Journal articles: 'Gay Rights Movement'

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Encarnación, Omar G. "Human Rights and Gay Rights." Current History 113, no. 759 (January 1, 2014): 36–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2014.113.759.36.

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HALL, SIMON. "Americanism, Un-Americanism, and the Gay Rights Movement." Journal of American Studies 47, no. 4 (September 6, 2013): 1109–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002187581300145x.

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The issue of “un-Americanism” was present at the creation of the gay rights movement. Indeed the movement emerged, at least in part, as a response to wide-ranging discriminatory policies and practices that were implemented by the federal government during the Cold War. Faced with claims that they constituted an existential threat to the United States, activists in the early gay rights movement worked hard to affirm their patriotism and appealed frequently to the nation's founding ideals of liberty and equality. At times, they also characterized those who discriminated against them as “un-American.” Fifty years later, debates about “Americanism” and “un-Americanism” have been centre stage in the battle to repeal Don't Ask, Don't Tell and to secure gay marriage rights. With conservative politicians, commentators and activists claiming that demands for gay marriage threaten the foundation of American civilization, the gay rights movement and its supporters have responded in kind. The increased willingness of gay rights activists to lay the charge of “un-American” is, at one level, a logical extension of the appeal to Americanism that has long been central to the movement's rhetorical and symbolic approach. But it also reflects both the greater empowerment of today's LGBT community compared with their McCarthy-era predecessors and the divisiveness of contemporary American political culture.

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Smith, Miriam. "Social Movements and Equality Seeking: The Case of Gay Liberation in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 31, no. 2 (June 1998): 285–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900019806.

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AbstractThis article examines the impact of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms on social movement politics in Canada using the case of the gay liberation movement. Drawing on the comparative social movement literature, the article situates equality seeking as a strategy and meaning game that legitimates new political identities and that is aimed at mobilizing a movement's constituency. The article demonstrates that equality seeking was a strategy and a meaning frame that was deployed in the lesbian and gay rights movement (exemplified by the gay liberation movement of the 1970s) prior to the entrenchment of the Charter. Thus, it concludes that some claims about the Charter's impact on social movement organizing have been exaggerated.

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Bong, Youngshik D. "The Gay Rights Movement in Democratizing Korea." Korean Studies 32, no. 1 (2008): 86–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ks.0.0013.

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McCormick, Marcia L. "The Equality Paradise: Paradoxes of the Law’s Power to Advance Equality." Texas Wesleyan Law Review 13, no. 2 (March 2007): 515–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/twlr.v13.i2.9.

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This paper will compare the history of two of the three major civil rights movements in the United States, comparing the victories and defeats, and their results. The movement for Black civil rights and for women's rights followed essentially the same pattern and used similar strategies. The gay and lesbian civil rights movement, on the other hand, followed some of the same strategies but has differed in significant ways. Where each movement has attained success and where each has failed demonstrates the limits of American legal structures to effectuate social change.

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Steuernagel, Trudy. "Contemporary Homosexual Fiction and the Gay Rights Movement." Journal of Popular Culture 20, no. 3 (December 1986): 125–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0022-3840.1986.2003_125.x.

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Simon Hall. "The American Gay Rights Movement and Patriotic Protest." Journal of the History of Sexuality 19, no. 3 (2010): 536–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sex.2010.0011.

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Lalor, Kay. "Constituting sexuality: rights, politics and power in the gay rights movement." International Journal of Human Rights 15, no. 5 (May 4, 2011): 683–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642987.2011.569334.

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Wenzel, Joshua I. "A Different Christian Witness to Society: Christian Support for Gay Rights and Liberation in Minnesota, 1977–1993." Church History 88, no. 3 (September 2019): 720–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964071900180x.

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The traditional narrative of religion and the gay rights movement in the post-1960s United States emphasizes conservative Christians and their opposition to gay rights. Few studies focus on the supportive role Christian leaders and churches played in advancing gay rights and nurturing a positive gay identity for homosexual Americans. Concentrating on the period from 1977 to 1993 and drawing largely from manuscript collections at the Minnesota Historical Society, including the Minnesota GLBT Movement papers of Leo Treadway, this study of Christianity and gay rights in the state of Minnesota demonstrates that while Christianity has often been an oppressive force on homosexuals and homosexuality, Christianity was also a liberalizing influence. Putting forth arguments derived from religious understandings, using biblical passages as “proof” texts, and showing a mutuality between the liberal theological tradition and the secular political position, the Christian community was integral to advancing gay rights and liberation in Minnesota by the early 1990s despite religious right resistance. These efforts revealed a Christianity driven to actualize the love of God here on earth and ensure human wholeness, freedom, and an authentic selfhood. Christian clergy, churches, and ordinary persons of faith thus undertook activity in three areas to ensure wholeness and freedom: political activity for civil protections; emotional, pastoral care for persons with AIDS; and as a source of self-affirmation and social comfort in the midst of an inhospitable society.

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Yang, Junqi. "How Churches Defend Homosexual Rights in the U.S. in the 1960s." Communications in Humanities Research 28, no. 1 (April 19, 2024): 193–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/28/20230292.

