Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Gay Rights Movement'

To the extent that the United States is a post-industrial society, whereby the means and ends of social production are social, and the production and reproduction of knowledge are shaped by reflexivity and continuous reconceptualizations of reality, what it means to be "tolerant" has been subjected to multiple ideologies. Supposedly freed from collectively imposed identities, social scientists have argued that in a postmodern society, individuals actively construct their own identities. In this study, it is questioned how multiple, trans-class and trans-disciplinary identities affect beliefs and behavior. Subject to exploration are expressions of tolerance, embodied as the expression of attitudes toward the following groups of traditionally nonconforming individuals: atheists, communists, racists and homosexuals. Using 1993 General Social Survey data, independent attitudinal variables were constructed from indexed items measuring opinions about ideas embraced by three "new" social movements: the women's, environmental and gay rights' movements. Socio-structural and attitudinal variables were regressed on tolerance, the dependent variable, which was divided into general and group-specific indexes. Education and urbanism were shown to be significant predictors of tolerance, while gender and political ideology were not significant predictors of tolerance. Positive correlations resulted between general tolerance and pro-feminist, pro-environmentalist and pro-gay rights attitudes. In conclusion, the prediction that individuals scoring high on measurements of feminism, environmentalism and pro-homosexuality, which all expound ideological convictions that refute traditional norms and value systems, would also demonstrate high levels of tolerance was greatly substantiated. Lending support for Bobo and Licari's (1989) argument, it is agreed that demographic, or social structural, variables alone are insufficient determinants of tolerance. Furthermore, although new social movements are chiefly organized around identity, rather than class, issues, even historically "tolerant" individuals, such as feminists, were shown to be less tolerant of certain groups, such as, in this study, racists
Master of Science

Master of Arts
Sociology, Anthropology, and Social Work
Nadezda Shapkina
Using a historical comparative analysis, this thesis explores the convergence and divergence of the gay and lesbian rights movement and the transgender rights movement. Historically, these movements have been closely related to each other. In the 1960s, the gay and lesbian rights movement and the transgender rights movement had very similar beginnings. However, the organizations that advocated for gay and lesbian rights marginalized the rights of transgender people, even though both movements were working against similar forms of oppression. While the gay and lesbian rights movement began to include transgender rights into organizations in the 1990s there were still indications that the needs of transgender people are not always met in the LGBT movement. The current steps in the LGBT movement have suggested an attempt to be more inclusive of the transgender rights movement, however there are still signs that the needs of more marginalized members of the LGBT movement are not being met. The thesis suggests an importance of coalition building in social movements to be more able to address intersecting forms of discrimination. It also explores how with diverging interests there is conflict in coalition building.

In recent history, the rights of gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgendered (LGBT) persons have been in constant fluctuation. Many states criminalize homosexual behavior while other states legally recognize same-sex marriages and same-sex adoptions. There are also irregular patterns where LGBT interest groups form across the globe. With this research project, I begin to explain why these discrepancies in the treatment of homosexuality and the formation of LGBT interest groups occur. I develop a theory that the most obvious contrast across the globe occurs when analyzing the treatment of homosexuals in OECD member states versus non-OECD countries. OECD nations tend to see the gay community struggle for more advanced civil rights and government protections, while non-OECD states have to worry about fundamental human rights to life and liberty. I find that this specific dichotomization is what causes the irregular LGBT interest group formation pattern across the globe; non-OECD nations tend to have fewer LGBT interest groups than their OECD counterparts. When looking at why non-OECD nations and OECD nations suppress the rights of their gay citizens, I find that religion plays a critical role in the suppression of the gay community. In this analysis, I measure religion several different ways, including the institution of an official state religion as well as the levels of religiosity within a nation. Regardless of how this variable is manipulated and measured, statistical analysis continuously shows that religion’s influence is the single most significant factor in leading to a decrease in both human and civil rights for gays and lesbians across the globe. Further analysis indicates that Judaism plays the most significant role out the three major world religions in the suppression of civil rights for homosexuals in OECD nations.

This work chronicles how queer individuals politicized their same-sex desires from the post-World War II era to the mid-1990s. Using Miami as a site of exploration, this work demonstrates the shift from understanding homosexuality as a same-sex "desire" to a distinct form of "civil rights." It argues that by no means was it inevitable that queer issues entered the American political mainstream. This project pays particular attention to Miami's Cuban exile community, as it managed to garner great socio-political power in the city. Like others in the city's power structure, Miami's Cuban exiles were also fundamentally traditionalists. Together, these phenomena crystallized into a matrix of obstacles that stunted the growth of the gay rights movement. This work demonstrates the historical dynamics of sexuality and politics by contextualizing immigration, ethnicity, race, consumerism, and Cold War domestic and foreign policy.

This thesis examines the development of the gay rights movement in Louisiana. It begins by exploring both the homophile era and the liberation era in Louisiana, and how members of the LGBTQ community during these periods created safe spaces for themselves. I focus on two groups, the Louisiana Electorate of Gays and Lesbians (LEGAL) and the Louisiana Gay Political Action Caucus (LAGPAC), throughout the remainder of the work and how members of these organizations shaped the LGBTQ community by fighting for legislative protections and civil rights. I examine how gay rights activists negotiated the terms and parameters of identities like "gay" and "lesbian" in the context of political action, and how these identities remain relevant for the community today. Throughout the work, I argue that members of organizations like LAGPAC and LEGAL were more reactive than proactive when advocating for legislative protections for Louisiana’s LGBTQ community. To reach this conclusion, I use primary source collections of both LEGAL and LAGPAC, as well as various local periodicals to show how members of these organizations and members of the press disseminated information regarding the fight for gay civil rights to the LGBTQ community and the general public.

