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1

Mullen, Alex, and Coline Ruiz Darasse. "Gaulish." Palaeohispanica. Revista sobre lenguas y culturas de la Hispania Antigua, no. 20 (May 1, 2020): 749–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.36707/palaeohispanica.v0i20.383.

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Gaulish is a language in the Celtic language family, documented in Gaul (France and surrounding territories) from around the 2nd century BC and through the Roman period. This idiom is presented primarily in Greek (Gallo-Greek) and Latin (Gallo-Latin) script, with a small number of Gaulish texts also attested in Etruscan alphabet in Italy (Gallo-Etruscan) and Gaulish names in Iberian script. In this article we detail our knowledge of the linguistic content, context and classification of Gaulish, and consider the epigraphic corpus, naming practices, writing systems and the cultural interactions
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Witczak, Krzysztof Tomasz. "Gaulish SUIOREBE ‘with two sisters’." Lingua Posnaniensis 57, no. 2 (2015): 59–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/linpo-2015-0011.

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Abstract Krzysztof Tomasz Witczak. Gaulish SUIOREBE ‘with two sisters’. The Poznań Society for the Advancement of the Arts and Sciences. PL ISSN 0079-4740, pp. 59-62 Traces of the dual number may be identified in the Gaulish language on the basis of the historical-comparative method. It is suggested that the Gaulish form SUIOREBE represents an instrumental dual with the sociative meaning ‘with two sisters’. The conclusion is that the Gaulish SUIOREBE contains the dual base SUIORE- (< IE. *swesore ‘two sisters’) accompanied by the dual ending -BE (< IE. *-bhēm).
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3

Hamp, Eric P. "Gaulish Sunartiu." Etudes Celtiques 29, no. 1 (1992): 215–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ecelt.1992.2005.

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4

Falileyev, Alexander I. "A Dictionary of Gaulish Nominal Stems. Review of the book: Delamarre X. Dictionnaire des thèmes nominaux du gaulois. I : Ab- / Iχs(o)-. Paris : Les Cent Chemins, 2019. 398 p." Вопросы Ономастики 18, № 1 (2021): 265–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/vopr_onom.2021.18.1.014.

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This new book by Xavier Delamarre is the first volume of the dictionary of Gaulish nominal bases. Since onomastics is the source for most of its data, this book is of interest for the readers of this journal. Apart from Gaulish, the author considers data of other ancient Celtic languages such as Lepontic, Celtiberian, or British (Brittonic). The review surveys methodological aspects underlying this research, and particularly a number of questions related to suffixation in relation to the most recent research on Celtic morphology and word-formation. Undoubtedly, the book is the most complete co
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5

Simon, Zsolt. "Zur Herkunft von leuga." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, no. 1-4 (2020): 425–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.37.

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SummaryAccording to the communis opinio, Lat. leuga was a Gaulish loanword, survived in the Romance languages and was borrowed into Old English. However, this scenario faces three unsolved problems: the non–Celtic diphthong –eu–, the Proto–Romance form *legua and the fact that the Old English word cannot continue the Latin form on phonological grounds. This paper argues that all these problems can regularly be solved by the reconstructed West Germanic and Gothic cognates of the Old English word borrowed into Gaulish and early Romance dialects, respectively.
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6

Mees, Bernard. "Left Branch Extraction and Clitic Placement in Gaulish." Journal of Celtic Linguistics 22, no. 1 (2021): 105–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.16922/jcl.22.5.

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The inscriptional remains of Gaulish preserve syntactic behaviours that are not expected from the perspective of the diachronic schemes usually posited for the development of early Insular Celtic syntax from Proto-Indo-European. Widespread evidence is attested, particularly for the behaviour of clitics, that does not seem reconcilable with many of the assumptions made in previous studies regarding the nature of the syntax of Proto-Celtic. Gaulish also evidently features scrambling-type phenomena such as left branch extraction that are not usually thought to appear in other Celtic languages. An
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7

Eska, Joseph F. "More on Gaulish siöxt=i." Etudes Celtiques 30, no. 1 (1994): 205–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ecelt.1994.2041.