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It is commonly considered that churches were usually opposers to the LGBTQ+ movements. Especially in the 1960s when churches played a negative role in the Gay Liberation Movement in the United States of America. But the fact seemed not to be that simple. As a matter of fact, in cities like San Francisco, some churches had started to play an active role in defending homosexual rights and they had a positive influence on homosexual acceptance among the American people. This paper discussed how specific churches defended homosexual rights in the United States of America in the 1960s by surveying what the Glide Memorial Church did in the 1960s. Through these resources, it can be easily found that the Glide Memorial Church, as a staunch supporter of the Gay Liberation Movement, helps defend homosexual rights in multiple ways including making sermons, holding public assemblies, etc. This research may be helpful to the LGBTQ+ movements today.

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O’Dwyer, Conor. "The Benefits of Backlash: EU Accession and the Organization of LGBT Activism in Postcommunist Poland and the Czech Republic." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 32, no. 4 (April 10, 2018): 892–923. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325418762051.

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How can we explain variation in the organization of LGBT activism in postcommunist Europe, both across countries and over time? Much of the extant scholarship has analyzed the comparative politics of homosexuality in the region in terms of transnational norm diffusion occurring within the context of EU accession and integration. Thus, it emphasizes the empowerment of domestic gay rights groups either through maximizing the leverage of their external allies or through increasing their linkage with transnational advocacy networks. This paper argues that the effectiveness of these diffusion mechanisms is strongly constrained by the collective action problems faced by gay rights activists in societies with a legacy of civil society underdevelopment, such as in postcommunist Europe. We argue that hard-right backlash is a critical domestic factor that can help overcome these collective action problems, enabling gay rights activists to find resonant frames, build internal solidarity, and win allies—even when social movement resources are minimal. The research focuses on a close comparison of Poland and the Czech Republic since 1989 and draws on field interviews and original sources to process-trace the resonance of LGBT rights frames and how activism is organized. By building organizationally robust activism, postcommunist gay rights movements lay claim to full membership in the political community, exercise civil rights as LGBT citizens (not merely as private ones), and expand the sphere of “sexual citizenship.”

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Yadav, Ajay Kumar. "Social Movements, Social Problems and Social Change." Academic Voices: A Multidisciplinary Journal 5 (September 30, 2016): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/av.v5i0.15842.

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Social movement is an organized effort by a significant number of people to change (or resist change in) some major aspect or aspects of society. Sociologists have usually been concerned to study the origins of such movements, their sources of recruitment, organizational dynamics, and their impact upon society. Social movements must be distinguished from collective behavior. Social movements are purposeful and organized; collective behavior is random and chaotic. Social movements include those supporting civil rights, gay rights, trade unionism, environmentalism, and feminism. Collective behaviors include riots, fads and crazes, panics, cultic religions, rumors. This paper deals with formation of social movement, emergence of social movement, social problems and social change.Academic Voices Vol.5 2015: 1-4

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Encarnación, Omar G. "The gay rights backlash: Contrasting views from the United States and Latin America." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 22, no. 4 (September 9, 2020): 654–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148120946671.

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This essay examines the conditions that enable a ‘gay rights backlash’ through a comparison of the United States and Latin America. The United States, the cradle of the contemporary gay rights movement, is the paradigmatic example of a gay rights backlash. By contrast, Latin America, the most Catholic of regions, introduced gay rights at a faster pace than the United States without much in the way of a backlash. Collectively, this analysis demonstrates that a gay rights backlash hinges upon organisationally-rich ‘backlashers’ and an environment that is receptive to homophobic messages, a point underscored by the American experience. But the Latin American experience shows that the counter-framing to the backlash can minimise and even blunt the effects of the backlash.

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Kallen, Evelyn. "In and Out of the Homosexual Closet: Gay/Lesbian Liberation in Canada." Culture 6, no. 2 (July 8, 2021): 49–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1078736ar.

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With a substantive focus on Canada, this paper analyzes the sequential social processes involved in the movement for Gay/Lesbian liberation from a human rights perspective. In Phase One (Into the Closet), the paper examines the process of stigmatization of homosexuals whereby their minority status is socially created, institutionalized and perpetuated. In Phase Two (Out of the Closet), the paper examines the processes of destigmatization and “Coming Out” whereby a new and positive sense of collective, homosexual identity is generated. In Phase Three (Minority Liberation), the paper traces the evolution of homosexual organizations, from the early stage of self-help groups, through Gay/Lesbian Rights organizations seeking legal recognition and protection of the human rights of homosexuals, to the current movement for Gay/Lesbian Liberation seeking legitimation for the alternate lifestyles and sub-cultures of the Gay/Lesbian social collectivity.

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Marche, Guillaume. "Political memoirs and intimate confessions: Analysing four US gay liberation/gay rights militants’ memoirs." Sexualities 20, no. 8 (February 8, 2017): 959–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1363460716677036.

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The US gay liberation and gay rights movements of the 1960s and 1970s are a contested historical and sociological terrain. We analyse the narrative reconstruction of militant identities in the memoirs of four gay movement militants – Martin Duberman, Amy Hoffman, Karla Jay, Arnie Kantrowitz. The article focuses on the way authors account for the interplay between their self-discovery through sexuality and through militancy. We endeavour to fully appreciate the interaction of the personal and the social in order to gauge the degree to which confessions about sexuality take on a meaning that escapes authors’ control, or whether that meaning is a reflection of the authors’ agency. After a brief summary of how the authors tell about their sexual history, the article analyses the four authors’ distinctly different genders, generations, and political options as pertinent variables for comparison among the memoirs.

