soient jugés par la Cour pénale internationale. Toutes ces réformes transformeront la nature de la CAfDHP en une juridiction totalement sui generis et créent un risque important d’échec pour la protection des droits de l’homme et des peuples en Afrique<br>Initially, the African Court on human and people’s rights was established in 1998 by the African Union to guarantee the protection of fundamental rights. Like the European and the inter-American Courts, it was a specialized body in charge of giving effectiveness to a continental treaty on human rights. To reach this goal, the African Court was granted a widen material jurisdiction and a fair trial guarantee. However, that good theoretical design has been limited by important practical inadequacies. In fact, the African Court has been very difficult to access and the implementation of its decisions is not totally ensured. Therefore, the effectiveness of that Court is simply partial. Otherwise, the African Court is undergoing a substantial transformation which makes it, more than a simple regional Court on human rights, the tool for claiming a new perception of international law. So, it was merged in 2008 with the African Union Court of justice to become a new Court preventing African States from going to non-Africans international Courts. This dynamic has been completed in 2014 by the expansion of the new Court prerogatives to judge individuals for international crimes. This reform means a way to prevent Africans, in future, to be judged by International Criminal Court. Yet, all of these reforms are transforming the African Court on human and people’s right to sui generis Court. But they are also creating an important risk of failure for human and people’s right protection in Africa

Les actes juridiques privés sont des titres exécutoires pour lesquels l’acte fondamental sur lequel est apposé la formule exécutoire est un acte juridique privé. C’est le cas des actes notariés, des accords homologués par un juge, des procès-verbaux de conciliation exécutoires, du procès-verbal de non-paiement d’un chèque impayé rendu exécutoire par l’huissier de justice. La loi Macron ajoute à cette famille de titre exécutoire les accords homologués par un huissier de justice pour les petites créances. La procédure d’établissement de ces titres exécutoires se déroule sans aucun contrôle juridictionnel. Dès lors, il est question de savoir si les conditions d’établissement et de mise en œuvre des actes juridiques privés exécutoires sont satisfaisantes au regard, d’une part des critères de définition et des effets du titre exécutoire et d’autre part de l’exigence du respect des droits fondamentaux aussi bien procéduraux que substantiels ? Si non, existe-t-il un remède légal et/ou jurisprudentiel à cette insuffisance ? Celui-ci le cas échéant, est-il satisfaisant ?<br>The private legal acts are writs of execution for which the fundamental act on which is affixed the enforceable formula is a private legal act. It is the case of notarial acts, agreements approved by a judge, enforceable reports(fines) of conciliation, by report(fine) of nonpayment of an unpaid check made enforceable by the bailiff. The law Macron adds to this family of writ of execution the agreements approved by a bailiff for the small claims(debts).The procedure of establishment of these writs of execution takes place without any jurisdictional control. From then on, it is about to know if the conditions of establishment and implementation of the enforceable private legal acts are satisfactory in the look, on one hand the criteria of definition and effects of the writ of execution and on the other hand the requirement of the respect for the fundamental rights so procedural as substantial? If not, there is a legal and/or case law remedy in this insufficiency? Is this one where necessary, satisfactory?

Dans le cadre dans notre étude, nous avons constaté que malgré un certain degré de conformité des législations nationales et régionales à la stratégie onusienne et aux conventions internationales de lutte contre le terrorisme, il n’en demeure pas moins que l’efficacité de ces textes est relative, malgré leur nombre. La preuve en est la multiplication des attentats terroristes un peu partout dans le monde et plus particulièrement en France. En effet, en France, tout comme ailleurs dans le monde, les mesures antiterroristes sont prises au lendemain des attentats, souvent sous l'effet de l’émotion et dans l’intention de calmer et de rassurer les populations. Or, on ne combat pas le terrorisme sous l'émotion ou juste pour faire le buzz et calmer les esprits. En réalité, seule une volonté politique, loin des intérêts économiques et des calculs politiques, peut aider à faire face au phénomène terroriste. Par ailleurs, personne ne l’ignore, les causes et les sources du terrorisme sont bien identifiées et le tout répressif n’est sûrement pas la solution. Combattre le terrorisme c’est d’abord combattre ses foyers. Pire encore, le tout répressif et l’adoption de mesures portant atteinte aux droits fondamentaux ne font qu’alimenter le terrorisme. En effet, nous avons remarqué que pour faire face au terrorisme, les États ont mis en place des politiques basées sur des mesures attentatoires aux droits fondamentaux. Il s’agit tout simplement de politiques orientées vers le tout répressif où les droits des accusés sont tout simplement anéantis. Pourtant, le terrorisme ne cesse de se durcir et de prendre de l’ampleur. Pour combattre le terrorisme l’on doit commencer par défendre les libertés et les droits fondamentaux. En effet, c’est de l’injustice et de la misère que se nourrit le terrorisme<br>In the context of our study, we found that despite a certain degree of conformity of national and regional legislation with the UN strategy and the international conventions on the fight against terrorism, the fact remains that the effectiveness of these texts is relative, despite their number. The proof is the proliferation of terrorist attacks around the world and particularly in France. Indeed, in France, as elsewhere in the world, anti-terrorist measures are taken in the aftermath of the attacks, often under the effect of emotion and with the intention of calming and reassuring the population. However, we do not fight terrorism under the emotion or just to make the buzz and calm the spirits. In reality, only political will, far from economic interests and political calculations, can help deal with the terrorist phenomenon. Moreover, nobody knows, the causes and sources of terrorism are well identified and repressive is surely not the solution. Fighting terrorism means fighting its homes first. Worse still, the repressive and the adoption of measures undermining fundamental rights only feeds terrorism. Indeed, we have noted that in order to confront terrorism, states have put in place policies based on measures that infringe on fundamental rights. They are simply repressive policies where the rights of the accused are simply wiped out. Yet, terrorism is getting tougher and growing. To fight terrorism we must start by defending fundamental rights and freedoms. Indeed, it is injustice and misery that feeds terrorism