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8

Luján, Eugenio R. "Gaulish personal names : An update." Etudes Celtiques 35, no. 1 (2003): 181–247. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ecelt.2003.2156.

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9

Hamp, Eric P. "Gaulish ordinals and their history." Etudes Celtiques 38, no. 1 (2012): 131–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ecelt.2012.2349.

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10

Lambert, Pierre-Yves. "Varia V Gaulish Souxtu: Addendum." Ériu 54, no. 1 (2004): 263–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eri.2004.0011.

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11

Simón, Cornago Ignacio. "Adaptations of the Latin alphabet to write fragmentary languages." Palaeohispanica 20 (May 19, 2021): 1067–101. https://doi.org/10.36707/palaeohispanica.v0i20.387.

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The aim of this paper is to offer an overview of the use of the Latin alphabet to write the so-called fragmentary languages of Italy and Western Europe during Antiquity. The Latin alphabet was created from an Etruscan model to write Latin, but was also used to record texts in other languages: Etruscan, Oscan, Umbrian, the minor Italic dialects, Faliscan, and Venetic in Italy; Gaulish in the Gauls and other provinces in the north of Europe; and, finally, Iberian, Celtiberian, and Lusitanian in the Iberian Peninsula. The use of the Latin alphabet to write the so-called fragmentary languages repr
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12

Dupraz, Emmanuel. "Le vase de Séraucourt: du support archéologique à l’interprétation linguistique." Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie 62, no. 1 (2015): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zcph.2015.002.

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AbstractThe present paper deals with the late Gaulish inscription of the Vase de Séraucourt and suggests an interpretation of the verbal form LEGASIT based on a pragmatic analysis of the text, taking into account both the linguistic content of the inscription and what is known archaeologically about the object, its possible uses and the context it was found in.
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13

Hoz, Javier de. "Lepontic, Celtiberian, Gaulish and the archaeological evidence." Etudes Celtiques 29, no. 1 (1992): 223–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ecelt.1992.2006.

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14

Hughes, Art J. "A synchronic and diachronic reappraisal of Indo-European *dʱug̑ʱh2ter- ‘daughter’ and *suhxnú- ‘son’ in Celtic dialects, Insular and Continental". Dialectologia et Geolinguistica 31, № 1 (2023): 117–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/dialect-2023-0006.

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Abstract This paper has two chief goals: (i) to collate the disparate synchronic evidence for the distribution of ‘daughter’ and ‘son’ from the dialect maps available for the modern Celtic languages, namely: the Gaelic languages (Irish, Scottish Gaelic and Manx) and Brittonic (Welsh, Cornish and Breton), (ii) to revisit and analyse the distribution of the terms ‘son’ and ‘daughter’ at an early stage of Continental Celtic from two millennia ago in Gaulish and Celt-Iberian with particular reference to the Indo-European lexemes *dʱug̑ʱh2ter ‘daughter’ and *suhxnú- ‘son’.
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Le Dû, Jean. "The Celtic Element in Gallo-Romance Dialect Areas." Studia Celto-Slavica 11 (2020): 23–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.54586/sfww3511.

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The history of the French language was initially marked by Celtomania, which saw Celtic roots everywhere. When this doctrine was discredited and discarded in the XIXth century, the role of the Germanic superstrate became hypertrophied, the more so that Breton, long considered a direct descendant of the native Gaulish, was ranked in the same period as an alien language imported from Great Britain into the Armorican peninsula. Relying on modern geolinguistics, I compare ALF (Atlas Linguistique de la France) maps with Breton ones, using the data recorded in Le Roux’s Atlas Linguistique de la Bass
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Zsolt, Simon. "Latin plouum as a Gaulish loanword: a new Celto-Germanic isogloss." Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie 70, no. 1 (2023): 181–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zcph-2023-0007.

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17

Dupraz, Emmanuel. "Bemerkungen über die altkeltischen Fluchrituale: Zum Blei von Chartres und einem lateinischen Fluchtäfelchen mit Formeln keltischen Ursprungs." Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie 65, no. 1 (2018): 83–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zcph-2018-650106.