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Vuletic, Dean. "Out of the homeland: The Croatian Right and Gay Rights." Southeastern Europe 37, no. 1 (2013): 36–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-03701003.

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This article discusses how the Croatian right’s attitudes towards gay rights have been defined by nationalism and Europeanism. It focusses on the Croatian Democratic Union (Hrvatska demokratska zajednica, HDZ), which has dominated Croatian politics since it was first elected to government in 1990. It led Croatia to independence from Yugoslavia in 1991 and through the homeland War from 1991 to 1995, and it also started and finished Croatia’s negotiations for accession to the European Union from 2005 to 2011. The HDZ government did not actively address gay rights in Croatia in the 1990s, especially since it espoused a heteronationalism influenced by Roman Catholic teachings. Homosexuality was usually mentioned by HDZ officials only in negative terms, such as when allegations of it were used to discredit critics or opponents. Although the HDZ government had sought to integrate Croatia with Western Europe, it was isolated by the West in the late 1990s because of its authoritarian and nationalist tendencies. However, after its electoral defeat in 2000, the HDZ transformed itself into a more moderate right-wing party, and it returned to government in 2003. Subsequently, it had to actively address gay rights, as these had become a prominent political issue under the previous government and with the rise of a local gay movement. As the HDZ government placed EU accession at the centre of its programme, it also came under pressure from the EU to adopt anti-discrimination laws to protect sexual minorities. However, the HDZ continues to oppose the expansion of gay rights in debates on same-sex marriage or adoption rights for same-sex couples, which are not required for admission into the EU, and it continues to do this with references to traditional Croatian and Catholic values.

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Calhoun, Craig. "“New Social Movements” of the Early Nineteenth Century." Social Science History 17, no. 3 (1993): 385–427. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200018642.

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Sometime After 1968, analysts and participants began to speak of “new social movements” that worked outside formal institutional channels and emphasized lifestyle, ethical, or “identity” concerns rather than narrowly economic goals. A variety of examples informed the conceptualization. Alberto Melucci (1988: 247), for instance, cited feminism, the ecology movement or “greens,” the peace movement, and the youth movement. Others added the gay movement, the animal rights movement, and the antiabortion and prochoice movements. These movements were allegedly new in issues, tactics, and constituencies. Above all, they were new by contrast to the labor movement, which was the paradigmatic “old” social movement, and to Marxism and socialism, which asserted that class was the central issue in politics and that a single political economic transformation would solve the whole range of social ills. They were new even by comparison with conventional liberalism with its assumption of fixed individual identities and interests. The new social movements thus challenged the conventional division of politics into left and right and broadened the definition of politics to include issues that had been considered outside the domain of political action (Scott 1990).

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Broad, K. L. "RE-STORYING BELOVED COMMUNITY: INTERSECTIONAL SOCIAL MOVEMENT STORYTELLING OF ANTIRACIST GAY LIBERATION*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 25, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 513–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-25-4-513.

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This article details intersectional social movement storytelling produced by a racially mixed group of gay men in the 1980s to articulate, and insist upon, antiracist gay liberation. Based on a larger project of narrative ethnography of the organization Black and White Men Together (BWMT), I describe how BWMT drew upon the movement story of an ideal community from the civil rights movement (Beloved Community) and re-storied it to confront a narrow gay movement and reassert an anti-racist gay liberation critique. I trace how they did so via storytelling strategies using (1) “salience work” and (2) what I call “both/and work”— interpretive processes operating to shift the symbolic code of integration and the emotional code of love to be relevant in the complex political context of the 1980s. I conclude by reiterating how these strategies are bound to their times and assert the potential of social movement storytelling for intersectional scholarship.

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Mello, Joseph. "Reluctant Radicals: How Moderates Shape Movements for Social Change." Law & Social Inquiry 41, no. 03 (2016): 720–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12214.

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This essay reviews three books within the southern history literature on the white moderate's response to the civil rights movement; Kevin Kruse's White Flight: Atlanta and the Making of Modern Conservatism (2005), Matthew Lassiter's The Silent Majority: Suburban Politics in the Sunbelt South (2006), and Jason Sokol's There Goes My Everything: White Southerners in the Age of Civil Rights, 1945–1975 (2006). I examine how white moderates impacted the struggle for African American civil rights, and explore how this dynamic can help us understand the trajectory of the current debate over gay rights in the United States. I argue that while the US public ultimately came to support equal rights for African Americans, and has grown more tolerant of gay rights recently, they have been willing to do so only when these rights claims are framed as benefiting “deserving” segments of these populations. This shows that rights are, to some extent, contingent resources, available primarily to those citizens who fit certain ideal types, and suggests that those individuals who are unwilling (or unable) to live up to this ideal may ultimately fail to benefit from these movements.

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Wyman, Hastings. "Gay Liberation Comes to Dixie—Slowly." American Review of Politics 23 (July 1, 2002): 167–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2002.23.0.167-192.