La présente étude a pour objet de mettre en relation le juge unique en droit administratif avec les garanties de bonne justice. Pour cela, elle fait apparaître dans un premier temps, que ce juge, peut s'inscrire à la fois efficacement et effectivement dans le paysage juridictionnel administratif français. En effet, le juge unique se présente avant tout comme une réponse pratique aux nouveaux développements que connaît la justice administrative. Il rend finalement compte des réalités conjoncturelles qui l'ont amené à s'implanter aussi bien dans les procédures d'urgence que dans certaines catégories de contentieux qui, pourtant relevaient de formations collégiales. De plus, aucun principe juridique, fut-il de valeur constitutionnelle, ne s'oppose à sa mise en place. Ensuite, son institution ne peut s'effectuer que dans le respect des règles qui gouvernent la juridiction. Il est alors des exigences qui vont s'imposer au juge unique aussi bien quant à son existence, que dans ses qualités. Dans un second temps, cette étude fait également apparaître que l'équité procédurale n'est en rien ignorée par le juge unique, quand bien même le législateur l'a fait intervenir dans des matières qui sont caractérisées, en raison de leur nature, par un net allégement procédural. Le législateur a en effet instauré une sorte d'échelle dans l'application des règles processuelles en fonction de la gravité des mesures susceptibles d'être prononcées par le juge unique. Ces règles, alors même qu'elles sont d'application variables, vont malgré tout s'imposer au juge. Enfin, le débat visant à faire du juge unique un juge moins impartial qu'une formation collégiale, n'a pas lieu d'être, compte tenu de la protection conférée l'exigence d'impartialité. En définitive, parce que le juge unique ne saurait échapper à la protection qui est aujourd'hui offerte au droit à un procès équitable, il apparaît comme un complément viable à la collégialité des formations de jugement<br>The object of this present study is to put the single judge in administrative law in relation to the good justice guaranties. So, it does appear, in first time, that this judge can to corne both effectively and efficiently within the framework to the french administrative law system. In this way, the single judge is presenting, above all, like an practical answer about the news developments of administrative's justice. Finally, he appears like answers of realities, which have, bring him in the emergency proceedings and in some category, which depended on collegiates courts. Furthermore, not any principle, even constitutional, is opposed to putting into place. Then, his establishment can't to be performs without the respect of rules which govern the juridiction. So, there are demands that are essentials as well in his existence as his quality. In a second time, this study does appears as well that the proceedings equity isn't ignored by the single judge, even though the legislator has given to him competences in materials which are characterized by proceeding reduction. The legislator has, in fact, established, like a scale in the proceeding rules applications according to the gravity mesures that can take the single judge. These rules, although varies application, go to impose to the judge. Lastly, the debate aiming to do a single judge less impartial than the collegial courts, can't existed considering the protection confered on the impartiality demand. In the end, because the single judge doesn't get away from the actualy protection about the right of fair proceeding, he appears like a viable complement at the collegiates courts

Les événements intervenus dans certains pays arabes depuis la fin de l’année 2011 ont montré le manque juridique dans ces pays à l’égard des textes juridiques régissant les droits et leurs garanties constitutionnelles et judiciaires. Ces événements ont montré également la nécessité de renforcer les garanties des droits énoncés dans les textes constitutionnels et le besoin de mettre en place des mécanismes capables d’assurer leur respect par tous. Ceci a poussé plusieurs pays à effectuer des réformes constitutionnelles ou de réécriture de nouvelles constitutions afin de répondre aux revendications populaires. Pour comprendre la situation des droits et leurs garanties dans les constitutions arabes, il convient d’étudier, dans un premier temps, les garanties normatives des droits. L’objectif est d’examiner l’existence constitutionnelle des droits dans les Etats car avant même de s'interroger sur leur contenu et leur garantie effective, il faut déjà s'assurer qu'il s'agit bien de normes juridiques. Le principe de la séparation des pouvoirs, qui est un des piliers de l’Etat de droit, mérite d’être examiné dans les pays arabe comme un élément inséparable des garanties des droits dans la Constitution. Dans un second temps, il convient de mettre en exergue le rôle du juge arabe en matière de protection des droits car la proclamation des droits à elle seule ne saurait suffire à assurer la garantie des droits contre les menaces pesant sur eux, mais, Il faut qu'on lui enjoigne la protection. C'est le juge donc qui a le pouvoir de constater les violations de la règle de droit et le cas échéant, de les sanctionner afin d'assurer le respect du droit. Dans ce cadre, on peut envisager deux types de sanctions juridictionnels, par le juge constitutionnel et par le juge judiciaire<br>The events that took place recently in some Arab countries since the end of 2011 showed the legal shortcomings in these countries with regard to the legal texts governing the rights and their constitutional and judicial guarantees. These events also showed the need to strengthen the guarantees of the rights set forth in the constitutional texts, the need to develop mechanisms to ensure respect by all. This has prompted several countries to make constitutional reforms or rewrite new constitutions in order to respond to popular demands. To understand the situation of rights and their guarantees in Arab constitutions, it is necessary to study, as a first step, the normative guarantees of rights. The objective is to examine the constitutional existence of the rights in the States because even before questioning their contents and their effective guarantee, one must already make sure that they are indeed legal norms. The principle of the separation of powers, which is one of the pillars of the rule of law, deserves to be examined in the Arab countries as an inseparable element of the guarantees of rights in the Constitution. In a second step, the role of the Arab judge in the protection of rights should be highlighted because the proclamation of rights alone is not enough to guarantee the rights against the threats against them, but let him be protected. It is therefore the judge who has the power to find violations of the rule of law and, if necessary, to punish them in order to ensure respect for the law. In this context, two types of judicial sanctions can be envisaged, by the constitutional judge and the judicial judge

La dialectique de l’ordre public et des libertés sillonne la pensée juridique depuis le XVIIIème siècle. Généré par de nouvelles formes de délinquance et de criminalité, le renforcement des exigences de l’ordre public impose de s’interroger sur la limitation des droits fondamentaux constitutionnels. En dépit de la place névralgique qu’il occupe entre ordre public et libertés, le processus de limitation demeure indéterminé en droit français. Cette recherche, organisée autour de la détermination des limites aux droits garantis, de l’identification des « limites aux limites » aux droits fondamentaux, puis de la redéfinition des droits fondamentaux par les limites, permet de préciser ce mécanisme, mais aussi de cerner les restrictions apportées à l’exercice des droits et libertés. L’autolimitation du Conseil constitutionnel marque un infléchissement progressif de la protection des droits fondamentaux. Ce constat invite à réfléchir sur l’encadrement supra-législatif de la limitation des droits garantis, et conduit à se positionner en faveur de l’insertion d’une clause de limitation des droits fondamentaux dans la Constitution<br>The dialectics of public order and freedoms has been traveling throughout legal thought since the 18th century. Sparked by new forms of delinquency and criminality, the strengthening of public order requirements leads to questioning the limitation of fundamental constitutional rights. Despite its crucible place between public order and freedoms, the limitation process remains undetermined in French law. This research, which aims at determining the limitations to protected rights, identifying the limitations to those limitations themselves, and then redefining fundamental rights through those limitations, not only helps to specify this mechanism, but also to identify the restrictions brought to the enjoyment of rights and freedoms. The Conseil constitutionnel self-restraint reveals a gradual shift in the protection of fundamental rights. Acknowledging the former leads to considering a supra legislative framework to the limitations to protected rights, and advocating in favor of the constitutional entrenchment of such a clause