Stories abound within our culture, and rarely are stories bestowed more legitimacy than within the courts. Social "facts" might be established within the legal forum, but nonetheless connect to everyday life. Research in social movements and judicial politics is thus becoming increasingly useful as social movement organizations increasingly compete before the Court to effect cultural change through the reification of their stories. Lesbian, gay and bisexuals form one group of storytellers whose "collective stories" are told. It is this set of stories that this paper investigates, following the "narrative turn" in sociology to analyze LGB social movement narratives in the empirical setting of the Supreme Court. I present the findings of my content analysis of the amicus curiae, or "friend of the Court," briefs and Court opinions in the Bowers v. Hardwick and Lawrence and Garner v. Texas cases, two of the most significant LGB rights cases, covering a span of nearly twenty years. Despite virtually identical casefacts, the Court handed down differing decisions, first ruling against the social movement before later reversing its decision. This research assesses how the narrative voices in the cases changed within the discourse of the Court, and how these collective narratives resonated within a changing culture. First, I assess how LGB social movement organizations, their allies, and countermovement organizations changed their framings and frame alignment processes, how they changed their emotions work and rhetoric, and how these changes were evidence of organizations' identity work processes during the interim between cases. Next, I assess changes in framings and frame alignment processes and emotions work and rhetoric within the opinions handed down by the Court. This serves two purposes: it allows for a comparison of organizational frame resonance with the Court, and also allows analysis of the decisions' resonance within the larger culture. Analysis is also made of the symbolic meanings found within the opinions of the Court in both cases. This analysis shows that LGB social movement and countermovement organizations operate within a cultural code of sexuality. Narratives are useful in observing how norms within this cultural code are enforced, strengthened, or changed by negotiation and legitimization before the Court. Consequently, this research contributes not only to our understandings of cultural change, but also to social movement theory, especially of identity work processes, to the field of social psychology, to the sociology of sexualities, and to the sociology of emotions and emotions work.

In the last forty years, U.S. national and statewide LGBT organizations, in pursuit of “equality” through a limited and focused agenda, have made remarkably swift progress moving that agenda forward. However, their agenda has been frequently criticized as prioritizing the interests of White, middle-class gay men and lesbians and ignoring the needs of other LGBT people. In their shadows have emerged numerous grassroots organizations led by queer people of color, transgender people, and low-income LGBT people. These “queer liberation” groups have often been viewed as the left wing of the GRM, but have not been extensively studied. My research investigated how these grassroots liberation organizations can be understood in relation to the equality movement, and whether they actually comprise a separate movement operating alongside, but in tension with, the mainstream gay rights movement.

This research used a qualitative content analysis, grounded in black feminism’s framework of intersectionality, queer theory, and social movement theories, to examine eight queer liberation organizations. Data streams included interviews with staff at each organization, organizational videos from each group, and the organizations’ mission statements. The study used deductive content analysis, informed by a predetermined categorization matrix drawn from social movement theories, and also featured inductive analysis to expand those categories throughout the analysis.

This study’s findings indicate that a new social movement – distinct from the mainstream equality organizations – does exist. Using criteria informed by leading social movement theories, findings demonstrate that these organizations cannot be understood as part of the mainstream equality movement but must be considered a separate social movement. This “queer liberation movement” has constituents, goals, strategies, and structures that differ sharply from the mainstream equality organizations. This new movement prioritizes queer people in multiple subordinated identity categories, is concerned with rebuilding institutions and structures, rather than with achieving access to them, and is grounded more in “liberation” or “justice” frameworks than “equality.” This new movement does not share the equality organizations’ priorities (e.g., marriage) and, instead, pursues a different agenda, include challenging the criminal justice and immigration systems, and strengthening the social safety net.

Additionally, the study found that this new movement complicates existing social movement theory. For decades, social movement scholars have documented how the redistributive agenda of the early 20th century class-based social movements has been replaced by the demands for access and recognition put forward by the identity-based movements of the 1960s New Left. While the mainstream equality movement can clearly be characterized as an identity-based social movement, the same is not true of the groups in this study. This queer liberation movement, although centered on identity claims, has goals that are redistributive as well as recognition-based.

While the emergence of this distinct social movement is significant on its own, of equal significance is the fact that it represents a new post-structuralist model of social movement. This study presents a “four-domain” framework to explain how this movement exists simultaneously inside and outside of other social movements, as a bridge between them, and as its own movement. Implications for research, practice, and policy in social work and allied fields are presented.

In the last three decades gays have become increasingly mainstream. Gay representations are now commonplace in the popular media. Money Up Front and No Kissing asks how an interpretation of this legitimacy might be enhanced by creative practice. This study blends critical theory dialectics, practice led research methods and the elastic gay idiom of camp to situate the tacitly felt sensations that attend the phenomenon into a cognitively understood, coherent contextual framework. The study begins with Australian queer culture theorist, Dennis Altman’s 1982 observation of a ‘new homosexual’ emerging in the decade after the birth of the gay rights movement. It traces a relationship between gays and the market developing at the same time as the rise of neoliberalism’s cultural logic in which the marketplace was increasingly seen as the most effective arena to enact social decision making. Gay legitimacy is popularly framed in terms of teleological social progress but this study implicates the market in the redistribution of prejudice away from gays to provide access to resources for market expansion. A new millennial formation of gay consciousness has meant the subsidence of the generation that preceded it. This study aims to use performance and photography to shed light on the lived dimensions of that displacement as the values of the socially liberal generation that experienced the trauma of the AIDS years are supplanted by those of a new generation in tune with, and unconflicted by the ideologies and imperatives of neoliberal culture.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Queensland College of Art
Arts, Education and Law
Full Text