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This article examines a little studied aspect of southern politics: the emergence of gay rights activists as players in mainstream southern politics. The article examines state-by-state electoral successes of openly-gay candidates throughout the South as well as the impact of gay rights activists on public policy (at both the local and state level), hate crimes legislation, employment rights, higher education, and private business. The movement of homosexuals from the shadows of society to open participation in public life has been a major national trend during the past three decades, and the South has not been in the forefront of this development. However, significant evidence suggests that, as Dixie has accommodated to other social changes, it is adapting to gay liberation-albeit more slowly than the rest of the nation.

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Roberts, Simon, and Maija Sakslin. "Some are more equal than others: the impact of discrimination in social security on the right of same-sex partners to free movement in the European Union." Benefits: A Journal of Poverty and Social Justice 17, no. 3 (October 2009): 249–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.51952/rwkw9327.

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Although non-discrimination and the free movement of persons are fundamental principles of the European Union (EU), discrimination against same-sex partners in many EU member countries presents serious barriers to free movement. In many member countries, lesbian, gay, bisexual and transsexual (LGBT) people experience discrimination in all aspects of their lives, including civil status and social security. The interface of a plethora of civil statuses and benefit entitlement conditions means that same-sex partners exercising their right of free movement under the Treaty of Rome may find their status and entitlements changing as they move between different ‘rights regimes’, to the detriment of their social security coverage. The proposed new EU Directive on equal treatment may not prevent this discrimination although, if the Lisbon Treaty is ratified, the Charter of Fundamental Rights may provide a route and an opportunity to do so.

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Taylor, Jami K., Barry L. Tadlock, and Sarah Poggione. "State LGBT Rights Policy Outliers: Transsexual Birth Certificate Amendment Laws." American Review of Politics 34 (November 1, 2013): 245–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-779x.2014.34.0.245-270.

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This paper explores an anomaly in gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) rights policy, laws allowing transsexual individuals to amend their birth certificates. Unlike most other LGBT rights policies, these statutes are often found in Southern and other conservative states. In fact, these laws are found in half of the Southern states. The array of states with these laws does not conform to the traditional pattern of morality politics laws that is commonly associated with LGBT rights. Using a Cox non-proportional hazards model, we find that the adoption of these laws was influenced by vertical diffusion of the Centers for Disease Control's model vital records recommendations. States with more professionalized bureaucracies, like Virginia and Georgia, were more likely to implement these recommended best practices. However, as transgender rights became more closely associated with the gay rights advocacy movement, this issue likely resembles morality policy. The result being that liberal and conservative elites respond to these policies in predictable manners. Notably, the political opportunity structure in Southern states has not allowed the passage of this type of statute since the incorporation of transgender rights into the LGBT social movement during the mid-1990s.

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Johnston, Lon. "Conquering Heterosexism: The Gay and Lesbian Challenge to Social Work Education." Journal of Baccalaureate Social Work 8, no. 1 (September 1, 2002): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.18084/1084-7219.8.1.1.

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At the beginning of the 21st century, it appears some social work educators are ambivalent about teaching gay and lesbian issues. At times, educators have been supportive of efforts by gay and lesbian people to fight heterosexism. However, social work education's overall record as advocates for gay and lesbian rights can be characterized as erratic. This article is a call for social work education to acknowledge its institutional heterosexism, to return to its roots of advocacy for all disenfranchised and oppressed people, and to take an unequivocal stand in support of gay and lesbian civil rights. This article also challenges individual educators to acknowledge their own personal heterosexism and to implement the profession's historical commitment to social justice for gay men and lesbians. Specific actions that social work educators can take to support the movement of gay men and lesbians toward equality are described.

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Hunt, Stephen. "‘Saints and Sinners: The Role of Conservative Christian Pressure Groups in the Christian Gay Debate in the UK’." Sociological Research Online 8, no. 4 (November 2003): 176–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.854.

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This paper considers the conservative evangelical response to the Gay Christian Movement in the UK. Increasingly the conservative constituency has been forced to reply to the propaganda and highly vociferous Christian gay lobby that has appealed to both church and secular agencies with the language of ‘Rights’. This paper identifies and outlines the strategies undertaken by conservative Christianity anti-gay groups and speculates as to their level of current and future success.

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Rainey, Sarah Smith. "In Sickness and in Health: Cripping and Queering Marriage Equality." Hypatia 32, no. 2 (2017): 230–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hypa.12328.

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On the heels of the groundbreaking Obergefell v. Hodges ruling legalizing same‐sex marriage in the United States, the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) movement for marriage equality has received unprecedented coverage. Few people, however, have heard of the marriage equality movement for people with disabilities (PWD). In order to understand the lack of coalition between the two movements, as well as the invisibility of the PWD marriage equality movement, I provide a conceptual analysis of both marriage movement discourses. Drawing on Cathy Cohen's work on secondary marginalization in the black community, I argue that both LGBT folks and PWD actively obscure the most needy, most dependent, and most queer members of their respective communities to gain sympathy and support from a (perceived) independent, heteronormative majority. However, bringing the two movements into dialogue can help us rethink intimate relationships, marriage, and who counts as a citizen worthy of rights.

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Robinson, Shirleene. "Homophobia as Party Politics: The Construction of the ‘Homosexual Deviant’ in Joh Bjelke-Petersen's Queensland." Queensland Review 17, no. 1 (January 2010): 29–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600005249.