Le principe de publicité de la justice est présenté, notamment par le droit conventionnel, comme contribuant à fonder l'existence d'une « société démocratique ». L'objet de notre étude est d'interroger la portée de cette garantie procédurale à l'heure de la généralisation du principe de transparence afin de déterminer dans quelle mesure elle peut nous aider à penser la démocratie à l’échelle nationale<br>The principle of publicity is presented, in particular by conventional law, as contributingto founding the existence of a "democratic society". The purpose of our study is to question therange of this procedural guarantee at the time of the generalization of the principle of transparencyin order to determine to what extent it can help us to regard democracy at the national level

Ogni ordinamento costituito, qualunque sia la sua forma politica, tenta di difendere se stesso. Ma in un ordinamento liberal-democratico le esigenze di protezione confliggono con quelle libertà il cui riconoscimento costituzionale esprime proprio la specificità della struttura politica liberal-democratica, giacché proprio le libertà democratiche possono divenire, per usare le parole di Karl Loewenstein, “the trojan horse by which the enemy enters the city”. È questo il problema della c.d. democrazia protetta. In ordine a tale questione, riferimento obbligato sono la Legge fondamentale tedesca e gli istituti suoi propri del Parteiverbot e della perdita dei diritti fondamentali. Il problema non è ignorato dall’ordinamento costituzionale italiano. Limiti alla revisione costituzionale, disciplina dei partiti antisistema, limitazione dei diritti fondamentali, poteri eccezionali ed organi di garanzia fanno della democrazia italiana una democrazia in fondo più “protetta” di quanto generalmente la si consideri.<br>Every constituted system, whatever its political form is, aims to protect itself. However, the needs of self protection in a liberal-democratic system conflict with those freedoms proper to this political structure, since these democratic freedoms can even become, quoting Karl Lowenstein’s words: “the trojan horse by which the enemy enters the city”. This is the issue of the so called protected democracy. With respect to this problem, the German Constitutional Law, with it’s typical institution of Parteiverbot and loss of fundamental rights, is an unavoidable reference. This problem is also treated in the Italian constitutional system. The limitation to the power of constitutional amendment, the regulation of the anticonstitutional parties, the restraint of fundamental rights, the emergency and the guardianship powers, make, after all, the Italian democracy more protected than what is generally thought.

Ogni ordinamento costituito, qualunque sia la sua forma politica, tenta di difendere se stesso. Ma in un ordinamento liberal-democratico le esigenze di protezione confliggono con quelle libertà il cui riconoscimento costituzionale esprime proprio la specificità della struttura politica liberal-democratica, giacché proprio le libertà democratiche possono divenire, per usare le parole di Karl Loewenstein, “the trojan horse by which the enemy enters the city”. È questo il problema della c.d. democrazia protetta. In ordine a tale questione, riferimento obbligato sono la Legge fondamentale tedesca e gli istituti suoi propri del Parteiverbot e della perdita dei diritti fondamentali. Il problema non è ignorato dall’ordinamento costituzionale italiano. Limiti alla revisione costituzionale, disciplina dei partiti antisistema, limitazione dei diritti fondamentali, poteri eccezionali ed organi di garanzia fanno della democrazia italiana una democrazia in fondo più “protetta” di quanto generalmente la si consideri.<br>Every constituted system, whatever its political form is, aims to protect itself. However, the needs of self protection in a liberal-democratic system conflict with those freedoms proper to this political structure, since these democratic freedoms can even become, quoting Karl Lowenstein’s words: “the trojan horse by which the enemy enters the city”. This is the issue of the so called protected democracy. With respect to this problem, the German Constitutional Law, with it’s typical institution of Parteiverbot and loss of fundamental rights, is an unavoidable reference. This problem is also treated in the Italian constitutional system. The limitation to the power of constitutional amendment, the regulation of the anticonstitutional parties, the restraint of fundamental rights, the emergency and the guardianship powers, make, after all, the Italian democracy more protected than what is generally thought.

Le Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques et les Conventions américaine et européenne des droits de l'homme autorisent des " restrictions ", des " immixtions " ou encore des " sanctions ", ou consacrent un droit " dans les conditions prévues par la loi ". Les organes internationaux de contrôle compétents confirment cette faculté laissée aux Etats d'entraver l'exercice effectif de certains droits de l'homme. Le fondement de ce pouvoir de restriction et les cas dans lesquels il est reconnu et admis permettent de démontrer son caractère protecteur pour les droits et libertés concernés. De conception unitaire, ce type d'ingérence répond à une définition autonome et implique un régime juridique tendant à s'uniformiser. Le contrôle international des conditions de licéité applicables est d'intensité variable, mais l'analyse des différents degrés de cet examen montre qu'il n'est jamais laissé carte blanche aux Etats, même quand une marge d'appréciation leur est accordée<br>The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the American and European Conventions on Human Rights authorize " restrictions ", " limitations " or even " penalties ", or recognize a right " under the conditions as prescribed by law ". The competent international control bodies confirme this possibility for states to undermine the effective exercise of certain human rights. The search of the foundation of this power of restriction and the cases under which it is recognized and admitted allow us to demonstrate the protector aspect of this power for the concerned rights and freedoms. This kind of interference constitutes a unitary conception, meets with an autonomous definition and implies a legal regime tending to standardization. The intensity of the international control of the lawful requirements differs from one to another, but we are never facing a situation allowing to give States free hand (carte blanche), even when a margin of appreciation is recognized to them