Citizens’ increased access to the internet is transforming political landscapes across the globe. The implications for civil society, culture, religion, governmental legitimacy and accountability are vast. In nations where one does not typically expect “modern” or egalitarian ideals to be prevalent among highly religious and conservative populations, those with motivations to unite around socially and culturally taboo causes are no longer forced to silently acquiesce and accept the status quo. The internet has proven to be an invaluable tool for those aiming to engage in social activism, as it allows citizens in highly oppressive authoritarian regimes to covertly mobilize and coordinate online protest events (such as hashtag campaigns, proclamations via social media, signing of petitions, and even DDoS attacks) without the fear of repression.

What catalyzes lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer/questioning (LGBTQ) equality movements in authoritarian regimes, specifically with respect to the Middle East and North African region? This thesis argues that gay rights movements are more likely to emerge in politically repressive, more conservative states when new political opportunities—namely access to the internet for purposes of political organization—become available. This master’s thesis identifies why LGBTQ movements emerged in Morocco and Algeria, but not in Tunisia until after it underwent democratization. These states will be analyzed in order to gauge the strength of their LGBTQ rights movements and, most importantly, to identify which variables most cogently explain their existence altogether.

This dissertation examines the gay rights movement occurring in Dallas, Texas, from the mid-twentieth century to present day by focusing on the work of the Dallas Gay and Lesbian Alliance (DGLA), previously known as the Dallas Gay Political Caucus and the Dallas Gay Alliance. Members of that group utilized a methodology they called "the Dallas Way" that minimized mass protests and rallies in favor of using backroom negotiations with the people who could make the changes sought by the movement. The fact that most of the members of the DGLA were white, professional men aided in the success of their methodology. Particularly useful in this type of effort is the use of legal action. The Dallas community supported several lawsuits that attempted to overthrow various versions of sodomy laws in the Texas Penal Code that criminalized an entire population of gay men and lesbians in the state.

This thesis examines the public debate on homosexuality in New Zealand in the period 1960-86. Its focus is primarily on male homosexuality because the central issue was the continued criminalization of male same-sex sexual acts. The thesis notes irresolvable problems of definition of homosexuality involving discussions of behaviour, orientation and identity. Nevertheless, the debate proceeded on a binary basis, that homosexuals and heterosexuals were two clearly defined groups of people. The thesis begins by noting the repression and invisibility of homosexuals in the 1960s. It then explores the origins and significance of the New Zealand Homosexual Law Reform Society and the gay liberation movement. Because of the significance of religion in regard to the debate, a chapter is devoted to major change and cleavage that occurred within the churches relating to homosexuality in the period reviewed. Finally the intense fifteen months of debate that occurred prior to decriminalization of male homosexual activity in July 1986 is studied at depth. The thesis highlights the intensity of feeling that the debate engendered. This was the result of the clash of fundamentally different worldviews and value systems. Behind the particular issue lay the question of the moral and social status of homosexuals and homosexual acts. So fundamental was this division that from both sides the very future of society seemed to be at stake. Worlds were in collision.
Note: Thesis now published. Guy, L (2002). Worlds in collision : the gay debate in New Zealand, 1960-1986. Wellington [N.Z.]: Victoria University Press, 2002. ISBN 0864734387

This thesis examines gay student organizing to understand the role of college students in the burgeoning lesbian and gay movement of the 1970s. Although students are widely recognized as participants in gay activism in this period, few studies have attempted to explore their particular role. The Gay Academic Union (GAU) at Florida Atlantic University in Boca Raton, FL, is presented as a case study, using archival and oral history research. Lesbian and gay students participated in the construction of a new political strategy based on visibility and community, which positioned “coming out” as its central metaphor. During the early to mid-1970s, students were especially well positioned to play a role in the gay movement, which relied on small, local organizations to spread gay politics throughout the nation. However, in the wake of the Anita Bryant-led effort to repeal Miami-Dade’s gay rights ordinance in 1977, the growth of national gay organizations and a national media discourse on homosexuality began to eclipse the type of organizing at which college students had excelled. By extending the narrative of gay organizing in the 1970s outside of urban centers, the story of the GAU at Florida Atlantic demonstrates that college students played a crucial part in disseminating the new forms of gay identity and culture associated with the gay movement.