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Abstract This paper deals with the Gaulish defixio from Chartres and more generally with the Celtic tradition of malediction rituals in Antiquity, as documented by the defixiones from Chartres, Larzac and Chamalières and by contact features in Latin defixiones from the Celtic speaking provinces. It is argued that this tradition, as opposed to the Latin one, systematically advocated that the malediction ritual was performed as a defensive measure against a former malediction by the cursed persons. The same lexemes are used to refer to the cursed persons and to the performer of the cursing ritua
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18

Toorians, Lauran. "Place-Names reflecting Gaulish *coslo-dūnon: Coudun, Colembert and Heusden." Etudes Celtiques 37, no. 1 (2011): 153–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ecelt.2011.2331.

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19

Sayers, W. "SURVIVALS OF GAULISH IN FRENCH: BUTA 'HUT, DWELLING PLACE'." French Studies Bulletin 34, no. 126 (2013): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/frebul/ktt006.

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20

Joseph, Lionel S. "Old Irish Námae 'Enemy' and the Celtic NT-Stems." Ériu 73, no. 1 (2023): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eri.2023.a913549.

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Abstract: In this study, I will present as complete a collection as I can of Celtic nt-stems in order to answer the general question what types of nt-stems occur in Celtic, and specifically to use that collection to determine the most probable pre-form of Old Irish námae 'enemy' and its Gaulish cognates, about which there has been a lively discussion ever since 1923. I will also discuss in detail the system of adjectives and abstracts of which Old Irish lethan 'broad' : lethet 'breadth' is representative.
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21

Prósper, Blanca María, and Marcos Medrano Duque. "Ancient Gaulish and British Divinities: Notes on the Reconstruction of Celtic Phonology and Morphology." Вопросы Ономастики 19, no. 2 (2022): 9–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/vopr_onom.2022.19.2.015.

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The linguistic study of Celtic divinities attested on Latin inscriptions has proved instrumental in disclosing a number of facts about ancient religion, the relationship with the Roman rule, and the spread of indigenous or syncretic cults. In fact, minor divinities were worshipped on a local basis only, but even under such unfavourable circumstances they managed to become partly integrated in the religious system of the Roman Empire: they acted in the sphere of the higher gods for a time before they vanished for ever, and they must have been much more common than our fragmentary sources sugges
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22

Ó Maolalaigh, Roibeard. "A Gaulish-Gaelic Correspondence: S(o)uxt- and Suac(hd)an." Ériu 55, no. 1 (2005): 103–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eri.2005.0003.

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23

Embleton, Sheila. "Names and Their Substitutes." Target. International Journal of Translation Studies 3, no. 2 (1991): 175–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/target.3.2.04emb.

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Abstract The Astérix comic-book series, originally in French, is well-known and widely translated. Each book relates an adventurous episode in which the principal character is Astérix, a small, witty warrior from a fictional Gaulish village, the only village to have successfully resisted the Roman occupation. The series relies on many humorous techniques, but word-play and puns form an integral part. Much humour derives from the names used, combining various comic effects, particularly puns and double entendres. Thus the translator faces not only the usual problems in translating literary name
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24

Martínez-Areta, Mikel. "Replications of Gaulish Toponyms in Biscay: On the Etymologies of Gorbeia, Orobio and Orozko." Journal of Celtic Linguistics 24, no. 1 (2023): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.16922/jcl.24.2.

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There is a number of ethnonyms, toponyms and hydronyms in the central-northern part of the Iberian Peninsula which have been traditionally accounted for, with varying degrees of reliability, as names given by settlers coming from northern Gaul in the third centurybc. Thus, the Suessiones may have provided the base for the ethnonym Suessetani (Huesca) and the site Suestatio (Araba). They may also have brought the name Corbio mentioned by Livy as a town of the Suessetani. Similarly, the river Nervión, the ethnonym Autrigones, the divine name Vurovius, the choronym Bureba and its capital Briviesc
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25

Joseph, Lionel S. "Varia I: Gaulish divine names Vellaunos and Alaunos, and Old Irish follaithir ‘rules’." Ériu 71, no. 1 (2021): 149–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eri.2021.0005.