La réalisation du procès équitable passe par le courage de juger du juge et du tribunal. Face aux pressions externes ou internes, aux menaces, aux interférences des pouvoirs politiques, à la corruption, aux intimidations de toutes sortes, le juge doit faire preuve de courage, celui de juger en toute indépendance et impartialité. Les exigences d’indépendance et d’impartialité du tribunal, consacrées dans tous les mécanismes régionaux de protection des droits de l’homme, constituent les socles du procès équitable et de la bonne justice. En effet, dans chaque système régional de protection des droits de l’homme, on retrouve des dispositions se rapportant aux exigences d’indépendance et d’impartialité du tribunal. Dans le système européen de protection des droits de l’homme, on peut citer l’article 6, § 1 de la Convention européenne des droits de l’homme. Dans le système interaméricain, l’article 8, § 1 de la Convention américaine relative aux droits de l’homme est une illustration. Dans le système africain de protection des droits de l’homme, ces exigences du procès équitable sont consacrées par les articles 26 et 7 §1 (d) de la Charte africaine des droits de l’homme et des peuples. Le bon juge est donc celui qui s’érige en tiers indépendant et impartial. Mais, les exigences d’indépendance et d’impartialité du tribunal sont-elles appréhendées ou appréciées de manière identique d’un système régional de protection des droits de l’homme à un autre ? Existe-t-il une circularité, une interaction, des emprunts normatifs entre les systèmes régionaux de protection des droits de l’homme ? Y-a-t-il un système qui prend l’ascendant sur les autres ? Existe-il un dialogue des juges régionaux en matière d’interprétation et de garantie des exigences d’indépendance et d’impartialité ? Voilà quelques interrogations auxquelles cette thèse tente de répondre<br>The achievement of a fair trial requires the courage to judge of the judge and the court. Faced with external or internal pressures, threats, political interference, corruption, intimidation of all kinds, the judge must show courage, courage of judging with complete independence and impartiality. The requirements of independence and impartiality of the court, enshrined in all regional human rights protection mechanisms, constitute the foundations of a fair trial and good justice. Indeed, in each regional human rights protection system, there are provisions relating to the requirements of independence and impartiality of the court. In the European system for the protection of human rights, we can cite Article 6, § 1 of the European Convention on Human Rights. In the inter-American system, Article 8, § 1 of the American Convention on Human Rights is an illustration. In the African system for the protection of human rights, these requirements of a fair trial are enshrined in Articles 26 and 7 §1 (d) of the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights. The good judge is therefore the one who sets himself/herself up as an independent and impartial third party. However, are the requirements of independence and impartiality of the court apprehended or appreciated in the same way from one regional system of protection of human rights to another? Is there circularity, interaction, normative borrowings between regional human rights protection systems? Is there a system that takes precedence over the others? Is there a dialogue of regional judges on the interpretation and guarantee of the requirements of independence and impartiality? These are some questions that this thesis attempts to answer

Objet connu de la recherche juridique, sujet à la mode, la motivation n'a pourtant pas livré tous ses mystères, lien éthéré entre le processus décisionnel, avec lequel on voudrait parfois la confondre, et l'instrumentum du jugement, auquel elle ne peut se réduire. Propulsée sur le devant de la scène par les (r)évolutions de la place du juge dans notre ordre social et processuel, elle est marquée d'une ambigüité essentielle. Envisagée comme un devoir, la motivation apparaît comme un processus de légitimation interne et externe de la décision du juge judiciaire, dont l'aboutissement repose sur une triple vertu : vertu introspective d'abord, par laquelle le magistrat est amené, dans l'intimité de sa conscience de juge, à une réflexion renouvelée sur sa décision ; vertu processuelle, ensuite, par laquelle on s'assure du respect par le juge des droits processuels et substantiels ; vertu pédagogique enfin, marquant l'ambition d'une justice comprise et acceptée. Envisagée comme un pouvoir, la motivation est à la fois le révélateur et l'instrument de la participation du juge judiciaire à un véritable dialogue normatif et éthique, au-delà de son office strictement juridictionnel. C'est par-delà cette ambiguïté essentielle de la motivation, à la fois devoir et pouvoir, que se dévoile, entre confiance et espérances, le renouveau de la fonction du juge à l'aube du XXIème siècle<br>The legal basis for decisions, a well-known and fashionable subject of legal research, has yet to yield up all its secrets: it constitutes the insubstantial link between the decision-making process, with which it is sometimes confused, and the instrumentum of the judgment which cannot be regarded as its sole component. (R)evolutions in thinking concerning the position of the judge in both social and procedural contexts have propelled the question to the forefront, and its very essence is ambiguous. Initially regarded as a duty, the requirement to give a legal basis for a decision comes across as a process of internal and external legitimisation of the judge’s findings, and its finality is based upon a threefold virtue. Firstly the virtue of introspection whereby the judge is led, in the privacy of his conscience, to undertake a renewed reflection on his or her decision. Secondly the virtue of good procedure whereby the respect by the judge of procedural and substantive rights is assured. Finally, there is the pedagogical virtue of a system of justice which sets out to be understood and accepted. Initially regarded as a power, the legal basis for decisions both reveals and enables the participation of the judge in a truly normative and ethical dialogue which goes beyond the strictly jurisdictional context of his office. Thus it is through this ambiguity between duty and power which constitutes the essence of the legal basis for decisions that is heralded, at the dawn of the 21st century, in a climate of confidence and hope, the renewal of the judicial function

La Pologne est un ancien État communiste qui a signé la Convention européenne des droits de l'homme en 1991 et l'a ratifiée en 1993. Le droit de recours individuel a été reconnu en 1993. Le changement de régime a exigé de revoir le système juridique polonais, dont les principes du procès équitable, afin de pouvoir se conformer aux exigences de la Convention. La France a signé la Convention en 1950, l'a ratifiée en 1974. Le droit de recours individuel a été reconnu en 1981. C'est un des plus anciens signataires de la Convention et actuellement un acteur majeur de la société internationale dont l'attachement aux droits de l'homme constitue un élément caractéristique de sa politique extérieure. Cette étude comparative détermine si les exigences concernant les tribunaux et le procès, ainsi que les droits garantis en matière pénale, imposés par l'article 6 de la Convention, sont respectés dans les deux États. D'un côté, cela permet de voir les différences et les similitudes entre la France et la Pologne qui peuvent sembler différentes à cause de leur histoire et de leur tradition de respect des droits de l'homme, mais qui également se ressemblent dans les mécanismes de protection des droits de l'homme mis en place et rencontrent les problèmes similaires, comme par exemple la durée excessive de la procédure ou le non-Respect du principe de l'égalité des armes.D'un autre côté, cela permet de vérifier si les organes internes ont bien appliqué et, le cas échéant, réparé les violations de la Convention, notamment par les réformes de la loi interne<br>Poland is a post-Communist state which signed the Convention in 1991, and ratified it in 1993. The right to the individual application was established in 1993. The change of the regime required to reform the Polish legal system, including the principles of fair trial, to comply with the requirements of the Convention. France signed the Convention in 1950, and ratified it in 1974. The right to the individual application was established in 1981. It is one of the oldest members of the Convention and at the moment one of the major actors of the international society, whose attachment to human rights is one of the characteristics of its foreign policy. This comparative study sets out to determine whether the requirements concerning the courts and the trials, and the rights guaranteed in criminal matters imposed by the article 6 of the Convention are respected in both states. On the one hand, this enables us to see the differences and the similitudes between France and Poland. These two states can seem to be different because of their respective histories and traditions when it comes to the respect of human rights. However, in the final analysis, they deal with similar problems, as, for example, the excessive length of proceedings, or non-Respect of the principle of equity of arms. On the other hand, this enables us to verify if the judgements of the European Court of Human Rights have been entirely implemented by the two states, and, where necessary, if the infringements of the Convention were repaired, including the reforms of the internal law