This thesis examines the complete absence of openly gay males from the ranksof the professional players in the Australian Football League (AFL). It seeks to explain this absence in the context of the modern gay rights movement. incontemporary Australian society. It compares and contrasts the effects of thismovement on both the AFL and other mainstream Australian social institutions. Over more than four decades, the gay rights movement has effected a number of social changes. These changes include both specific legal reforms and more general trends such as the increasing social visibility of gay men across a range of mainstream institutions including politics and the military. However, this trend is not consistent across all major institutions. It is far less evident in professional team sports,especially the major football codes of this country. This research shows that the same trend is evident in the major football codes of countries such as Britain and the United States (US). However, what is unique to the AFL is that none of its current or former players has ever publicly declared his homosexuality in a biographical text or media interview. Despite the absence of openly gay AFL players, this thesis accesses other significant sources such as the coming-out narratives of professional players in other football codes and of other athletes in Australia, Britain and the US. Furthermore, relevant research into homophobia among athletes is also presented. Given the absence of primary sources as well as the inability to access relevant subjects directly, this research is qualitative rather than quantitative. It is also speculative in that it seeks to explain a specific trend in professional sport in general and in the AFL in particular by outlining common trends. A primary focus is the pattern of masculinity that prevails in men’s sport, both amateur and professional. This pattern is examined in other exclusively or predominantly male institutions such as the military. Until the advent of gay liberation, this pattern of masculinity was depicted purely in heterosexual terms. This thesis explores the evolution of this dominant masculinity within the context of modern Western society, specifically in terms of the Industrial Revolution and its effects on the sexual division of labour. This predominant masculinity is also examined in relation to the mainstream media in various contexts. These include the reporting on both the public personas and the private lives of high-profile footballers in general and of AFL players in particular. A further context is how this reporting consolidates the elite status of high profile, professional footballers and how a range of sexual indiscretions are portrayed in the mainstream media. The thesis also examines how the homoerotic aspect of AFL is portrayed within the media. Since some of this media coverage has been analysed by academic research, further insights are provided into aspects of misogyny and homophobia within the AFL. Both this media coverage and academic analysis allude to a culture within the AFL that tends to preclude a gay player from coming out. This thesis explains the relationship among the factors— both within the sporting context and within broader society— that converge within the professional AFL to promote a particular pattern of masculinity. This pattern of masculinity continues to preclude the openly gay man among its ranks of professional players.

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This paper conducts an investigation of the collective action organized by the LGBT movement in Goiania, seeking to demystify the character of uniqueness attributed to it, giving rise to the development of an interpretive framework capable of perceiving the plurality of actors and logics of action. I use Bourdieu's concept of habitus to view the process of aggregation of individuals, as well as the formation of homosexual identities positioned in a relationship of rulers and ruled in a heteronormative hegemonic social order. But how to systematize the LGBT movement in Goiania seeks to promote the struggle for positive recognition, is to present a breakdown of its social power into internal, semi-external and external. This allows you to view a schematic circuit energies of formation of networks of solidarity, used to maintain the cohesion of the social force within the field of LGBT activism. It is also evident that the agents are not in harmony, since that produce new hierarchies within the field of activism LGBT, but also tend to control the voltages to allow the maintenance and expansion of the field.
Esta dissertação realiza uma investigação acerca da ação coletiva promovida pelo movimento LGBT em Goiânia, buscando desmistificar o caráter de unicidade que lhe é atribuído, dando margem para a elaboração de um quadro interpretativo capaz de perceber a pluralidade dos atores e das lógicas de ação. Faço uso do conceito de habitus de Bourdieu para visualizar os processos de agregação dos sujeitos, bem como da formação de identidades homossexuais posicionadas numa relação de dominantes e dominados numa ordem social hegemonicamente heteronormativa. Mas para sistematizar a forma como o movimento LGBT em Goiânia busca promover a sua luta por reconhecimento positivo, é que apresento uma divisão de sua força social em interna, semi -externa e externa. Esta esquematização possibilita visualizar um circuito de energias, de formação de redes de solidariedade, utilizada para manter a coesão da força social dentro do campo de ativismo LGBT. Evidenciou-se ainda que os atores não estão em plena harmonia, uma vez que produzem novas hierarquizações dentro do campo de ativismo LGBT, mas que também tendem a controlar as tensões de modo a permitir a manutenção e ampliação do campo.

The ONE Exhibition explores an era in American history marked by intense government sponsored anti-gay persecution and the genesis of the LGBT equality movement. The study begins during World War II, continues through the McCarthy era and the founding of the nation’s first gay magazine, and ends in 1958 with the first gay Supreme Court case in U.S. history. Central to the story is ONE The Homosexual Magazine, and its founders, as they embarked on a quest for LGBT equality by establishing the first ongoing nationwide forum for gay people in the U.S., and challenged the government’s right to engage in and encourage hateful and discriminatory practices against the LGBT community. Then, when the magazine was banned by the Post Office, the editors and staff took the federal government to court. As such, ONE, Incorporated v. Olesen became the first Supreme Court case in U.S. history that featured the taboo subject of homosexuality, and secured the 1st Amendment right to freedom of speech for the gay press. Thus, ONE magazine and its founders were an integral part of a small group of activists who established the foundations of the modern LGBT equality movement.

For more than half a century, gay rights organizations have sought cultural and political equality for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender individuals in society. The organization Soulforce continues that legacy, but from a distinctive perspective. Soulforce, has positioned itself in a unique playing field by speaking directly to religious leaders and organizations in attempt to alter their ideological underpinnings and subsequently garner their support for LGBT individuals. This level of persuasion is particularly difficult due to the fact that religious ideology is so strongly held and protected in American society. To evaluate the persuasive rhetoric of Soulforce, I conducted an ideological criticism of the documents published within the Soulforce website based on the foundation of McGee’s ideograph. The ideographs presented throughout the discourse coalesce to form the overarching ideology of Soulforce evidenced in the discourse. Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender individuals experience unwarranted , and as a direct result of the promoted by the religious institutions of America. This is the consequence of Biblical misinterpretation coupled with the misunderstanding of modern scientific research resulting in fear and hate that subsequently cultivate and . Only by directly confronting with and exchanging with can the LGBT community educate the misinformed thereby delivering their own , and full acceptance within society.
Master of Arts

Gays and lesbians have long struggled for their rights as citizens, yet only recently has their struggle been truly politicized in a way that fosters mobilization. When and why social movements coalesce despite the many obstacles to collective action are fundamental questions in comparative politics. While examining social movements is worthwhile, it is important to examine not only when and why a social movement forms, but also when and why a social movement is successful. This dissertation tackles the latter of these objectives, focusing on when and why social movements have success in terms of their duration from the time of their formation until their desired policy output is produced.