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In 1987, years of frustration with Queensland's sexually repressive culture compelled a homosexual man named Cliff Williams to write to the national gay magazine OutRage. Williams outlined a number of the difficulties he faced being gay in Queensland and ended his letter with the exclamation, ‘To hell with homophobic Queensland!’ This exclamation captures many of the tensions in Queensland in the 1970s and 1980s. While these decades were a time of immense political change for gay and lesbian Australians, Queensland's political culture was particularly resistant to the gay and lesbian rights movement.

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Alwood, Edward. "The Role of Public Relations in the Gay Rights Movement, 1950–1969." Journalism History 41, no. 1 (April 2015): 11–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00947679.2015.12059117.

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Nolan, Ann. "The Gay Community Response to the Emergence of AIDS in Ireland: Activism, Covert Policy, and the Significance of an “Invisible Minority”." Journal of Policy History 30, no. 1 (December 19, 2017): 105–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030617000409.

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Abstract:The first response to AIDS in Ireland emerged from within a radical, socialist, and predominantly nationalist wing of the gay rights movement in 1985. At a time when homosexual acts were criminalized, the Irish state operated a policy of protracted nonengagement with Gay Health Action, while covertly supporting selected health-promotion activities. As international momentum unified around a response to the AIDS crisis characterized by value-neutral public health principles, the Irish State, and particularly the statutory health sector, was compelled to balance the views of a conservative voting majority at home with the liberal consensus that was defining the response internationally. AIDS was a catalyst for change throughout the world and Gay Health Action was at the forefront of that transformative movement in Ireland. At the outbreak of AIDS, the gay community was an “invisible minority” that by 1990 had pushed the boundaries of sexual health discourse to herald a more liberal age.

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Vance, Laura L. "Converging on the Heterosexual Dyad: Changing Mormon and Adventist Sexual Norms and Implications for Gay and Lesbian Adherents." Nova Religio 11, no. 4 (May 1, 2008): 56–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2008.11.4.56.

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Nineteenth-century sexual ideals in Mormonism and Seventh-day Adventism differed: Adventism proscribed sexual expression, even in marriage, and Latter-day Saints encouraged marriage and sexual expression in addition to that sanctioned by the wider society, especially in polygamy. Nonetheless, each movement justified sexual norms by asserting that sexual expression lessened vital force, or physical well-being. In the face of changing societal sexual and gender norms——especially resulting from the sexual revolution, the modern feminist movement, and the gay rights movement——Adventism's and Mormonism's definitions of appropriate sexual expression converged to promote sex in heterosexual marriage. Concomitantly, homosexuality was explicitly and publicly defined as sinful and antithetical to, even threatening, heterosexual marriage and family. This paper explores the convergence of sexual ideals in Mormonism and Adventism, with attention to explicit proscription of homosexuality, responses to homosexuality and homosexuals in each movement, and implications of these for gay and lesbian adherents.

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Beer, Caroline, and Victor D. Cruz-Aceves. "Extending Rights to Marginalized Minorities: Same-Sex Relationship Recognition in Mexico and the United States." State Politics & Policy Quarterly 18, no. 1 (January 17, 2018): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532440017751421.

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What explains the extension of greater rights to traditionally marginalized minorities? This article compares the extension of legal equality to lebian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) people in Mexico and the United States with a focus on the legal recognition of same-sex relationships. A national-level comparison of gay rights in Mexico and the United States presents a theoretical puzzle: most theories predict that the United States would have more egalitarian policies than Mexico, but in fact, Mexico has provided greater legal equality for LGBT people for a longer time than the United States. A subnational analysis of equal relationship rights in the United States and Mexico provides evidence to support social movement and partisan theories of minority rights. We find that religion plays a different role in Mexico than in the United States. The different findings at the national and subnational levels suggest the importance of subnational comparative analysis in heterogeneous federal systems.

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Janion, Ludmiła. "The rise and fall of the progressive drag queen: Westernization of cross-dressing in 1990s Poland." Sexualities 23, no. 7 (January 3, 2020): 1179–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1363460719888438.

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The article studies the meanings of drag in the Polish media in the period 1989–2002. A textual analysis of mainstream as well as gay and lesbian media texts on drag queens was conducted to examine strategies that explained and legitimated drag in the context of the westernization of Polish culture, the socioeconomic changes of the 1990s, and the politics of respectability of the early Polish gay rights movement. The article shows that drag lacked the western political meanings that focused on gender performativity and gay rights; instead, it assumed connotations specific to the time and place. Drag queens turned out to embody the socioeconomic changes and widely shared class and geopolitical aspirations related to the 1990s westernization of Poland, but they also attested to the persisting distance between Poland and the imagined West. The article calls for critical attention when applying western theoretical concepts to the East.

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Burack, Cynthia. "Compassion Campaigns and Antigay Politics: What Would Arendt Do?" Politics and Religion 2, no. 1 (January 27, 2009): 31–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048309000029.

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AbstractCompassionate conservatism is usually dismissed on the American political left as an empty slogan intended to mystify the real roots and aspirations of conservative politics. However, conservative Christian organizations and churches now conduct well-coordinated compassion campaigns on contested social issues such as sexual and reproductive rights. Through compassion campaigns, the Christian right also disseminates particular forms of political pedagogy regarding sexuality and compassion for followers who are subject to the movement's influence. Here, I turn to Hannah Arendt to analyze the politics of compassion at work in the ex-gay movement and in antiabortion projects such as Silent No More. This article presents evidence for a turn to compassionate pedagogies on the Christian right, analyzes these projects, and suggests ways that Arendt's political thought can inform our readings of conservative Christian compassionate discourse and political practices.