La Cour de justice de l’Union européenne est aujourd’hui l’institution judiciaire qui fait l’objet de toutes les attentions de la part du monde scientifique. Elle serait même, derrière la Cour suprême des États-Unis, l’organe judiciaire le plus étudié au monde. Notre recherche propose de démontrer que la Cour de justice de l’Union européenne est une juridiction constitutionnelle. Tout d’abord, la Cour de justice de l’Union européenne dispose d’une légitimité qui peut être qualifiée de constitutionnelle tant au regard de ses composantes humaines que de sa procédure. La procédure de nomination ainsi que l’office des membres de la Cour de justice de l’Union européenne caractérisent sa légitimité constitutionnelle subjective. L’étude des règles de procédure amène au constat que le procès à la Cour de justice de l’Union européenne à les attraits d’un procès constitutionnel. Elles caractérisent la légitimité constitutionnelle objective de la Cour de justice de l’Union européenne.La Cour de justice dispose ensuite d’une compétence qui peut être qualifiée de constitutionnelle car elle exerce des attributions qui sont traditionnellement dévolues au juge constitutionnel. Ceci se vérifie tout d’abord dans le contrôle de la régularité des normes étatiques et européennes au droit de l’Union européenne lato sensu qui évoque le contrôle de constitutionnalité des lois devant les juridictions constitutionnelles nationales. Cela se vérifie, ensuite, dans le contrôle de la répartition horizontale et verticale des compétences qu’exerce le juge de l’Union européenne et qui constitue l’une des attributions des juges constitutionnels dans les États fédéraux ou régionaux. Cela se vérifie, enfin, à l’aune de la garantie des droits fondamentaux, que le juge de l’Union européenne veille à préserver au sein de l’ordre juridique dont il est l’interprète authentique<br>The Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) is the judicial institution that nowadays garners the most attention from scholars. One could even claim that, after the Supreme Court of the United States, it is the most studied judicial organ in the world. This research aims to demonstrate that the CJEU is a constitutional court. First of all, the CJEU enjoys constitutional legitimacy that extends to its Members as well as its procedure. The appointment procedure and the function of the Members of the CJEU shape its subjective constitutional legitimacy. A thorough exploration of the rules of procedure leads to the finding that the process before the Court of Justice of the European Union has the trappings of a constitutional process. The latter give form to the objective constitutional legitimacy of the CJEU.The jurisdiction of the Court of Justice can be qualified as constitutional because it has powers which are traditionally vested in the constitutional judge. The CJEU reviews the conformity of both national and European acts with European Union law lato sensu, which is analogous to the constitutional review exercised by national constitutional courts. Secondly, it scrutinizes the horizontal and vertical distribution of powers, which is a typical attribute of constitutional judges in federal states. Finally, the constitutional similarities can be found in the realm of fundamental rights protection: the judge of the European Union ensures that these rights, of which he/she is the authentic interpreter, are upheld within the legal order

La transparence, à travers ses multiples applications par le juge européen, est érigée en principe général du droit de l’Union européenne. Ses fondements juridiques retentissent sur sa portée, impérative et supplétive, son champ d’application matériel et personnel ainsi que sur son extension progressive et sa limitation aux seuls rapports verticaux développés entre les autorités adjudicatrices et les opérateurs économiques. La transparence est rattachée directement aux libertés fondamentales des soumissionnaires potentiels dont elles assurent la protection juridique et indirectement au principe de libre concurrence par la suppression des obstacles privés à la libre circulation des activités économiques. Ainsi, au service d’une finalité immédiate, la transparence garantit l’accès à la commande publique et, au service d’une finalité médiate, elle protège les structures du marché de la commande publique. Le principe général de transparence donne alors naissance aux contrats relevant de la commande publique qui prennent le relais des contrats publics. Instrument d’intégration et élément structurel du marché intérieur, cette nouvelle génération des contrats matérialise l’accès à la commande publique qui constitue un secteur d’activité économique faisant partie du marché intérieur<br>Transparency, through its multiple applications by the european judge, has become a general principle of european law. Its legal basis resound its purview, imperative and suppletive, its personnal et material scope, as well as its progressive extension and its restriction to the vertical relationships developed between contracting authorities and economic operators. Transparency is attached directly to potential bidders fundamental freedoms whose its provides legal protection. It is attached indirectly to the principle of free competition by the elimination of private barriers to the free movement of economic activities. Thus, in the service of an immediate finality, transparency guarantees access to public procurements and, in the service of a mediate finality, it protects the market structures of public procurement. The general principle of transparency gives then rise to contracts of public order (contrats relevant de la commande publique) which take over public contracts. Instrument of integration and structural element of the internal market, this new generation of contracts materialize access to public order (commande publique), that constitutes a sector of economic activity as part of the internal market

La presente ricerca si propone di analizzare la Direttiva 2012/13/UE sul diritto all'informazione nei procedimenti penali ed il suo impatto sul sistema processuale italiano. L'analisi prende le mosse da un primo capitolo dedicato al sistema multilivello delle fonti: sul panorama nazionale e sovranazionale, infatti, la direttiva è solo l'ultima norma, in ordine di tempo, a disciplinare il diritto fondamentale alla conoscenza dell'indagato e dell'imputato. Necessario quindi apprestare una panoramica delle fonti che garantiscono la protezione multilevel dei diritti, e descrivere le loro reciproche interazioni. Imprescindibile, poi, un approfondimento sulla tutela dei diritti nello Spazio di Libertà Sicurezza e Giustizia dell'UE, con un'attenzione particolare all'era post-Lisbona ed al valore aggiunto che le direttive ex art. 82 co. 2 TFUE possono portare sul sistema multilevel. Il secondo ed il terzo capitolo sono dedicati all'analisi normativa della fonte europea. La trattazione si muove lungo le tre visuali prospettiche che la norma europea attribuisce al diritto all'informazione: diritto alla conoscenza dei propri diritti; diritto alla conoscenza dell'accusa; diritto alla conoscenza degli atti di indagine. Le disposizioni europee vengono continuamente integrate con la giurisprudenza della Corte EDU, che inietta di significato le norme della direttiva e fornisce gli standards di tutela laddove non specificati. Vengono messe in rilievo le disposizioni più innovative, che consentono alla direttiva di non essere solo “codificazione” del case law di Strasburgo, ma fonte autonoma e progredita di diritti. Il capitolo finale è infine focalizzato sull'impatto che la direttiva ha prodotto sul sistema processuale interno. La trattazione è suddivisa tra l'analisi delle modifiche apportate dalla normativa di attuazione italiana, d. lgs. 101/2014, e la disamina delle sue lacune: il legislatore ha dato luogo ad un intervento minimalista, omettendo di dare esecuzione proprio alle disposizioni europee più innovative che avrebbero permesso al nostro sistema di essere in linea con i dettami sovranazionali. Particolare attenzione è data al tema delle modifiche all'imputazione e al principio Iura novit curia, sulla scorta dei punti saldi elaborati dalla Corte EDU nel noto caso Drassich. In conclusione, vengono proposti gli scenari futuri che potrebbero conseguire all'efficacia diretta della direttiva e alla penetrazione, per il suo tramite, delle norme CEDU nell'ordinamento giuridico nazionale.<br>The present research examines the European Directive on the right to information in criminal proceedings (Directive 2012/13/EU, hereinafter ‘the Directive’), assessing the impact that it is likely to have on the Italian legal system. Before analyzing the legislation, the thesis provides an historical overview of the status of human rights safeguards in the EU and a description of its multi-layered system of protection. Starting from the early ECJ case law setting out a ‘human rights theory’, the research moves on to consider the Charter of Nice and the development of a European Area of Criminal Justice, until the Stockholm Program and the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty. In addition, it addresses the question as to whether and to what extent the directives ‘of new generation’ based on art. 82 par. 2 TFEU bring an added value to the aforementioned human rights protection system. Chapters 2 and 3 of the research focus on the analysis of the legislation and on the three meanings that the Directive attaches to the right to information in criminal proceedings, namely, the right to information about rights, the right to information about accusation, and the right to information about case file. The effort is shedding some light on the most innovative prescriptions, while at the same time highlighting how much the EU legislation owes to the ECtHR case law, which is used as a yardstick for the evaluation and interpretation of the Directive. Finally, Chapter 4 addresses the Italian implementing legislation (d. lgs. 101/2014) and the impact of the Directive on our legal system. It finds that the NIM is highly unsatisfactory, as the Italian legislator has failed to comply with the most innovative EU standards. In this regard, the research illustrates the impact of EU prescriptions on the jurisdiction of national judges, in particular, the impact of the ‘new’ right to information about accusation. It concludes that Italian judges can (in)directly apply ECtHR case law standards due the direct effect of the Directive (which can be regarded as an ‘ECtHR case-law codification’).