Chile allowed therapeutic abortion (cases in which the mother’s life was in danger) from 1931 until 1989, the last year of the Pinochet military dictatorship. After Pinochet stepped down, Chile underwent a democratic transition in 1990 that was heavily reliant on a moral fundamentalist mentality, primarily influenced by the Catholic Church and conservative political parties. It has been widely argued that after the democratic transition, the previously strong and united women’s movement lost much of its visibility and cohesiveness due to its progressive fragmentation. This thesis holds that the women’s movement in Chile is not dead, but instead there are numerous small movements that apply different methods in an attempt to change abortion legislation in Chile. Through the dissemination of secondary research and first-person interviews conducted over a period of six months in Chile, the results show that Chilean third-wave feminists have re-shaped the women’s movement in an effort to introduce innovative ideas and tactics to advance abortion rights. Nonetheless, these new voices have also created tensions between new and old feminists further dividing the movement and limiting their ability to effect real change in regards to the abortion debate in Chile.

The fundamental questions this project aims to answer are 1) how the alt-right engages in storying the sexual, specifically the “homosexual” character 2) the ways that broadly circulating ideas about masculinity shape movement boundary work processes, and 3) the work that this storying is doing for the alt-right in the context of American white patriarchy. Broadly, two characters were storied on r/altright: The Degenerate and the Substandard Ally. First, the Degenerate is a pedophile, a diseased sexual hedonist, and a Jewish-led weapon set on destroying the white race. The image of the Degenerate is produced through the mobilization of anti-Semitic tropes, conservative Christian doctrine, and (pseudo)scientific rhetoric. This narrative presents homosexuality as a contagious risk to all people. The second character, the Substandard Ally, is constructed as a foil to the Degenerate. The Substandard Ally can be a member of the movement because they have no control over their sexuality and are adequately masculine. The strategies used to justify the Substandard Ally’s inclusion in the alt-right are to deploy the (il)logic of the closet and redraw the line between good/bad sex. I argue that the sexual storying of the alt-right ultimately functions to maintain white patriarchy by reinforcing the sexual value system, obscuring the workings of patriarchy by presenting a hybrid hegemonic masculinity, reconceptualizing the “good” sexual citizen, and deploying homonationalist discourses.

Produced on a regular basis and dealing with a wide range of events, newspaper data represents a treasure trove of information for researchers interested in the lives of previous generations. Unfortunately, however, the extent to which media data is used in historical research has not been matched by a similar engagement with media history and theory. Indeed, whether relying on media data for analysis or simply the ‘hard facts’, scholars often accept this record without asking the right questions about how it was constructed and why. In contrast, this thesis questions the relationship between the mainstream press in the United States and social activists in a range of organisations and movements. Focused on groups within the civil and gay rights movements of the 1960s, this study not only highlights how the mainstream media has misrepresented activism, but also locates the genesis of these distortions in the process of news production. Importantly, and unlike many revisionist works that present activists as the passive victims of a powerful mainstream media, this thesis builds on theory from within sociology and communication science to demonstrate the symbiotic nature of this process. Indeed, while their efforts were not always successful, this study shows how activists purposefully and consciously adapted their actions and public communications to better fit the daily habits and professional practices of journalists and editors. Often pursuing short term gains, this process of adaptation could repress more open and representative dialogue, producing long term consequences that have influenced movement historiographies. By utilising data from the archives of Newsweek and the New York Times – as well as the private papers, memoirs, and oral interviews of other journalists and editors – this thesis demonstrates the importance of viewing newsworkers as individuals, rather than faceless servants of monolithic institutions. Indeed, each news outlet had its own unique atmosphere, with its own set of rules that set the parameters of its coverage; highlighting the need to resist claims that certain publications are necessarily more ‘representative’ or ‘objective’ than others. Importantly, then, this study demonstrates the need for historians to critically engage with the subjectivity of the media data they use and approach sources in a way that honestly recognises their limitations.

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O presente trabalho é uma tentativa de entender as políticas públicas voltadas para a população de lésbicas, gays, bissexuais, travestis e transexuais no estado de Pernambuco, a partir da implantação e das experiências do Centro Estadual de Combate à Homofobia (CECH). Através do debate em torno das temáticas dos direitos humanos, da cidadania, da participação social e das políticas de identidade, pretende-se analisar e compreender como o CECH atua para minimizar a violência contra a população LGBT, a sua estrutura, organização e dinâmica internas, estratégias políticas, serviços ofertados, atividades desenvolvidas e interações estabelecidas com outros setores do Estado e do Movimento LGBT. Baseados em uma abordagem qualitativa de pesquisa, na aplicação de entrevistas semiestruturadas realizadas com membros e ex-membros do órgão e análises em documentos produzidos pelo Governo de Pernambuco, nosso argumento central é o de que as trajetórias individuais dos gestores e gestoras da política LGBT - que compreendem as filiações a partidos políticos, movimentos sociais, experiências profissionais, as interações com o Estado, a conjuntura de implementação da política pública, entre outros - explicam a adesão deles/as a determinados projetos políticos que, em interlocução com fatores externos, contradições, disputas e projetos conservadores, influem e moldam a execução da política pública. A pesquisa visa colaborar com os debates em torno da construção democrática, das relações, trânsitos e deslocamentos entre sociedade civil e Estado e das escolhas políticas dos movimentos sociais após a entrada dos partidos de centroesquerda no Estado brasileiro neste princípio de Século.
The present work aims to understand the public policies directed to the lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender population in the state of Pernambuco, by analyzing the implementation and the experiences developed by the State Center for fighting Homophobia (CECH). By using the debate on human rights issues, citizenship, social participation and politics on identity, we intend to analyze how the CECH acts to minimize the violence against the LGBT population. We will also investigate CECH’s structure, organization, as well as its internal dynamics, political strategies, services offered, developed activities and interactions established along with other sectors of the State and the local LGBT movement. For this purpose, and based on a qualitative approach, we will rely on semi-structured interviews applied to the members and ex-members of the CECH. We will also include the analysis of documents produced by the Government of Pernambuco. The main hypothesis is that the individual trajectories of the managers of the LGBT policies – which comprise affiliations to political parties, social movements, professional experiences, interactions with the State agencies, the environment in which the public policy has been implemented, among others – explain their support to certain political projects. These political projects will influence and shape the way this particular public policy was implemented, alongside with other variable, such as external events, contradictions, disputes and even reactions from conservative oriented projects. This research also intends to contribute to the debate about democracy construction and the relationships, transits and shifts between civil society and State, and the political choices of social movements in a context of a center-left government in Contemporary Brazil.

