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Journal articles on the topic 'Gaullist'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Faucher, Charlotte. "From Gaullism to Anti-Gaullism: Denis Saurat and the French Cultural Institute in Wartime London." Journal of Contemporary History 54, no. 1 (July 21, 2017): 60–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417699866.

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This article explores the case of the French cultural institute in London which found itself at the nexus of Gaullist as well as anti-Gaullist networks during the Second World War. By analysing the support that the institute’s director, Denis Saurat, brought to Charles de Gaulle in the early days of Free France, the article contributes to our understanding of the formation of Free French political thought. This study analyses Saurat’s shifting position in the movement, from being Gaullist to becoming an active partisan of anti-Gaullism. The examination of Saurat’s networks and politics helps to re-appraise further trends of anti-Gaullism caused by leftist views not least regarding the lack of democratic principles that characterized Free France in 1940–2. Finally, Saurat’s anti-Gaullism was also prompted by his refusal to put the French cultural institute in London at the service of de Gaulle and support Free French propagandist, cultural and academic ambitions in the world. Overall this article argues for a reassessment of London-based leftist anti-Gaullism understood not just through issues of personalities and democracy but also through the prism of cultural diplomacy and propaganda.

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2

Jackson, Julian. "General De Gaulle and his Enemies: Antigaullism in France Since 1940." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 9 (December 1999): 43–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679392.

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On the centenary of General de Gaulle's birth in November 1990, hundreds of historians, politicians and statesmen gathered in Paris to discuss his life. Their deliberations were published in seven volumes running to several thousand pages. The participants included former opponents who now declared themselves ‘posthumous Gaullists’ or ‘remorseful’ ones. The whole occasion seemed to fulfil André Malraux's prediction: ‘Everyone is, has been or will become Gaullist.’ Of those who were not, never had been, or would never become Gaullist, little was said.

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3

Kim Eungwoon. "Europeanization of the French Gaullist Party." Journal of European Union Studies ll, no. 33 (February 2013): 313–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.18109/jeus.2013..33.313.

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4

Shields, James G. "France's Presidential Election: The Gaullist Restoration." Political Quarterly 66, no. 4 (October 1995): 320–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923x.1995.tb00489.x.

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5

Vaisse, Justin. "A Gaullist By Any Other Name." Survival 50, no. 3 (July 2008): 5–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396330802173040.

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6

Lesiński, Paweł. "Franco-German relations in the Gaullist thought." Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego. Seria Prawnicza. Prawo 20 (2017): 189–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/znurprawo.2017.20.11.

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7

Butler, Declan. "France: Gaullist legacy casts a long shadow." Nature 379, no. 6560 (January 1996): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/379009a0.

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8

Schwabe, Klaus. "Franco-US Relations and the Gaullist Legacy." Contemporary European History 7, no. 01 (March 1998): 133–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004793.

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9

Fraser, Graham, and John Bosher. "The Gaullist Attack on Canada, 1967-1997." International Journal 54, no. 2 (1999): 354. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203389.

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10

de Swaan, Jean-Christophe. "Mitterrand and the Gaullist Dilemma Over European Integration." International Relations 12, no. 2 (August 1994): 11–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004711789401200202.

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11

Manzhola, Vladimir, and Alexandra Shapovalova. "French Foreign Policy: whether Gaullist doctrine has changed?" Contemporary Europe 60, no. 4 (January 15, 2015): 84–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope420148496.

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12

Long, Imogen. "Writing Gaullist Feminism: Françoise Parturier's Open Letters 1968–1974." Modern & Contemporary France 19, no. 3 (August 2011): 313–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2011.588794.

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13

HAINE, JEAN-YVES. "A new Gaullist moment? European bandwagoning and international polarity." International Affairs 91, no. 5 (September 2015): 991–1008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2346.12394.

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14

BARCLAY, G. St J. "The Europe of Realities: The Gaullist Impact on European Integration." Australian Journal of Politics & History 10, no. 2 (April 7, 2008): 341–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1964.tb00765.x.

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15

MORRIS, ALAN. "ATTACKS ON THE GAULLIST “MYTH” IN FRENCH LITERATURE SINCE 1969." Forum for Modern Language Studies XXI, no. 1 (1985): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fmls/xxi.1.71.