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26

Timmermann, Jörg. "Les artigues et les ours, le Tech et les Tectosages : un tour d’horizon sur la celticité des Pyrénées orientales." Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 134, no. 3 (2018): 659–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrp-2018-0048.

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Abstract This paper casts light on the onomastic landscape of the Eastern Pyrenees. Against the background of toponymic evidence we get insights into its prehistoric ethnicity and in particular into its celticity. The etymology of artigue/Artigue both as a common and as a proper noun remains a controversial issue of linguistic research on the Pyrenees. Linguists still tend to adhere to the traditional assessment of an Iberian origin. However – as will be argued here – it can be brought into a more effectual relationship with a Celtic etymology. Evidence is given for a prehistoric language isla
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JØRGENSEN, ANDERS RICHARDT. "VARIA III. An additional cognate of Gaulish souxtu and Irish suacht: Old Cornish seit." Ériu 58, no. 1 (2008): 183–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eri.2008.0007.

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28

Schrijver, Peter. "The Châteaubleau tile as a link between Latin and French and between Gaulish and Brittonic." Etudes Celtiques 34, no. 1 (1998): 135–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ecelt.1998.2133.

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29

Ó Maolalaigh, Roibeard. "A Gaulish–Gaelic Correspondence: S(O)Uxt- And Suac(Hd)An." ÉRIU 55, no. -1 (2005): 103–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3318/eriu.2005.55.1.103.

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30

Stifter, David. "The rise of gemination in Celtic." Open Research Europe 3 (February 2, 2023): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/openreseurope.15400.1.

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This study investigates systematically the emergence and establishment of geminate conson­ants as a phono­logical class in the Celtic branch of Indo-European. The approach of this study is comparative historical linguistics, drawing on diachronic structuralism combined with aspects of language contact studies and functional approaches to language usage. This study traces the development of geminates from Proto-Indo-European (fourth millennium b.c.), which did not allow geminate consonants, to the Common Celtic period (first millennium b.c.), when almost every consonant could occur as a singlet
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Stifter, David. "The rise of gemination in Celtic." Open Research Europe 3 (February 8, 2024): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/openreseurope.15400.2.

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This study investigates systematically the emergence and establishment of geminate consonants as a phonological class in the Celtic branch of Indo-European. The approach of this study is comparative historical linguistics, drawing on diachronic structuralism combined with aspects of language contact studies and functional approaches to language usage. This study traces the development of geminates from Proto-Indo-European (fourth millennium B.C.), which did not allow geminate consonants, to the Common Celtic period (first millennium B.C.), when almost every consonant could occur as a singleton
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32

Mari, Tommaso. "The Grammarian Consentius on Errors Concerning the Accent in Spoken Latin." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, no. 1-4 (2020): 623–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.54.

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Summary:The 5th-century Gaulish grammarian Consentius wrote an extensive treatise on errors in spoken Latin. In the Roman grammatical tradition, errors in single words are deemed to arise by means of the improper addition, removal, substitution, and misplacement of one of the constitutive elements of the word (letter, syllable, quantity, accent, and aspiration). Late grammarians assumed that the four catego- ries of change applied to accents too, but only Consentius provided an example for each of these cases. However, his discussion poses some problems. The examples of removal, substitution a
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JAYAWARDENA, Samanthi, and Judith Sumindi RODRİGO. "Asterix’te Özel İsimlerin Sinhala’ya Çevirisi Üzerine." Cankaya University Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 16, no. 1 (2022): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.47777/cankujhss.1025890.