Cette thèse de doctorat étudie les mouvements LGBT en Belgique, en France et en Espagne à travers une double comparaison (entre les cas et à travers le temps) qui intègre également les échanges et influences transnationaux et internationaux. Elle examine l’émergence et le développement de la revendication d’ouverture du mariage civil aux couples de même sexe dans ces pays, analysant les convergences en termes de contenu des demandes et de timing des mobilisations. Par conséquent, elle porte sur des convergences au niveau des mouvements sociaux, à l’inverse de la majeure partie de la littérature, qui se concentre sur les convergences de politiques publiques. Cette situation impose de construire une grille d’analyse basée sur la littérature sur les mouvements sociaux, les politiques publiques et les relations internationales (influence des normes internationales). Le développement des revendications relatives au droit au mariage a été retracé de manière généalogique depuis la fin des années 1980. La comparaison repose sur la méthode du most different systems design et un travail empirique important combinant analyse documentaire et entretiens a été réalisé. Cette thèse confirme l’importance de l’étude des échanges et des influences internationaux et transnationaux pour comprendre la politique domestique et insiste sur l’influence cruciale du réseautage transnational sur les revendications des mouvements sociaux. Elle révèle aussi quelques cas de diffusion entre mouvements sociaux et montre comment des caractéristiques et des contraintes communes peuvent inciter les mouvements sociaux à formuler des revendications similaires. Par ailleurs, les discours en faveur du droit au mariage ont été analysés avec soin. L’émergence de cette revendication a aussi été mise en perspective sur le plan historique, ce qui implique de réfléchir aux modalités de transformation des mouvements LGBT au cours des trente dernières années. Pour terminer, la notion de citoyenneté sexuelle a été interrogée et la manière dont l’accès à la citoyenneté a été posé a été examinée à partir du concept de resignification proposé par Judith Butler.

This dissertation looks at LGBT movements in Belgium, France and Spain through a double comparison (between cases and through time), which also takes into account transnational and international exchanges and influences. It investigates the simultaneous emergence and development of same-sex marriage claims in these countries, examining convergences in the content of the claims and the timing of protest. Therefore, it looks at convergences at the level of social movements, unlike most of the literature, which focuses on convergences in public policies. This specific research interests implies building an analytical model based on the literature on social movements, public policies and international relations (influence of international norms). It has also required a genealogical account of the development of same-sex marriage claims in each country from the end of the eighties until now. The comparison is based on the most different systems design method, and an extensive field work combining archives analysis and interviews has been carried out. This dissertation confirms the importance of taking into account international and transnational exchanges and influences to understand domestic politics, and insists on the crucial influence of transnational networking on social movements claims. It also discloses some cases of diffusion between social movements and shows how common characteristics and constraints may induce social movements to make similar but independent decisions. Discourses in favour of same-sex marriage have been carefully analysed, and the emergence of this claim has been put into a historical perspective. This implies a reflection on the transformations of the LGBT movement over the last thirty years. Finally, this dissertation interrogates the notion of sexual citizenship and examines the specific mechanisms through which access to citizenship has been proposed, discussing Judith Butler’s concept of resignification.

Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

La présente thèse porte sur la mise en place des nouvelles manifestations festives en France, et plus particulièrement à Paris, depuis les années 80. Ces fêtes marquent un déplacement par rapport aux fêtes « traditionnelles » qui étaient en grande partie organisées autour des concepts de sacré et de nation. Nourri par une observation ethnographique de plusieurs années, ce travail met en évidence une multiplicité de facettes des fêtes nouvelles: les processus de conceptualisation et de création par les autorités publiques ; leur gestion et mise en œuvre par des managers culturels ou par des associations et des collectifs ; l’invention de nouvelles formes rituelles ou l’adaptation de plus anciennes ; les mises en scène urbaines et l’emploi des codes distinctifs ; l’appropriation de ces fêtes par la société et les différents débats qu’elles ont soulevés. Chacune des trois parties de la thèse est consacrée à une fête. Une place majeure est réservée à la Fête de la musique, la Marche des fiertés et la Nuit blanche, sans pour autant passer sous silence d’autres fêtes résolument nouvelles et d’envergure, telles que la Capitale européenne de la culture et les Allumées de Nantes, permettant de mieux saisir les mutations qui s’opèrent au niveau européen. Enfin, s’appuyant sur la thèse classique de Durkheim, ce travail propose d’envisager ces fêtes comme points d’entrée pour appréhender les idéaux de la société ouverte. L’intention affirmée des organisateurs de mettre en place une nouvelle conception du vivre ensemble et du lien social, est à bien des égards l’occasion de célébrer une société française et européenne, pacifique, réconciliée et tolérante
The present thesis examines the installation of new festive events in France, and more particularly in Paris, since the 80s. These celebrations mark a shift in regard to "traditional" celebrations which mostly revolve around the concepts of the sacred and the nation. Nourished by an ethnographic observation of several years, this work highlights a variety of aspects: the process of their invention and their creation and by the public authorities; the supervision of the events by cultural managers or associations and collectives; the invention of new ritual forms and the adaptation of older ones; the design of the urban scenery and the use of distinctive codes; the appropriation of these events fro, the society and the various debates to which they gave rise. Each part of the thesis deals with a celebration in an independent way. The Fête de la musique, the Gay Pride and the Nuit blanche are analyzed here in priority. However, next to them parade also other events, entirely new and ambitious, such as the European Capital of Culture and the Allumées of Nantes which offer a better insight into changes that took place on a European level. Finally, based on Durkheim's classic thesis, this work proposes to consider these festive events as an entry point into a greater inquiry about the ideals of the open society. The asserted intention of the organizers to put in place a new conception of living together and the social bond is in many ways the occasion to celebrate a French and European society, that is peaceful, reconciled and tolerant