Despite significant efforts have been directed toward reducing waste generation and encouraging alternative waste management strategies, landfills still remain the main option for Municipal Solid Waste (MSW) disposal in many countries. Hence, landfills and related impacts on the surroundings are still current issues throughout the world. Actually, the major concerns are related to the potential emissions of leachate and landfill gas into the environment, that pose a threat to public health, surface and groundwater pollution, soil contamination and global warming effects. To ensure environmental protection and enhance landfill sustainability, modern sanitary landfills are equipped with several engineered systems with different functions. For instance, the installation of containment systems, such as bottom liner and multi-layers capping systems, is aimed at reducing leachate seepage and water infiltration into the landfill body as well as gas migration, while eventually mitigating methane emissions through the placement of active oxidation layers (biocovers). Leachate collection and removal systems are designed to minimize water head forming on the bottom section of the landfill and consequent seepages through the liner system. Finally, gas extraction and utilization systems, allow to recover energy from landfill gas while reducing explosion and fire risks associated with methane accumulation, even though much depends on gas collection efficiency achieved in the field (range: 60-90% Spokas et al., 2006; Huitric and Kong, 2006). Hence, impacts on the surrounding environment caused by the polluting substances released from the deposited waste through liquid and gas emissions can be potentially mitigated by a proper design of technical barriers and collection/extraction systems at the landfill site. Nevertheless, the long-term performance of containment systems to limit the landfill emissions is highly uncertain and is strongly dependent on site-specific conditions such as climate, vegetative covers, containment systems, leachate quality and applied stress. Furthermore, the design and operation of leachate collection and treatment systems, of landfill gas extraction and utilization projects, as well as the assessment of appropriate methane reduction strategies (biocovers), require reliable emission forecasts for the assessment of system feasibility and to ensure environmental compliance. To this end, landfill simulation models can represent an useful supporting tool for a better design of leachate/gas collection and treatment systems and can provide valuable information for the evaluation of best options for containment systems depending on their performances under the site-specific conditions. The capability in predicting future emissions levels at a landfill site can also be improved by combining simulation models with field observations at full-scale landfills and/or with experimental studies resembling landfill conditions. Indeed, this kind of data may allow to identify the main parameters and processes governing leachate and gas generation and can provide useful information for model refinement. In view of such need, the present research study was initially addressed to develop a new landfill screening model that, based on simplified mathematical and empirical equations, provides quantitative estimation of leachate and gas production over time, taking into account for site-specific conditions, waste properties and main landfill characteristics and processes. In order to evaluate the applicability of the developed model and the accuracy of emissions forecast, several simulations on four full-scale landfills, currently in operative management stage, were carried out. The results of these case studies showed a good correspondence of leachate estimations with monthly trend observed in the field and revealed that the reliability of model predictions is strongly influenced by the quality of input data. In particular, the initial waste moisture content and the waste compression index, which are usually data not available from a standard characterisation, were identified as the key unknown parameters affecting leachate production. Furthermore, the applicability of the model to closed landfills was evaluated by simulating different alternative capping systems and by comparing the results with those returned by the Hydrological Evaluation of Landfill Performance (HELP), which is the most worldwide used model for comparative analysis of composite liner systems. Despite the simplified approach of the developed model, simulated values of infiltration and leakage rates through the analysed cover systems were in line with those of HELP. However, it should be highlighted that the developed model provides an assessment of leachate and biogas production only from a quantitative point of view. The leachate and biogas composition was indeed not included in the forecast model, as strongly linked to the type of waste that makes the prediction in a screening phase poorly representative of what could be expected in the field. Hence, for a qualitative analysis of leachate and gas emissions over time, a laboratory methodology including different type of lab-scale tests was applied to a particular waste material. Specifically, the research was focused on mechanically biologically treated (MBT) wastes which, after the introduction of the European Landfill Directive 1999/31/EC (European Commission, 1999) that imposes member states to dispose of in landfills only wastes that have been preliminary subjected to treatment, are becoming the main flow waste landfilled in new Italian facilities. However, due to the relatively recent introduction of the MBT plants within the waste management system, very few data on leachate and gas emissions from MBT waste in landfills are available and, hence, the current knowledge mainly results from laboratory studies. Nevertheless, the assessment of the leaching characteristics of MBT materials and the evaluation of how the environmental conditions may affect the heavy metals mobility are still poorly investigated in literature. To gain deeper insight on the fundamental mechanisms governing the constituents release from MBT wastes, several leaching experiments were performed on MBT samples collected from an Italian MBT plant and the experimental results were modelled to obtain information on the long-term leachate emissions. Namely, a combination of experimental leaching tests were performed on fully-characterized MBT waste samples and the effect of different parameters, mainly pH and liquid to solid ratio (L/S,) on the compounds release was investigated by combining pH static-batch test, pH dependent tests and dynamic up-flow column percolation experiments. The obtained results showed that, even though MBT wastes were characterized by relatively high heavy metals content, only a limited amount was actually soluble and thus bioavailable. Furthermore, the information provided by the different tests highlighted the existence of a strong linear correlation between the release pattern of dissolved organic carbon (DOC) and several metals (Co, Cr, Cu, Ni, V, Zn), suggesting that complexation to DOC is the leaching controlling mechanism of these elements. Thus, combining the results of batch and up-flow column percolation tests, partition coefficients between DOC and metals concentration were derived. These data, coupled with a simplified screening model for DOC release, allowed to get a very good prediction of metal release during the experiments and may provide useful indications for the evaluation of long-term emissions from this type of waste in a landfill disposal scenario. In order to complete the study on the MBT waste environmental behaviour, gas emissions from MBT waste were examined by performing different anaerobic tests. The main purpose of this study was to evaluate the potential gas generation capacity of wastes and to assess possible implications on gas generation resulting from the different environmental conditions expected in the field. To this end, anaerobic batch tests were performed at a wide range of water contents (26-43 %w/w up to 75 %w/w on wet weight) and temperatures (from 20-25 °C up to 55 °C) in order to simulate different landfill management options (dry tomb or bioreactor landfills). In nearly all test conditions, a quite long lag-phase was observed (several months) due to the inhibition effects resulting from high concentrations of volatile fatty acids (VFAs) and ammonia that highlighted a poor stability degree of the analysed material. Furthermore, experimental results showed that the initial waste water content is the key factor limiting the anaerobic biological process. Indeed, when the waste moisture was lower than 32 %w/w the methanogenic microbial activity was completely inhibited. Overall, the obtained results indicated that the operative conditions drastically affect the gas generation from MBT waste, in terms of both gas yield and generation rate. This suggests that particular caution should be paid when using the results of lab-scale tests for the evaluation of long-term behaviour expected in the field, where the boundary conditions change continuously and vary significantly depending on the climate, the landfill operative management strategies in place (e.g. leachate recirculation, waste disposal methods), the hydraulic characteristics of buried waste, the presence and type of temporary and final cover systems.