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16

Nuenlist, Christian. "Dealing with the devil: NATO and Gaullist France, 1958–66." Journal of Transatlantic Studies 9, no. 3 (September 2011): 220–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14794012.2011.593817.

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17

Thomas, Martin. "Free France, the British Government and the Future of French Indo-China, 1940–45." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 28, no. 1 (March 1997): 137–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400015216.

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This article traces the development of Gaullist and British policies with respect to Indo-China from the fall of France in 1940 to the end of the Far Eastern war five years later. Directed toward restoring imperial influence in Southeast Asia, these policies were sophisticated and complex, but they bore little fruit owing to the relative strategic insignificance of Indo-China during this period, and the imperatives of Anglo-American relations.

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18

Thody, Philip, Marie Demker, and Natacha Bourdais-Webb. "In the Interest of the Nation? Gaullist Party Ideology 1947-1990." Modern Language Review 91, no. 3 (July 1996): 745. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3734149.

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19

Wilson, Frank L., and Philip H. Gordon. "A Certain Idea of France: French Security Policy and the Gaullist Legacy." American Historical Review 99, no. 4 (October 1994): 1334. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168853.

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20

Onufriienko, O. V. "Development of public service in french fifth republic: gaullist and postgaullist periods." Public administration aspects 5, no. 3-4 (June 7, 2017): 14–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/1520175.

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21

Stern, Fritz, and Philip H. Gordon. "A Certain Idea of France: French Security Policy and the Gaullist Legacy." Foreign Affairs 72, no. 4 (1993): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045754.

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22

Howorth, Jolyon. "Sarkozy and the ‘American Mirage’ or Why Gaullist Continuity will Overshadow Transcendence." European Political Science 9, no. 2 (June 2010): 199–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/eps.2010.3.

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23

Campbell, Edwina S. "A certain idea of France: French security policy and the gaullist legacy." History of European Ideas 21, no. 4 (July 1995): 551–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(95)90179-5.

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24

Krieger, Milton. "Cameroon's Democratic Crossroads, 1990–4." Journal of Modern African Studies 32, no. 4 (December 1994): 605–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00015871.

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Cameroon'supheavals since 1990 have not been widely reported among the more visible and violent African state-society conflicts. Their anonymity on the continent's political agenda is understandable, since by the formal, most visible indices, little has changed since pluralist pressures appeared. The ‘Gaullist’ monolith state remains fundamentally in place after 25 years: the constitution retains the unitary executive stamp of 1972, against federalist and devolution challenges, although multi-party politics were legalised in 1990. This and a new press law have been the régime's major concessions to emerging opposition forces, and led to presidential and national assembly elections in 1992.

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25

Lüthi, Lorenz M. "“Ils sont fous, ces Gaulois”: Asterix between Cold War America and Gaullist France." Canadian Journal of History 55, no. 3 (December 2020): 235–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.55.3-2020-0026.

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26

BRECHON, PIERRE, JACQUES DERVILLE, and PATRICK LECOMTE. "RPR officials: a report on an inquiry into the Neo-Gaullist Party elite." European Journal of Political Research 15, no. 6 (November 1987): 593–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1987.tb00895.x.

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27

Moscovich, Viviana. "French Spectral Music: an Introduction." Tempo, no. 200 (April 1997): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040298200048403.

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The composers belonging to what would later be called the ‘spectral music movement’ started their careers in an unstable political period in France. Between 1962 and 1974, under the presidency of Charles de Gaulle and Georges Pompidou, France (the 5th Republic) was what we can call a ‘Gaullist Republic’. But in the middle of the 1960s the economic policy of the government aroused the hostility of the French people. The ‘Stabilization Plan’ of 1963 induced unemployment for the first time since 1945, and the authoritarian character of a government which, in 1967, legislated in the form of ordonnances, turned the people against the presidential policy in every domain.

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28

Filiu, Jean-Pierre. "Franççois Mitterrand and the Palestinians: 1956––95." Journal of Palestine Studies 38, no. 2 (January 1, 2009): 24–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2009.38.2.24.