by Yuen Yun Chou.
Thesis submitted in: December 1997.
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 162-166).
Abstract also in Chinese.
Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1
Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review and Theoretical Framework
Introduction --- p.5
New Social Movements --- p.5
Alberto Melucci's Analytical Framework of Social Movement --- p.14
Charles Taylor's Interpretative Framework of Human Action --- p.18
An Interpretative Framework for Social Movement Studies --- p.26
Objectives of this Study --- p.33
Methodology --- p.34
Outline of the Thesis --- p.35
Chapter Chapter 3 --- The History of Hong Kong Gay Men and Lesbians
Introduction --- p.37
Gay Men and Lesbians: Rise as A Subaltern Group --- p.37
Hong Kong Gay and Lesbian Groups --- p.46
Terminology --- p.50
Chapter Chapter 4 --- The Gay Self
Introduction --- p.52
Discovering a Gay Self --- p.52
Coming out: Living a Gay Life --- p.64
Chapter Chapter 5 --- Interpreting Predicament
Introduction --- p.69
The Predicament: an Ideal Way of Life --- p.69
The Predicament: the Concerns --- p.71
Authenticity and the Perception of Predicament --- p.79
Chapter Chapter 6 --- The Gay Selves: Entering the Gay and Lesbian Groups
Introduction --- p.81
Making Sense of Participation --- p.81
Locating the Process of Collective Identity --- p.98
Chapter Chapter 7 --- In Search of Authenticity in Everyday Life
Introduction --- p.109
The Submerged Networks in Everyday Life: the Alternative Space --- p.109
Everyday Resistance and Accomplishment --- p.120
The Limited Authenticity in Everyday Life --- p.131
Chapter Chapter 8 --- Conclusion
From “I´ح to “We´ح --- p.135
The Ideal of Authenticity --- p.148
The Issue of Identity in Social Movement --- p.151
Limitation
Appendix
Bibliography

This dissertation is the product of research into white, South African masculinities. It is concerned with the official treatment of white, gay men in this country by the governments of the day from the 1960s to 2000 and the government’s control of hegemonic masculinity in order to maintain power. By looking at gay masculinities the threat to hegemonic masculinity was ascertained as well as the different versions of heterosexual masculinities. This thesis also analyses the degree of change in the toleration or acceptance of white homosexuality in South Africa from churches, society, and elements within the SAP and the SADF as well as within gay organisations. Legislative achievements in the Constitutional Court show the most extreme changes in the perceptions of gay masculinities. This dissertation primarily begins in the 1960s, looking at why it was necessary to set up the 1968 Select Committee. This committee investigated criminalising all male homosexual acts, including those in private and also aimed to dictate societal norms and maintain white, privileged, hegemonic masculinity established and defined by the NP government. The state had always repressed homosexuality through law; even colonial legislation proved this. It was the creation and maintenance of hegemonic masculinity that advocated such legislation. 1966 was the focal year where white homosexuality became a recognisable problem. A gay party was held at a Johannesburg residence, which made white homosexuality visible and alerted the police to this alternative masculinity. The Select Committee, however, did not fulfil its initial aims. Once elements within the SAP were faced with the visibility of white homosexuality, their power thereby being challenged, Major van Zyl set about requesting stricter legislation by proposing amendments to the Minister of Justice regarding the 1957 Immorality Act and submitting evidence to the Select Committee. However, numerous submissions to and interviews by the Select Committee proved that it was unnecessary and illogical to criminalise private homosexuality. Such submissions showed white homosexuality was no societal threat and that some in white society recognised gay masculinities and challenged hegemonic masculinity. Consequently the Select Committee did not propose stricter legislation regarding homosexuality. Furthermore, repressive official treatment of white, male homosexuals was evident in the SADF in the 1970 and 1980s. Through a military perception of masculinity, that is, aggressive masculinity, most in the SADF were intent on conforming its white soldiers to the traditional definition of masculinity, the NP government’s definition of white masculinity, which did not include homosexual men. Dr Levine used electro-shock therapy to ‘cure’ gay conscripts at 1 Military Hospital. This extreme practice of ensuring conformity was no longer utilised by the 1980s and there was also some unofficial acceptance of white homosexuality within the SADF by some white commanders and soldiers. There was no gay liberation movement to speak of until the 1980s. GASA, a white gay organisation, led the movement but it was to be unsuccessful in that it supported the NP government, that is, it benefited from hegemonic masculinity because GASA’s membership was predominantly white men. Because of this GASA was seen to support the government’s policy of apartheid and there ensued the consequent debate between gay essentialism and gay rights as part of the broader struggle. GASA was purely reactionary, because in effect it did not really want change and was therefore ineffective. The gay movement grew but it did not unify. This failure to unify meant the gay liberation movement, as a movement had failed, even though, later, liberation and much change was achieved, mainly through the work of the NCGLE. Like the 1968 Select Committee, the President’s Council was set up in 1985 to once again investigate stricter penalties against homosexuality. The ANC was still very quiet on the issue of gay rights, supporting heterosexist hegemony and not recognising gay masculinities. The President’s Council did not recommend stricter legislation against homosexual men but the 1988 Sexual Offences Act retained the penalties against homosexuality as stipulated by the 1969 Immorality Amendment Act. Gay essentialism damaged any headway regarding gay rights, especially when it came to gaining the support of progressive organisation in the broader political struggle because there was so much in-fighting regarding defining gay masculinities. Race could not be discounted in this equation and the RGO, a black gay organisation, challenged GASA’s support of the NP government. New gay organisations only contributed to the failure of the gay liberation movement because again there was no unity. In 1989 Albie Sachs of the ANC met with a liberal gay organisation, OGLA, and finally gay rights were beginning to be taken seriously, culminating in the protection of gay rights in the 1996 Constitution. This was due to individual members of the ANC and Kevan Botha, the lawyer hired by the NCGLE to represent gay rights at CODESA. Once sexual orientation was retained in the equality clause of the Constitution it was left to the NCGLE to fight for the legal practice of equality for gay men and lesbians. There was also greater toleration and even acceptance of homosexuality by the South African society at large, both black and white, the churches, and the SAP, especially officially. Hence, although the gay liberation movement had failed, gay rights had been entrenched and change allowed for potential equality, the last of which would be legal gay marriage, which remains to be seen.
Prof. L. Grundlingh