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Towler, Christopher C., and Christopher S. Parker. "Between Anger and Engagement: Donald Trump and Black America." Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics 3, no. 1 (February 27, 2018): 219–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rep.2017.38.

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AbstractHistory suggests that social movements for change are often met with powerful counter-movements. Relying upon movement counter-movement dynamics, this paper examines whether or not contemporary reactionary conservatism—in this case Donald Trump's candidacy in 2016, offers an opportunity for African-American mobilization. Today, the reactionary right presents a threat to racial progress and the black community as it has grown from direct opposition to the election of President Obama, immigration reform, and gay and lesbian rights. With conditions ripe for a movement in response to the right, we examine the mobilizing effect on African-Americans of the threatening political context symbolized by Donald Trump. If African-Americans are to retain political relevance beyond the Obama era, then black turnout will need to reach rates similar to the historic 2008 election. Using the 2016 Black Voter Project (BVP) Pilot Study, we explore African-American political engagement in the 2016 election, a time void of President Obama as a mobilizing figure. We find that African-Americans who hold strong negative opinions of Trump in 2016 voted at rates similar to the historical turnout of 2008, offering a possible strategy to mobilize blacks beyond Obama's presidency. Moreover, the threat that Trump represents significantly drives blacks to engage in politics beyond voting even after accounting for alternative explanations. In the end, Trump and the reactionary movement behind him offers a powerful mobilizing force for an African-American population that can no longer look toward the top of the Presidential ticket for inspiration.

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Rosenfeld, Michael J. "Moving a Mountain: The Extraordinary Trajectory of Same-Sex Marriage Approval in the United States." Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World 3 (January 1, 2017): 237802311772765. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2378023117727658.

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Most public opinion attitudes in the United States are reasonably stable over time. Using data from the General Social Survey and the American National Election Studies, I quantify typical change rates across all attitudes. I quantify the extent to which change in same-sex marriage approval (and liberalization in attitudes toward gay rights in general) are among a small set of rapid changing outliers in surveyed public opinions. No measured public opinion attitude in the United States has changed more and more quickly than same-sex marriage. I use survey data from Newsweek to illustrate the rapid increase in the 1980s and 1990s in Americans who had friends or family who they knew to be gay or lesbian and demonstrate how contact with out-of-the-closet gays and lesbians was influential. I discuss several potential historical and social movement theory explanations for the rapid liberalization of attitudes toward gay rights in the United States, including the surprising influence of Bill Clinton’s 1992 presidential campaign.

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Ramey, Jessie B., and Catherine A. Evans. "“We Came Together and We Fought”." Radical History Review 2024, no. 148 (January 1, 2024): 181–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-10846922.

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Abstract For over sixty years Kipp Dawson has built coalitions on the front lines of the civil rights movement, Vietnam antiwar movement, women’s movement, gay liberation movement, labor movement, and education justice movement, confronting state-sponsored violence and challenging systems of active harm and death. Her astonishing career—and marginalized identities as a lesbian, Jewish, working-class woman from a multiracial family—demonstrates the radical power of ordinary people engaged in collective, transformative action. In this visual essay, the authors share material from two new archival collections spanning the remarkable breadth and depth of Dawson’s intersectional feminist activism. They suggest rethinking movement leadership as women’s radical collaboration and demonstrate its role in organizing both resistance to state violence and alternative visions for the nation.

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Fleischmann, Arnold, and Jason Hardman. "Hitting below the Bible Belt: The Development of the Gay Rights Movement in Atlanta." Journal of Urban Affairs 26, no. 4 (October 2004): 407–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0735-2166.2004.00208.x.

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Dixon, Marc, Melinda Kane, and Joseph DiGrazia. "Organization, Opportunity, and the Shifting Politics of Employment Discrimination." Social Currents 4, no. 2 (August 20, 2016): 111–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2329496516663222.

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Despite the major breakthrough for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) activists on marriage equality, the fight against employment discrimination remains elusive. Whether one is protected from discrimination in employment on the basis of sexual orientation or gender identity depends on where one lives and is contingent on a patchwork of state and local policies. In this article, we investigate the adoption of state nondiscrimination laws that are inclusive of sexual orientation between 1980 and 2009. Findings from our event history analysis of policy adoption contribute to the study of social movements and LGBT politics in three ways. First, and consistent with social movement theory, we find countermovement opposition to gay rights as well as pro-LGBT political opportunities to be critical. Second, we find organization and opportunity to fluctuate in importance over time, underscoring the need for historically informed analyses that seriously consider when key actors should matter for social movement outcomes. Third, we produce new state-level estimates of public opinion of nondiscrimination laws. We show that while very high levels of public support are common for states that adopt nondiscrimination laws, they are not enough on their own, particularly in the face of opposition.

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Magpantay, Glenn. "The Future of the LGBTQ: Asian American and Pacific Islander Community in 2040." AAPI Nexus Journal: Policy, Practice, and Community 14, no. 2 (2016): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.36650/nexus14.2_33-48_magpantay.

