Academic literature on the topic 'Garo language'

The Koch language is spoken in the states of Assam (Goalpara, Nagaon, Dhubri, Kokrajhar, Chirang, Bongaigao, Barpeta, Baksa, Udalguri, Karbi Anglong, Golaghat districts), Meghalaya (West Garo Hills, South-West Garo Hills, South Garo Hills and East Khasi Hills Districts). Koches are found in West Bengal (Northern part) and also in Bangladesh. The speaker strength of Koch in India according to 2011 census is 36,434. Koch community is the bilingual speakers of Assamese, Bengali, Garo, Hindi, and English. Contact situations of Koch with Assamese and Bengali languages have made the language vulnerable to language shift. The UNESCO report mentions Koch as ‘Definitely Endangered’1. Koch has gained the status of a scheduled tribe in Meghalaya in 1987. Kondakov (2013) traces six distinct dialects of Koch, viz., Wanang, Koch-Rabha (Kocha), Harigaya, Margan, Chapra and Tintekiya. He (2013:24) states, “The relationship between the six Koch speech varieties are rather complex. They represent a dialect chain that stretches out from Koch-Rabha in the north to Tintekiya Koch in the south.” This is diagrammatically represented as - Koch-Rabha(Kocha)→Wanang→Harigaya→Margan, Chapra→Tintekiya where the adjacent dialects exhibit more lexical similarity than those at the ends. Nine ethno-linguistic varieties of Koch (also mentioned in Kondakov, 2013:5) have been reported during field investigation. These are Harigaya, Wanang, Tintekiya, Margan, Chapra, Satpariya, Sankar, Banai and Koch Mandai.

Abstract I will first describe (1) the linguistic situation in modern-day Assam (Northeast India) and the historical hypotheses that might explain it. These hypotheses are subjected to criticism. Next, I will analyse (2) in detail, the phonological concordances in the Tibeto-Burman languages and dialects of Central Assam that form the Boro-Garo group. I will present detailed criteria – the most detailed of all will concern the diphthongs – with examples, which will enable us to classify the languages. Using these criteria will also allow us to take advantage of certain ancient sources of information on dialects which are, in some cases, extinct. The study (3) of other Tibeto-Burman languages will consolidate our criteria and specify their historical development. Finally (4), I will propose a historical reconstruction of linguistic layers, after which (5) I will emphasise the importance of the distinction, central to our discussion, between language change and ethnic change (where cultural and physical anthropology follow distinct paths) before proposing a basis for a more general investigation of the Boro-Garo languages. Northeastern India is home to a great number of languages, mainly from the Tibeto-Burman, Mon-Khmer, Tai and Indo-Aryan groups. This paper first summarises the current historical interpretations of this plethora, and concentrates on the Tibeto-Burman languages spoken in the lowlands, sc. the Boro-Garo subgroup. A phonological comparative assessment of the data provides a classification with definite criteria, and suggests historical interpretation. Central to this comparative study are the vowel systems, the analysis of which allows us to understand far better (and to use more appropriately) the older lexical lists from 1805. The result of this assessment is a new direction of research, when it appears that the Zeliangrong languages (traditionally taken as Southern Naga) offer a remarkable and certainly unexpected linguistic link between the Boro-Garo and the Kuki Chin (and Naga) languages. The paper exemplifies how language histories remain distinct from ethnic and political developments, and makes a useful contribution to a finer historical understanding of complex human situations.

Abstract The Bodo-Garo group of languages consisting of Kāchārī or Bodo, Lālung (autonym Tiwa), Dīmā-sā, Gārō, Koch, Rābhā, Tipurā (autonym Kokborok), Chutiyā (autonym Deori) and Morān (Grierson 1903) are mainly spoken by about four million people in north-east India.1 BG exhibit systematic processes of formation of causative verbs through prefixation, suffixation and very rarely, infixation. Lexical causative verbs are also employed in these languages whereas periphrastic causatives are found in the form of verb stacking. This study aims at finding out the causative prefixes which co-occur with the root verbs to form their causative counterparts; categorizing the prefixes in terms of their occurrences with certain roots; and, analyzing the environments and linguistic conditioning of the occurrences of the prefixes. This study also discusses several syntactic and semantic features associated with causation.

Abstract Languages with sortal classifiers (clf) are distributed across the world, with a large concentration in East and South (east) Asia. Across the world’s classifier languages, few are attested which order classifiers before numerals in counted noun phrases (clf num). The Sino-Tibetan language family includes languages without sortal classifiers, languages with the more typical num clf order, as well as languages with clf num order. The latter group of languages are concentrated in Northeast India and neighboring regions. The Sino-Tibetan languages with clf num order do not fit under one genealogical node. The present hypothesis is that the classifiers arose through repetition of the counted noun, following which the order spread via contact. The clf num order appears to have arisen at least as early as the time of Proto-Bodo-Garo. However, we do not yet find cognate classifiers at a time depth beyond Proto-Bodo-Garo. A remaining mystery is why such a cross-linguistically rare morpheme order spread so easily within the Northeast India linguistic area.