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2004.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on May 10, 2006). Supervisor: Michael P. Young and Anne E. Kane. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 246-252). Also available from UMI.

In this dissertation, I examine the internal divisions in LGBT/Q communities. I illustrate how the notion of a single, unified community is not only fictive, but counter to the goals of liberation. Utilizing critical discourse analysis, I examine cultural artifacts of the contemporary gay rights movement to determine who has the power to shape domestic and international gay rights discourse. I analyze the role of gay citizenship through the same-sex marriage debates, the creation of the homonational soldier, and how gay rights is employed in international conflicts to strategically promote some countries as progressive, while denouncing others as backwards. I argue that the gay rights movement does not address the needs of all members of LGBT/Q communities, but rather, focuses on the wants of the elite and privileged. Despite recent advances, the gay rights movement has been stunted by a limited and marginalizing focus on normalization. Lastly, I present a queer perspective on gay rights and reimagine a movement that is more courageous and inclusive.

碩士
國立暨南國際大學
教育政策與行政研究所
90
This research is broken through from the viewpoint of non-traditional gender roles, that is, from the viewpoint of diversity of gender roles to analyze the transformation of gender meaning in gender equity education policy from the outset till present. What is reflected on the government’s gender equity education policy by the work of gay and lesbian equal rights movement (including in society and campus)? This article would make an examination on gender equity education policy and hope to fill out the campus and all society around with the diverse gender viewpoints. First of all, the researcher draws the image of the developmental process of the gender equity education policy, in order to understand the social context, formation, content of the gender equity education policy and concerns about the multi-culture of gender in it. Secondly, I would probe into the government and the school''''s gender ideology under the effect of gay and lesbian equal rights movement. Especially going to the scene of school and exploring the gay and lesbian equal rights movement in university, it would be much more clear to present the effect of gender diversity people toward gender educational process. Last, according to the research outcome and the experience of foreign gender equity education, the researcher would try to make a suggestion to gender equity education policy and other researches.

This project analyzes the sexual and gender politics of flight attendants, especially the men who did this work, since the 1930s. It traces how and why the flight attendant corps became the nearly exclusive domain of white women by the 1950s, then considers the various legal battles under the 1964 Civil Rights Act to re-integrate men into the workforce, open up greater opportunities for African-Americans, and liberate women from onerous age and marriage restrictions that cut short their careers. While other scholars have emphasized flight attendants' contributions in battling sexism in the courts, this project is unique in expanding such consideration to homosexuality. Male flight attendants' status as gender pariahs in the workforce (as men performing "women's work")--combined with the fact that many of them were gay--made them objects of "homosexual panic" in the 1950s, both in legal proceedings and in various forms of extra-legal intimidation. A decade later, aspirant flight attendants were participants in some of the first cases brought by men under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act. Their victories in the courts greatly benefited the gay community, among others, which thereby enjoyed greater freedom to enter a highly visible, public-relationsoriented corporate career. As such, my project helps to recast the legal legacy of the civil rights movement as a three-pronged reform, confronting homophobia as well as racism and sexism. Beyond legal considerations, Manhood Up in the Air also examines how both labor unions and the airlines negotiated a legal environment and public sentiment that largely condoned firing homosexuals, while nonetheless accommodating gay employees. This form of accommodation existed in the 1950s, though much more precariously than in the post-Stonewall decade of the 1970s. Thus, the project records the pre-history to the current reality, in which both corporations (with airlines at the forefront) and labor unions have become core supporters of the contemporary gay rights movement.
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