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This article reviews the implications of the Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) population growth over the next twenty-five years on the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) AAPI community. After reviewing some initial considerations of the census data and the history of the LGBTQ rights movement, it then details possible changes in substantive rights and protections for LGBTQ AAPI people in the areas of immigration, nondiscrimination laws, and family-building policies. It discusses anticipated changes in AAPI attitudes toward LGBTQ people and the impact on LGBTQ AAPI community infrastructure.

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Ardila, Ruben. "History of LGBT issues and psychology in Colombia." Psychology of Sexualities Review 6, no. 1 (2015): 74–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.53841/bpssex.2015.6.1.74.

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This article presents the development of the rights movement for the LGBT population in Colombia within the international context. As part of the Latin-American tradition and Spanish heritage, the behaviour and attitude towards sexuality in general and towards homosexuality in particular, were very conservative in the country. The beginning of the gay liberation movement in Colombia is presented, along with its historical, psychological and legal aspects, the ideas of homosexuality as a sin, as a criminal offence, as a mental disease, or as an alternative lifestyle. Described are the developments of what is referred to as sexual rights, as human rights, marriage equality, the adoption of children by same-sex couples, homo-parental families, the topics of health, identity, the psychological health of LGBT people, and the attitudes of the Colombian society in relation to these aspects. The roles of psychology as a discipline and the professional psychology associations are shown in a historical perspective.

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Ardila, Ruben. "History of LGBT issues and psychology in Colombia." Lesbian & Gay Psychology Review 6, no. 1 (March 2005): 74–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.53841/bpslg.2015.6.1.74.

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This article presents the development of the rights movement for the LGBT population in Colombia within the international context. As part of the Latin-American tradition and Spanish heritage, the behaviour and attitude towards sexuality in general and towards homosexuality in particular, were very conservative in the country. The beginning of the gay liberation movement in Colombia is presented, along with its historical, psychological and legal aspects, the ideas of homosexuality as a sin, as a criminal offence, as a mental disease, or as an alternative lifestyle. Described are the developments of what is referred to as sexual rights, as human rights, marriage equality, the adoption of children by same-sex couples, homo-parental families, the topics of health, identity, the psychological health of LGBT people, and the attitudes of the Colombian society in relation to these aspects. The roles of psychology as a discipline and the professional psychology associations are shown in a historical perspective.

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Hubach, Randolph D. "A Review of “Pre-Gay LA: A Social History of the Movement for Homosexual Rights”." Journal of Sex & Marital Therapy 38, no. 3 (May 2012): 303–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0092623x.2012.667346.

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Arévalo, Amaral Palevi Gómez. "Del orgullo gay a la Diversidad Sexual." Diálogos Latinoamericanos 17, no. 25 (December 25, 2016): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dl.v17i25.112905.

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This paper aims to analyze the process of organization of gay, lesbian,bisexual transvestite, transsexual, transgender and intersex identities (LGBTI)in San Salvador between 1992 and 2015. We identified four moments of thisprocess: 1) The “Gay Pride” represents the initial moment of organization inthe post-war period; 2) The “LGBTI” as result of the consolidation ofidentities; 3) The emergence of “Sexual Diversity” as a political player; and4) “Making a difference without being different” that represents restrictedsocial recognition. We used the concepts of sexual politics and symbolicactions for the analysis of each proposed historic moment. In conclusion, theLGBTI movement has promoted social questioning the binary patterns ofsexuality as well as the gender essentialism, through symbolic actions. Thesexual politics has focused on promoting the human rights of the LGBTpopulation.

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Teves, Stephanie Nohelani. "A Critical Reading of Aloha and Visual Sovereignty in Ke Kulana He Māhū." International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies 7, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcis.v7i1.119.

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Native Studies and Queer Studies have begun creating linkages that interrogate the normalization of heterosexuality within Native communities and the ways that settler colonialism has been unquestioned in Queer Studies scholarship. This article adds to this body of scholarship by performing a critical re-reading of the film, Ke Kulana He Māhū (2001), a film about the history of sexuality in Hawaiʻi and the role of māhūs in modern day Hawaiian culture. The film engages the struggles for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) rights in Hawaiʻi throughout the 1990s, but, curiously, it obscures the Hawaiian sovereignty movement that was happening simultaneously. Against this backdrop, I examine the rhetorical performance of aloha in the film and the dangers of harnessing Hawaiian culture to support the recognition of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) rights. This article also examines how the film participates in visual sovereignty to foreground Kanaka Maoli commitments to cultural identity, community and belonging.

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COLBROOK, STEPHEN. "Clandestine Networks and Closeted Bureaucrats: AIDS and the Forming of a Gay Policy Network in California." Journal of Policy History 34, no. 1 (January 2022): 60–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030621000269.

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AbstractEquating the U.S. government with the national government, historians of the AIDS epidemic have hitherto ignored the role of the states in shaping the early policy response to the disease. Responding to this historiographical lacuna, this article argues that California acted as a policy innovator during the initial years of the epidemic, intervening more effectively than the federal government in the areas of AIDS health care, antibody testing, and prevention education. California’s policy leadership drew significant impetus from a group of gay policy makers, who entered state employment in the early 1980s and relied extensively on clandestine and illicit strategies, particularly a network of “closeted” bureaucrats. Charting the career arcs of these gay policy makers shines a spotlight on the organizational growth of state LGBTQ groups in the 1980s and the evolving role of the “closet” in the modern gay rights movement.