Abstract Dimasa (ISO 639–3) is a Bodo-Garo language within the Tibeto-Burman family of languages. Like other Tibeto-Burman languages of Northeast India, it has a system of numeral classifiers which occur prefixed to their respective numerals. Across the dozen or so languages of Bodo-Garo, it has been noted that the classifier-numeral word can be placed either before or after the counted noun. The existence of numeral classifiers, as well as the clf-num order may have arisen in this area due to contact with Tai languages during the Ahom kingdom period from the 1200’s to 1800’s. In the Tai languages, classifiers precede the number “one”. By comparing occurrences of classifiers in Dimasa texts, it can be seen that the order N clf-num corresponds to definite nouns, while the order clf-num n marks indefinites. In addition to classifier placement, Dimasa definiteness is also marked by demonstratives, case marking, topic marking, and/or combinations of these strategies.

A·we is the standard variety of the A·chik language also known as A·chikku which is also commonly known as the Garo language. The Garo language belongs to the Tibeto-Burman branch of the Sino-Tibetan language family. Since Syntax involves arranging words to create logical phrases, clauses, and sentences, simple sentence is an important part of syntax and thus knowing about the simple sentence in A·we forms the basis of writing correct sentences in this variety of the Garo language. Noam Chomsky, the famous Linguist used the phrase, “ colorless green ideas sleep furiously’ in his book, Syntactic Structures (1957) as an example of a sentence which is syntactically and grammatically correct because it has the correct word order and the verb is consistent with the subject but is semantically incorrect. Chomsky (1957) thus illustrates that the rules governing syntax are different from the meaning conveyed by words. We can observe that there are subject and predicate in a simple sentence in language, which is the same for A·we. It is not essential that a simple sentence must be a short sentence and it is also possible to write a simple sentence if there is only one predicate used with a number of subjects to make a long sentence. Such sentences are still called a simple sentence. In this paper, we will discuss some classification of simple sentence in A·we which will further contribute to the study of syntax in A·we as well as aid in constructing proper sentences in the language.

This article focuses on the Garo ethnic group, which is among the most neglected indigenous people in Bangladesh. The study aims to understand their livelihood pattern from the past to the present and to identify the factors that have led to changes in their livelihood. The research was carried out among the Garo community residing in the Madhupur pazila located in the Tangail district of Bangladesh. The study used both historical and exploratory data, with historical data being obtained from secondary sources such as books, journals, reports, and census data. The study used qualitative research methods and selected 13 Garo people through purposive sampling. The study found that Garo's traditional way of life is under threat, and they are adopting a completely new way of life due to various internal and external factors such as Christianity, NGOs, globalization, and social development. As a result, their traditional culture, including language, food habits, dress patterns, and religion, is under threat. The study also revealed that the Garo people face various problems such as health, sanitation, communication, electricity, and security. They need better transportation systems, more educational facilities, easy communication and government and non-governmental assistance in terms of material and financial support.

Garo community is one of the greatest neglected instinctive communities of Bangladesh. The Garo people are neglected from their basic needs and it is significant to detect the situation and attitude to draw the real picture of them. This research work predominantly favors on the Garos livelihood pattern from past to present and to ascertain the alter of their livelihood. This study has conducted on the endemic community named Garo living within Durgapur and Kolmakanda upazila area of Netrakona district in Bangladesh. In doing so both historical and explorative data was applied; historical data was mostly procured from secondary sources such as revealed books, journals, articles, reports, census and souvenir. Qualitative research method was adopted for this study and 30 Garo people were chosen by using purposive sampling method for the study. The study uncovers that Garo’s traditional life practices are under the intimidation of the cancellation and over the motion of time they are acquiring completely a new life. In this research, the researchers have found several interior and exterior factors which are mainly accountable for Garo’s livelihood change. Ultimately, while the Garo community is switching then they are rejecting many of their characterized criterion and accommodating to some other livelihood criterion which are directly influenced by Christianity, NGOs, globalization and social development. As a result, many of Garos traditional cultures including language, food habits, dress pattern and even religion are under challenges. They need better communication and transportation system, more educational facilities, more government and non-government assistance including material and financial.

As for as India is concerned many Indian languages have become threatened and even endangered because of globalization. In India, English is thriving and is used widely by the young generation, and this is one of the reasons leading to the extinction of native or regional languages. Today Hindi is also expanding and because of this many regional languages will become extinct. In the State of Meghalaya there are three basic tribes known as Khasi, Garo and Jayantia. They speak either Khasi, or Garo, but their dialects differ. Even the Khasis who are living in East Khasi Hills, especially in Shillong have different dialects as compared to the other Khasis. These languages are used by many but they do not have their own scripts. That is why these languages were not placed in the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution of India. A speaker of any language which is not in the Eighth Schedule, cannot be awarded the Jnanpith Award and furthermore their languages cannot be the medium of the UPSC. Article 29 of the Constitution of India mandates that no discrimination would be done on the ground of religion, race,, caste or language and Article 30 mandates that all minorities, whether based on religion or language, shall have the right to establish and administer educational institutions of their choice. In addition, the Legislature of a State may by law adopt any of the languages to use in the state. Article 350 B of the Constitution says that there shall be a Special Officer for linguistic minorities and he/she has to be appointed by the President. It shall be the duty of this Officer to investigate all matters relating to the safeguards provided for linguistic minorities under the Constitution and report to the President upon those matters. Protection of the regional languages has been provided in the Constitution and it is the duty of the educational institutions to provide basic education to the children in their own vernacular languages should they want to be educated in their vernacular language.