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Franççois Mitterrand, the longest-serving French president in history, never ceased to be a passionate advocate of Israel, in contrast to his Gaullist predecessors. But he was also the most committed to Palestinian statehood, and among the earliest to insist on the PLO's full engagement in the peace process, often at considerable cost to his ties with Israel. By the time Mitterrand left office in 1995, France's Middle Eastern role had greatly declined, with the United States having assumed full control of the peace process; during the 1980s, however, its contributions had been significant. This article examines Mitterrand's fourteen-year presidency and the paradoxes of his Middle East policy.

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29

Cole, Alistair. "La France pour tous?—The French Presidential Elections of 23 April and 7 May 1995." Government and Opposition 30, no. 3 (July 1, 1995): 327–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1995.tb00131.x.

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JACQUES CHIRAC WAS ELECTED FIFTH PRESIDENT OF THE FRENCH Fifth Republic on 7 May 1995. After 21 years, a politician claiming the Gaullist mantle is once again the occupant of the Elysée Palace. The spontaneous demonstration of countless thousands of Chirac supporters in the Place de la Concorde on the evening of the 7 May was sweet revenge for a candidate who had previously failed on two occasions to secure election, in 1981 and 1988 against the Socialist François Mitterrand. Like the former President, Chirac was elected on his third attempt. Like Mitterrand, President Chirac possesses the necessary presidential attributes of perseverance in adversity, a willingness to learn from past mistakes, and the support of a powerful political party.

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30

Leruth, Benjamin, and Nicholas Startin. "Between Euro-Federalism, Euro-Pragmatism and Euro-Populism: the Gaullist movement divided over Europe." Modern & Contemporary France 25, no. 2 (March 22, 2017): 153–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2017.1286306.

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31

Slinn, Peter. "A Fresh Start for Africa? New African Constitutional Perspectives for the 1990s." Journal of African Law 35, no. 1-2 (1991): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300008329.

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This seems a particularly appropriate time to devote a double issue of the Journal to one topic—constitutional law. Throughout sub-Saharan Africa, there is blowing a wind of political change comparable with that identified by British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan in his famous speech to the South African parliament in Cape Town on 3 February, 1960. The source of that wind was African national consciousness which was impelling the process of decolonisation: in that year, 1960, most of the francophone African states discussed by Reyntjens and Nigeria became independent. By 1968, the process was complete except for Angola, Mozambique, Namibia and Zimbabwe. All the new states were endowed with shiny new democratic constitutions, a “Gaullist” or Westminster” legacy from the departing colonial masters.

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32

Murphy, Anthony. "Semi-Presidential Reform and Referendums in France and Romania." European Journal of Comparative Law and Governance 7, no. 4 (December 5, 2020): 384–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134514-00704001.

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Abstract This paper seeks to examine how direct democracy was used as a means to achieve or to strengthen semi-presidentialism in France and Romania. Whereas the Fifth Republic is widely seen as the archetypal semi-presidential regime, Romania relied heavily on this particular model for its post-communist constitution but opted to drastically reduce the powers of an otherwise directly-elected head of state. Nevertheless, the Gaullist reforms of postwar France echoed through the turn of the century. Traian Băsescu used referendums in an uncanny resemblance to Charles de Gaulle’s own pursuit of constitutional reform. Both aimed to increase the president’s role and decrease parliamentary involvement in the dual executive. However, only de Gaulle achieved partial success in shaping the political system.

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33

Greenwood, Sean. "The United States, Britain and the transatlantic crisis: rising to the Gaullist challenge, 1963–68." Cold War History 9, no. 4 (November 2009): 537–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682740903268503.

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34

Dumbrell, John. "The United States, Britain and the Transatlantic Crisis: Rising to the Gaullist Challenge, 1963–68." Journal of Transatlantic Studies 7, no. 4 (December 2009): 499–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14794010903287126.

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35

Knapp, Andrew, and Patrick Le Galès. "Top‐down to bottom‐up? Centre‐periphery relations and power structures in France's Gaullist party." West European Politics 16, no. 3 (July 1993): 271–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389308424974.

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36

Wolin, Sheldon S. "Executive Liberation: Review of Harvey C. Mansfield Jr., Taming the Prince: The Ambivalence of Executive Power. New York: Free Press,1989. 358 + xxivpp." Studies in American Political Development 6, no. 1 (1992): 211–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x0000081x.