Puisque la construction communautaire n'a pas engendré d'État, la garantie juridictionnelle des droits fondamentaux communautaires ne peut être qu'originale : son fondement n'obéit pas aux logiques « statocentrées ». Si la Cour de justice a pu identifier l'existence d'une Communauté de droit, les éléments de celle-ci demeurent singuliers de par la surjection induite des relations de communautarité entre normes communautaires et nationales d'application. De surcroît, n'étant pas un caractère systématique de l'État de droit, les droits fondamentaux n'ont pas été conçus comme un attribut de cette Communauté de droit. La Cour n'avait ainsi aucune obligation de reconnaître de tels droits. Elle en a pourtant acquis la légitimité, sous l'influence des juges nationaux, confirmée ultérieurement par les États membres. Soucieuse de respecter sa mission, même enrichie, elle ne peut toutefois se substituer à la « puissance constitutive » communautaire pour pallier ses lacunes.<br />La Cour de justice n'a cependant pas démérité pour équilibrer la garantie des droits fondamentaux communautaires. D'une part, elle a adopté une pratique constructrice en développant la protection des droits en ses deux aspects. Comme le montrent nos tendances chiffrées, les droits ont été étoffés. En outre, leur garantie a été optimisée à mesure du développement du dialogue des juges entrepris par la Cour. D'autre part, la Cour a pu suggérer des perspectives constructives pour soutenir ses efforts. Le projet de traité établissant une Constitution pour l'Europe comprend d'ailleurs les révolutions majeures : l'insertion des droits fondamentaux au sein des fondements de la construction communautaire, et l'adaptation de la place de l'individu en cohérence avec l'approfondissement de la construction. En attendant, des évolutions demeurent possibles. Leur réussite est néanmoins conditionnée à l'adaptation corrélative des mentalités, spécialement des juges nationaux, déjà stimulée par la préparation du projet de traité précité. Le dialogue des juges promet de rester passionnant...

Food safety is a key objective in all the development plans of the European Union. To ensure the quality and the sustainability of the agricultural production (both intensive and extensive) a well-designed analysis strategy is needed. Climate change, precision agriculture, green revolution and industry 4.0 are areas of study that need innovative practices and approaches that aren’t possible without precise and constant process monitoring. The need for product quality assessment during the whole supply chain is paramount and cost reduction is also another constant need. Non targeted Nuclear Magnetic Resonance (NMR) analysis is still a second-choice approach for food analysis and monitoring, one of the problems of this approach is the big amount of information returned. This kind of data needs a new and improved method of handling and analysis. Classical chemometrics practices are not well suited for this new field of study. In this thesis, we approached the problem of food fingerprinting and discrimination by the means of non-targeted NMR spectroscopy combined with modern machine learning algorithms and databases meant for the correct and easy access of data. The introduction of machine learning techniques alongside the clear benefits introduces a new layer of complexity regarding the need for trusted data sources for algorithm training and integrity, if this kind of approach proves is worth in the global market, we’ll need not only to create a good dataset, but we’ll need to be prepared to defend against also more clever attacks like adversarial machine learning attacks. Comparing the machine learning results with the classic chemometric approach we’ll highlight the strengths and the weakness of both approaches, and we’ll use them to prepare the framework needed to tackle the challenges of future agricultural productions.