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The comic series, the Adventures of Asterix created by René Goscinny and Albert Uderzo became exceptionally popular in Sri Lanka in the early 2000s when the local TV channel Sirasa broadcasted the animated films dubbed in Sinhala. The present paper focuses on one aspect that captivated the audience, the translation of the proper names from English into Sinhala. The translation of the anthroponyms in Asterix poses numerous complexities. Following Michel Ballard’s theoretical views on the translation of the proper names, we examine the decision of the translators to translate, the challenges and
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Willms, Lothar. "Augusta Treverorum Vulgaris: Linguistic Change and Cultural Integration in the Vulgar Latin Inscriptions of Trier (germany)." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, no. 1-4 (2020): 651–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.56.

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SummaryThe copious corpus of deviations from standard Latin from Trier spans more than 800 years (50 BC–800 AD) and comprises both pagan and Christian inscriptions, the latter exclusively on tombstones. This paper points out the most salient non-standard features in the categories of phonetics, morphology, syntax and vocabulary. Most of them conform to standard Vulgar Latin, but some yield features of the inscriptions’ area, such as Western Romance (preservation of final -s, voicing intervocalic stops), Gallo-Romance (qui instead of quae, nasalisation), and the extinct Moselle Romance. A few f
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Eska, Joseph F. "Celtiberian. Language. Writing. Epigraphy. by Francisco Beltr�n Lloris, Carlos Jord�n C�lera, and Gaulish. Language. Writing. Epigraphy. by Alex Mullen, Coline Ruiz Darasse (review)." North American journal of Celtic studies 3, no. 2 (2019): 192–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cel.2019.a781236.

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36

Repanšek, Luka. "Loucita: Etymological Notes on a Female Name from the Norico-Pannonian Onomastic Landscape." Вопросы ономастики 17, no. 3 (2020): 51–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/vopr_onom.2020.17.3.034.

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The undoubtedly Gaulish personal name Loucita, attested in the Norico-Pannonian onomastic area, is particularly interesting from the point of view of its word formation. Unambiguous parallels for such a derivative are difficult to find in Celtic onomastic material, the only possible but very uncertain candidate being a Goidelic river name Ἀργίτα, recorded by Ptolemy. Outside of Celtic, the name of a Germanic seeress Vel(a)eda, if it goes back to *u̯elētā- (which is a probable but not the only possibility), is a potential case in point, which would then unavoidably imply that Loucita < *leu̯
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Prósper, Blanca María. "The Use of San in the Lugano Alphabet. A Survey of Cisalpine Celtic Onomastics." Вопросы Ономастики 20, no. 3 (2023): 63–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/vopr_onom.2023.20.3.032.

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The so-called “Lugano alphabet” is a northern Italian script that derives from the Etruscan alphabet. It was used to write Celtic texts belonging to the Lepontic language, uncovered in the centre of the Gallia Transpadana (Lombardy in Italy and Ticino in southern Switzerland), ranging from the 6th c. to the 1st c. BC, and a later variety called Cisalpine Gaulish, again located in the Transpadana (Lombardy and Piedmont in Italy), whose earliest texts date from the 4th c. BC, and which represents a later wave of immigrants or invaders. This dialect is distinguished from the former by a few morph
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Simón Cornago, Ignacio. "Adaptations of the Latin alphabet." Palaeohispanica. Revista sobre lenguas y culturas de la Hispania Antigua, no. 20 (May 1, 2020): 1067–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.36707/palaeohispanica.v0i20.387.

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The aim of this paper is to offer an overview of the use of the Latin alphabet to write the so-called fragmentary languages of Italy and Western Europe during Antiquity. The Latin alphabet was created from an Etruscan model to write Latin, but was also used to record texts in other languages: Etruscan, Oscan, Umbrian, the minor Italic dialects, Faliscan, and Venetic in Italy; Gaulish in the Gauls and other provinces in the north of Europe; and, finally, Iberian, Celtiberian, and Lusitanian in the Iberian Peninsula. The use of the Latin alphabet to write the so-called fragmentary languages repr
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PONOMARENKO, Volodymyr. "ON UKRAINIAN-BASQUE LEXICAL PARALLELS, OR BASQUE TRACES IN UKRAINIAN LEXIS." MOVOZNAVSTVO 329, no. 2 (2023): 44–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.33190/0027-2833-329-2023-2-003.