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Taming the Prince has a claim on our attention not only for its theoretical qualities and for its politics but because at one time both would have been considered extreme. As a theory it is possibly the first attempt to compose a philosophical discourse about a singular political office, variously named kingship, prince, executive, or president, and to situate it within the con-text of (what used to be confidently called) “the history of political philosophy.” Mansfield's treatise is distinctive, not as a history of an idea or of a concept, indeed not historical in the usual understanding of that term, but as the passionate assertion of an expansive conception of the executive, virtually Gaullist in its grandeur, in its contempt for interest-politics, its dismissive silence about parties, and its scorn for democracy.

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37

Loth, Wilfried. "N. Piers Ludlow.The European Community and the Crises of the 1960s: Negotiating the Gaullist Challenge.:The European Community and the Crises of the 1960s: Negotiating the Gaullist Challenge.(Cass Series: Cold War History, number 9.)." American Historical Review 112, no. 2 (April 2007): 576–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.112.2.576a.

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38

Himes, Chester, and Diego A. Millan. "On the Use of Force." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 132, no. 2 (March 2017): 471–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2017.132.2.471.

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In the mid-1960s, the United States witnessed increasing social unrest: students led protests against the Vietnam war, and many black Americans expressed disillusionment over piecemeal gains of the civil rights movement. Whereas history remembers the antiwar rallies mostly as protests, official records often code black demonstrations in Boston, Cleveland, Buffalo, and the Watts neighborhood of Los Angeles as riots. In response to two so-called riots in Newark, New Jersey, in July 1967, Chester Himes wrote “On the Use of Force” for the 24 July 1967 issue of the weekly Gaullist magazine Le nouveau Candide, where it was published in French translation (French version). The essay, never before published in English, offers timely thoughts concerning police brutality and is sure to be valuable for Himes scholarship, the story of black Americans in Europe, and the history of race and violence.

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39

Alexandre, Agnès, and Xavier Jardin. "From the Europe of nations to the European nation? Attitudes of French Gaullist and centrist parliamentarians." British Elections & Parties Review 7, no. 1 (January 1997): 185–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13689889708412996.

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40

GORRARA, C. "Review. Collaboration and Resistance Reviewed: Writers and the 'Mode Retro' in Post-Gaullist France. Morris, Alan." French Studies 49, no. 3 (July 1, 1995): 363. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/49.3.363.

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41

Sawyer, Stephen W. "Yves-Marie Péréon. Moralizing the Market: How Gaullist France Embraced the US Model of Securities Regulation." American Historical Review 125, no. 2 (April 1, 2020): 738–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz623.

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42

Beaulieu, Gérard. "BOSHER J.F. The Gaullist Attack on Canada. 1967-1997. Montréal, McGill-Qeens University Press, 1998, 343 p." Études internationales 30, no. 3 (1999): 630. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/704073ar.

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43

Pedaliu, Effie. "J. Ellison,The United States, Britain and the Transatlantic Crisis—Rising to the Gaullist Challenge, 1963–68." Diplomacy & Statecraft 21, no. 1 (March 12, 2010): 143–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592290903578054.

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44

Schwabe, Klaus. "Three grand designs: the U.S.A., Great Britain, and the Gaullist concept of Atlantic partnership and European Unity." Journal of Transatlantic Studies 3, sup1 (March 2005): 7–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14794010508656783.

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45

Welch, Edward. "Objects of Dispute." French Politics, Culture & Society 36, no. 2 (June 1, 2018): 103–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2018.360205.

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During the presidency of Charles de Gaulle (1958–1969), state-led spatial planning transformed the Paris region. The aim of the Schéma directeur d’aménagement et d’urbanisme de la région de Paris (1965) was to improve urban life through modernization; but its scale and ambition meant that it came to represent the hubris of state power. This article examines the role of discourse and narrative in state planning. It explores the role of planning discourses in the production of space, as well as stories told about planning by the planners and those who live with their actions. It investigates perceptions of power in post-war France, placing the Gaullist view of the state as a force for good in the context of contemporary critiques of state power. Addressing the relationship between power, resistance, and critique, it sees the environments produced by spatial planning as complex objects of dispute, enmeshed in conflicting hopes and visions of the future.

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46

Faucher, Charlotte. "Transnational Cultural Propaganda." French Politics, Culture & Society 37, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 48–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2019.370104.