Non c’è dubbio sul fatto che la RAI, dal 1954 a oggi, abbia contribuito in misura considerevole a determinare la fisionomia dell’immaginario collettivo e dell’identità culturale dell’Italia. Si tratta di un assunto che, a distanza di più di sessant’anni, resta sempre di grande attualità, per chi si occupa della questione televisiva (e non solo). Ma a differenza di quanto avveniva nel passato, quando la tv appariva più preoccupata dei reali interessi dei cittadini, oggi essa sembra rispondere prevalentemente a dinamiche di mercato, in grado di alterarne la funzione etica e sociale. E nonostante il livello di istruzione e di benessere economico si siano evidentemente alzati, in questi ultimi anni si è assistito a programmi di sempre più bassa qualità e in controtendenza a un incremento del potere modellante e suggestivo sull’immaginario dei telespettatori. C’è di più: l’interesse verso la tv ha coinvolto anche gli storici dell’epoca contemporanea, i quali hanno iniziato a prendere coscienza che le produzioni audiovisive sono strumenti imprescindibili per la ricerca. Se si pensa ad esempio al ‹‹boom economico›› del Paese, negli anni Cinquanta e Sessanta, non si può non considerare che la tv, insieme agli altri media, abbia contributo a raccontare e allo stesso tempo ad accelerare i progressi economici e sociali di quell’epoca. Partendo, dunque, dal presupposto che la televisione da sempre esercita un potere decisivo sulla collettività, si è scelto di concentrarsi sulla fase meno indagata della sua storia, quella della televisione delle origini: ‹‹migliore›› perché senza competitor, ‹‹autentica›› perché incontestabile e soprattutto ‹‹pedagogica›› perché è di istruzione e di formazione che, quell’Italia appena uscita dalla guerra, aveva più urgenza. La storia della televisione italiana inizia il 3 gennaio 1954, con la nascita del servizio pubblico televisivo e insieme di un mezzo che, di lì a poco, avrebbe completamente rivoluzionato la società italiana, trasformandola in una civiltà di massa. Si accorciano le distanze territoriali e insieme culturali e la società inizia a omologarsi nei gusti, poi nei consumi e infine nel pensiero. Il punto d’arrivo si colloca negli anni Settanta, quando ha termine il monopolio della RAI, che fino a quel momento era stato visto come il garante del pluralismo culturale. La RAI passa dal controllo governativo a quello parlamentare, mentre si assiste al boom delle televisioni private e alla necessità della tv di Stato di stare al passo con la concorrenza, attraverso una produzione diversa da quella degli esordi. Dunque cambia la tv, come pure cambia la sua funzione e la forma mentis di chi ne detiene le redini. Ne risulta un’indagine trasversale, che passa nel mezzo di molteplici discipline che afferiscono alla materia televisiva e che non evita di porsi quelle domande scomode, necessarie tuttavia a comprendere la verità sugli artefici della prima RAI e sui loro obiettivi. E allora: qual era il valore attribuito alla televisione degli esordi? Era davvero uno strumento pedagogico? Sulla base di quali presupposti? Chi scriveva i palinsesti di quegli anni? Chi e perché sceglieva temi e format televisivi? Chi decideva, in ultima analisi, la forma da dare all’identità culturale nazionale attraverso questo nuovo apparecchio? Il metodo di ricerca si è articolato su tre distinte fasi di lavoro. In primis si è puntato a individuare e raccogliere bibliografia, sitografia, studi e materiale bibliografico reperibile a livello nazionale e internazionale sulla storia della televisione italiana e sulla sua programmazione nel primo ventennio. In particolare sono stati presi in esame i programmi scolastici ed educativi (Telescuola, Non è mai troppo tardi), la Tv dei Ragazzi e i programmi divulgativi culturali. Successivamente si è resa necessaria una definizione degli elementi per l’analisi dei programmi presi in esame, operazione resa possibile grazie alla consultazione del Catalogo multimediale della Rai. In questa seconda parte della ricerca si è voluto puntare i riflettori su ‹‹L’Approdo››, la storia, le peculiarità e gli obiettivi di quella che a ragione potrebbe essere definita una vera e propria impresa culturale, declinata in tutte le sue forme: radiofonica, di rivista cartacea e televisiva. In ultimo, sulla base dell’analisi dei materiali d’archivio, sono state realizzate interviste e ricerche all’interno dei palazzi della Rai per constatare la fondatezza e l’attendibilità dell’ipotesi relativa agli obiettivi educativi sottesi ai format televisivi presi in esame. Le conclusioni di questa ricerca hanno portato a sostenere che la tv delle origini, con tutti i suoi limiti, era uno strumento pedagogico e di coesione sociale. E se ciò appare come un aspetto ampiamente verificabile, oltreché evidente, qualora si voglia prendere in esame la televisione scolastica ed educativa di quegli anni, meno scontato risulta invece dimostrarlo se si decide – come si è fatto – di prendere in esame un programma divulgativo culturale come ‹‹L’Approdo››, che rientra nell’esperienza televisiva definita di ‹‹educazione permanente››. Ripercorrere la storia della trasmissione culturale più longeva della tv italiana degli esordi, per avvalorarne la funzione educativa, si è rivelata una strada interessante da battere, per quanto innegabilmente controversa, proprio per il principale intento insito nella trasmissione: diffondere la cultura ‹‹alta›› a milioni di telespettatori che erano praticamente digiuni della materia. Un obiettivo che alla fine della disamina si è rivelato centrato, grazie alla qualità della trasmissione, al suo autorevole e prestigioso groupe d'intellectuels, agli ascolti registrati dal ‹‹Servizio Opinioni›› e alla potenzialità divulgativa e penetrante della tv, nel suo saper trasmettere qualunque tematica, anche quelle artistiche e letterarie. Dunque se la prima conclusione di questo studio induce a considerare che la tv del primo ventennio era pedagogica, la seconda è che ‹‹L’Approdo›› tv di questa televisione fu un’espressione felice. ‹‹L’Approdo›› conserva ancora oggi un fascino innegabile, non foss’altro per la tenacia con la quale i letterati difesero l’idea stessa della cultura classica dal trionfo lento e inesorabile della società mediatica. Come pure appare ammirevole e lungimirante il tentativo, mai azzardato prima, di far incontrare la cultura con i nuovi media. Si potrebbe dire che ‹‹L’Approdo›› oggi rappresenti una rubrica del passato di inimmaginata modernità e, nel contempo, una memoria storica, lunga più di trent’anni, che proietta nel futuro la ricerca storica grazie al suo repertorio eccezionale di immagini e fatti che parlano di arte, di letteratura, di cultura, di editoria e di società e che raccontano il nostro Paese e la sua identità culturale, la stessa che la televisione da sempre contribuisce a riflettere e a delineare. Lo studio è partito da un’accurata analisi delle fonti, focalizzando l’attenzione, in primo luogo, sugli ‹‹Annuari della Rai›› (che contengono le Relazioni del Cda Rai, le Relazioni del Collegio Sindacale, i Bilanci dell’Esercizio e gli Estratti del Verbale dell’Assemblea Ordinaria). Altre fonti prese in esame sono gli stati gli opuscoli di ‹‹Servizio Opinioni››, le pubblicazioni relative a studi e ricerche in materia di televisione e pedagogia e le riviste edite dalla Rai Eri: ‹‹Radiocorriere tv››, ‹‹L’Approdo Letterario››, ‹‹Notizie Rai››, ‹‹La nostra RAI››, ‹‹Video››. Negli ultimi anni la Rai ha messo a disposizione del pubblico una cospicua varietà di video trasmessi dalle origini a oggi (www.techeaperte.it): si tratta del Catalogo Multimediale della Rai, che si è rivelato fondamentale al fine della realizzazione della presente ricerca. Altre sedi indispensabili per la realizzazione di questa ricerca si sono rivelate le due Biblioteche romane della Rai di Viale Mazzini e di via Teulada.