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The article is devoted to an ambiguous and problematic issue related to Ukrainian- Basque linguistic ties. By lexical parallels (they can also be called conditional isoglosses) the author of this study means hypothetical borrowings-internationalisms (Europeanisms), presumably of Basque origin. Examples of basquisms in the Ukrainian language (багнет, більярд, анчоус, i.e. ʽbayonet, billiard, anchovy’) have been given by K. Tyshchenko, well known Ukrainian scientist. Ukr. багнет (from the name of the city of Bayonne in France), traditionally explained as a borrowing of French origin from the Pol
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Deyber, Alain. "La guérilla gauloise pendant la guerre des Gaules (58-50 avant J.-C.)." Etudes Celtiques 24, no. 1 (1987): 145–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ecelt.1987.1843.

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41

Stifter, David. "Cisalpine Celtic." Palaeohispanica. Revista sobre lenguas y culturas de la Hispania Antigua, no. 20 (May 1, 2020): 335–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.36707/palaeohispanica.v0i20.375.

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The corpus of Cisalpine Celtic inscriptions consists of c. 430 short texts (graffiti and engravings) in two different Ancient Celtic languages, Lepontic and Cisalpine Gaulish. The inscriptions, which are mostly written in a variant of the North Italic script, date approximately from the 7th to the 1st centuries BC and are confined to a small area around the North Italian lakes and the Po Valley. This article presents the current knowledge about the Cisalpine Celtic corpus and indicates directions of future research.
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42

Stifter, David. "Metrical systems of Celtic traditions." Grammarians, Skalds and Rune Carvers I 69, no. 1 (2016): 38–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/nowele.69.1.02sti.

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On the basis of fragmentary evidence from the ancient Celtic languages (e.g., Gaulish), but especially from the rich poetic heritage of the medieval Insular Celtic languages (e.g., Old Irish, Middle Welsh), the poetic terminology reconstructable for Common Celtic is presented. The possible metrical remains from ancient Celtic are reviewed and an attempt is made to identify their principles of versification. The characteristics of the medieval Irish and medieval British systems of versification are described. Finally, the question of the genetic relationship of ancient and medieval Celtic versi
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Lambert, Pierre-Yves. "Gaulois Solitumaros." Etudes Celtiques 36, no. 1 (2008): 89–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ecelt.2008.2303.

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Stifter, David. "The early Celtic epigraphic evidence and early literacy in Germanic languages." NOWELE / North-Western European Language Evolution 73, no. 1 (2020): 123–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/nowele.00037.sti.

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Abstract This paper outlines the individual histories of the attested ancient Celtic epigraphic traditions, Cisalpine Celtic, Celtiberian, Gaulish and Ogam-Irish. It discusses the types of literacy in each of them and presents them as examples of how and under which conditions literacy arose and grew, and finally disappeared, in non-classical languages of antiquity. Where possible, the Celtic languages are viewed against an early Germanic background, to highlight similarities and parallels between the two philological areas, but also to contrast the differences between them and to give an acco
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45

Lejeune, Michel. "Notes d’étymologie gauloise." Etudes Celtiques 22, no. 1 (1985): 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ecelt.1985.1785.

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46

Lejeune, Michel. "Notes d’étymologie gauloise." Etudes Celtiques 30, no. 1 (1994): 175–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ecelt.1994.2038.

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47

Lejeune, Michel. "Notes d’étymologie gauloise." Etudes Celtiques 31, no. 1 (1995): 91–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ecelt.1995.2063.

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48

Lejeune, Michel. "Notes d’étymologie gauloise." Etudes Celtiques 32, no. 1 (1996): 125–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ecelt.1996.2091.

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49

Delamarre, Xavier. "Notes d’onomastique gauloise." Etudes Celtiques 40, no. 1 (2014): 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ecelt.2014.2426.

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50

Lambert, Pierre-Yves. "Notes de linguistique gauloise." Etudes Celtiques 33, no. 1 (1997): 103–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ecelt.1997.2114.

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