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Saleh, Gunawan, and Muhammad Arif. "FENOMENOLOGI SOSIAL LGBT DALAM PARADIGMA AGAMA." Jurnal Riset Komunikasi 1, no. 1 (February 28, 2018): 88–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.24329/jurkom.v1i1.16.

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The LGBT movement began in Western societies. The forerunner to the birth of this movement was the formation of the Gay Liberation Front (GLF) in London in 1970. The movement was inspired by previous liberation movement in the United States in 1969 which took place at the Stonewall. LGBT campaign focuses on the efforts of awareness to the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender people and the general public that their behavior is not an aberration so they deserve the sexual rights as everyone else. Theological issues during this indeed become an important point in the debate over homosexuality and LGBT in General. This research aims to know the LGBT within the paradigm of religion and social impact through social phenomenology study with a qualitative approach. This approach is considered able to reveal in depth. From the results of this research, it can be concluded that all religions (Islam, Christianity, Hinduism, and Buddhism) looked at LGBT is sexual behavior which is deviant and unacceptable by all existing religions, especially in Indonesia. It is also a social impact with an LGBT sexual behavior as a distorted structure will impact the community. Then it will also be damaging to the process of regeneration and descent so that the impact on the quality of human resources in the future.

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George, Marie-Amélie. "Complicating Conformity." Law and History Review 40, no. 4 (November 2022): 819–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248022000670.

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In the fall of 1989, the queer community became embroiled in a fierce debate over whether to press for marriage rights. Two attorneys from Lambda Legal, a leading gay and lesbian rights organization, set out the competing considerations in the pages of Out/Look, a community magazine. Tom Stoddard, the then-executive director, argued that the movement should prioritize marriage rights because that strategy provided the surest path to equality. Paula Ettelbrick, Lambda's Legal Director, disagreed. She conceded that marriage provided “the ultimate form of acceptance” and “an insider status of the most powerful kind.” That fact, however, was the problem. Gays and lesbians, she argued, should not be focused on assimilating to the mainstream, but rather should pursue justice for those who were different.

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Wiesner-Hanks, Merry E. "Crossing borders in transnational gender history." Journal of Global History 6, no. 3 (October 17, 2011): 357–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022811000374.

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AbstractTransnational history and the history of gender and sexuality have both been concerned with the issue of borders and their crossing, but the two fields themselves have not intersected much in the past. This is beginning to change, and this article surveys recent scholarship that draws on both fields, highlighting work in six areas: movements for women’s and gay rights; diverse understandings of sexuality and gender; colonialism and imperialism; intermarriage; national identity and citizenship; and migration. This new research suggests ways in which the subject matter, theory, and methodology in transnational history and the history of gender and sexuality can interconnect: in the two fields’ mutual emphasis on intertwinings, relationships, movement, and hybridity; their interdisciplinarity and stress on multiple perspectives; and their calls for destabilization of binaries.

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Epprecht, Marc. "“What an Abomination, a Rottenness of Culture”: Reflections upon the Gay Rights Movement in Southern Africa." Canadian Journal of Development Studies / Revue canadienne d'études du développement 22, no. 4 (January 2001): 1089–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02255189.2001.9669955.

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Lovell, Julia. "The Cultural Revolution and Its Legacies in International Perspective." China Quarterly 227 (September 2016): 632–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741016000722.

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AbstractThis article explores the rhetoric and reality of the Cultural Revolution as an international phenomenon, examining (through published and oral histories) the ways in which it was perceived and interpreted beyond China. It focuses in particular on the diverse impact of Maoist ideas and practice on the counterculture movement of Western Europe and North America during the late 1960s and 1970s. Within Europe, Cultural Revolution Maoism galvanized Dadaist student protest, nurtured feminist and gay rights activism, and legitimized urban guerrilla terrorism. In the United States, meanwhile, it bolstered a broad programme of anti-racist civil rights campaigns and narrow Marxist-Leninist party-building. Despite Mao's hopes to launch a global permanent revolution, it appears that, over the long term, enthusiasm for the Cultural Revolution in Western Europe, the United States and parts of South-East Asia helped to splinter the radical left and assisted the right in consolidating its power throughout the 1980s and beyond.

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Ferreira, Breno de Oliveira, and Marcos Nascimento. "Construction of LGBT health policies in Brazil: a historical perspective and contemporary challenges." Ciência & Saúde Coletiva 27, no. 10 (October 2022): 3825–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1413-812320222710.06422022en.

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Abstract This essay presents a timeline of the construction of health policies for lesbians, gays, bisexuals, transvestites and transsexuals (LGBT) in Brazil drawing on the concepts of sexual politics. Beginning with the creation of the Unified Health System, we outline the first health care policies developed in response to the AIDS epidemic in the 1990s. We then go on to show how, the fruit of dialogue between the government and the gay rights movement, LGBT health became the object of public policies focusing on human rights, comprehensive care, and strengthening the citizenship for people who deviate from hetero-cis-normativity. Against the backdrop of the rising tide of conservatism and dismantling of progress on LGBT rights, we highlight current challenges for achieving comprehensive health care that takes into account sexual and gender diversity.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Gay Rights Movement'

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