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The Second World War challenged the well-established circulation of cultural practices between France and Britain. But it also gave individuals, communities, states, and aspiring governments opportunities to invent new forms of international cultural promotion that straddled the national boundaries that the war had disrupted. Although London became the capital city of the main external Resistance movement Free France, the latter struggled to establish its cultural agenda in Britain, owing, on the one hand, to the British Council’s control over French cultural policies and, on the other hand, to the activities of anti-Gaullist Resistance fighters based in London who ascribed different purposes to French arts. While the British Council and a few French individuals worked towards prolonging French cultural policies that had been in place since the interwar period, Free French promoted rather conservative and traditional images of France so as to reclaim French culture in the name of the Resistance.

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47

Bell, David S. "French Socialists: Refusing the “Third Way”." Journal of Policy History 15, no. 1 (January 2003): 46–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2003.0002.

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In 1997 the French Socialist party, in alliance with the small parties of the Communists, Verts (left-wing ecologists), Citizens' Movement, and Radical Socialists (the so-called plural left), won a narrow victory defeating the President's party, the failing government and its beleaguered prime minister. In June, the left formed a government under its leader, Lionel Jospin, and included ministers from all of the formations. Its victory was unexpected as in 1993 the Socialist party had suffered a near obliteration and the conservative right had won a landslide, but it had revived at the 1995 presidential elections, when it ran Lionel Jospin, and steadily—though not spectacularly—revived after that. However, the victory in 1997 was more the result of the conservative right's divisions, an unpopular government, the hostility of the Front National, and the spectacular miscalculations of the neo-Gaullist President Jacques Chirac than to the prowess of the renewed Socialist party.

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48

Meren, David. "“Plus que jamais nécessaires”: Cultural Relations, Nationalism and the State in the Canada-Québec-France Triangle, 1945–19601." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 19, no. 1 (May 28, 2009): 279–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/037435ar.

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Abstract Charles de Gaulle’s cry of “Vive le Québec libre!” during his 1967 visit to Montreal was the product of the convergence of Canadian, Quebecois and Gaullist nationalist reactions to preponderant US influence and globalization’s rise after 1945. The dynamic was especially pronounced in the cultural sphere. Consistent with the trend towards increased transnational exchanges, cultural relations grew in the Canada-Quebec-France triangle in the fifteen years after the Second World War. Quebec neo-nationalism’s rise was accompanied by a greater appreciation of France as an ally as Quebec strove to preserve its francophone identity. Such preoccupations corresponded to French apprehensions about the ramifications on France at home and abroad of American cultural ‘imperialism.’ In addition to nationalist concerns in France and Quebec, English Canadian nationalists were preoccupied with American influences on the Canadian identity. If these three interacting nationalist reactions shared a preoccupation about American cultural power and Americanization that encouraged a growing state involvement in culture and promoted greater exchanges, the differences between them also helped set the stage for the tempestuous triangular relationship of the 1960s.

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49

McMeekin, Sean. "From Moscow to Vichy: Three Working-Class Militants and the French Communist Party, 1920–1940." Contemporary European History 9, no. 1 (March 2000): 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300001016.

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‘From Moscow to Vichy’ chronicles the political trajectory of Jules Teulade, Albert Vassart and Henri Barbé, three French labour militants of modest origins who were rapidly whisked into the top ranks of the French Communist Party (PCF) in the early 1920s, but later fell out of favour with Moscow just as the PCF entered its halycon years in the mid-to-late 1930s. Each of them, though for different reasons, turned against their former Russian patrons so violently that political participation in the ‘anti-Communist’ Vichy regime became thinkable. An examination of their unpublished memoirs – long ignored by Gaullist and communist historians, to whom the recollections of ex-Communist Vichy ‘collaborators’ gave little comfort – reveals both the powerful allure the Russian Revolution had for its earliest devotees, and the profound disillusionment that could result for working-class Communists who saw their faith in Moscow betrayed. In their stories, and those of others like them, we can discern something of the devastating fallout of Moscow's invasion of French politics between the two world wars.

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50

Haegel, Florence. "Mémoire, héritage, filiation. Dire le gaullisme et se dire gaulliste au RPR." Revue française de science politique 40, no. 6 (1990): 864–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfsp.1990.394525.

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