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Journal articles on the topic 'Ge’ez'

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1

Teklehaymanot, Yemane,, and Melese, Beshah. "Semitic Words Found in Tigrigna but not in Ge’ez." International Journal of Linguistics 9, no. 1 (February 28, 2017): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijl.v9i1.10869.

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This paper deals with Semitic words which are found in Tigrigna Language but not in Ge’ez. The result shows that there are indeed some such words, including basic vocabulary, but not many. This provides a lexical perspective on the question of how close Ge’ez was to proto-Ethiopic: very close, but not identical.
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2

Haile, Gezae. "The Limits of Traditional Methods of Preserving Ethiopian Ge’ez Manuscripts." Libri 68, no. 1 (March 26, 2018): 33–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/libri-2017-0004.

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Abstract The aim of the article is to identify the limits of traditional methods of preserving ancient parchment Ge’ez manuscripts found in churches and monasteries of Tigray, Ethiopia. The researcher used interview and observation methods to gather relevant data in regard to manuscript preservation practices in churches and monasteries of Tigray, Ethiopia. General Collection Condition Survey (GCCS) and an Item-by-Item Survey were also employed to assess the physical and preservation status of ancient Ge’ez manuscripts, while survey checklist was used to document preservation condition assessments. It was generally viewed that churches and monasteries in Tigray have been playing a pivotal role in the production as well as preservation of ancient Ge’ez parchment manuscripts, however, the assessment result shows most of the traditional techniques employed by these institutions to preserve manuscripts are neither functional nor strong enough to withstand the ever-growing human and natural impacts on these priceless artefacts. Therefore, the paper concludes that in view of the relevance of Ge’ez manuscripts for the Ethiopian people, as well as the poor state of affairs with regard to the preservation and availability of these manuscripts, a new approach that ensures long-term preservation and guarantees their availability for current and future generations should be designed. As a way forward, it is deemed necessary to accomplish in situ conservation and digitization works through scientific procedures and make the digital document available to the wider public using digital library technology. This new approach will enable us to rescue the vanishing literary heritage and unlock the local knowledge contained in those ancient Ge’ez manuscripts through systematic and scientific study as well as to ensure long term preservation.
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3

., Achamie Aynalem. "HANDWRITTEN GE’EZ CHARACTER RECOGNITION USING ARTIFICIAL NEURAL NETWORK." International Journal of Research in Engineering and Technology 07, no. 07 (July 25, 2018): 121–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.15623/ijret.2018.0707014.

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4

Blid, Jesper, Fr Maximous El-Antony, Hugo Lundhaug, Jason Zaborowski, Meira Polliack, Mengistu Gobezie Worku, and Samuel Rubenson. "Excavations at the Monastery of St Antony at the Read Sea." Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 9 (November 2016): 133–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-09-07.

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This paper discusses the results from recent archaeological investigations at the Monastery of St Antony in Egypt, including the remains of a number of building phases predating the current church, locally produced pottery, and manuscript fragments written in Coptic, Arabic, Hebrew, and Ge’ez.
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5

Krawczuk, Marcin. "The image of Muslims and Islam in Christian Ethiopic hagiographies written in Gə‘əz." STUDIES IN AFRICAN LANGUAGES AND CULTURES, no. 53 (December 15, 2019): 91–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.32690/salc53.5.

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The purpose of the article is to reconstruct the image of Muslims and Islam in the Ethiopic hagiographical texts written in the Ethiopic (Gə‘əz) language. On the basis of ca. 20 texts (both edited and remaining in manuscripts) the author surveys how various themes related to Muslims and Islam are present in this genre of Ethiopic literature and what literary purpose they serve. These themes include: economic activities of Muslims, comparing them to Biblical figures, their conversion to Christianity or associating them with the satanic forces. Additionally, the article offers a comprehensive overview of the Ge’ez terms which are used in reference to the adherents of the Muslim faith.
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6

Gusarova, Ekaterina V. "The St. Sisynnios Ethiopian Legend Revisited." Scrinium 15, no. 1 (July 16, 2019): 340–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-00151p23.

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Abstract The St. Sisynnios legend is an integral part of both Christian and popular Ethiopian historical traditions. It is known to exist in the Ge’ez language and constitutes a part of the compilation corpus based upon the so called magic or protective scrolls. There are two versions of the vita of St. Sisynnios. The shorter one is found in the Synaxarion, whereas the longer one is included in a corpus of hagiographical compilations “The Lives of the Martyrs”. The text of the legend comprises various stories based on real facts from the Saint’s life. However only some of them have been preserved intact; others have been re-told. Until recently have been discovered only three redactions of the vita. A new redaction recently discovered by the author of this article is of a paramount importance since it changes our view on how this legend did exist indeed in the Ethiopian cultural tradition.
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7

Zarzeczny, Rafał. "Euzebiusz z Heraklei i jego "Homilia efeska" (CPG 6143) z etiopskiej antologii patrystycznej Qerellos." Vox Patrum 57 (June 15, 2012): 807–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4175.

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Classical oriental literatures, especially in Syriac, Arabic and Coptic lan­guages, constitute extraordinary treasury for patristic studies. Apart from the texts written originally in their ecclesiastical ambient, the oriental ancient manuscripts include many documents completely disappeared or preserved in their Greek and Latin originals in defective form only. The same refers to the Ethiopian Christian literature. In this context so-called Qerəllos anthology occupies a particular place as one of the most important patristic writings. It contains Christological treaties and homilies by Cyril of Alexandria and other documents, essentially of the anti-nestorian and monophysite character, in the context of the Council of Ephesus (431). The core of the anthology was compiled in Alexandria and translated into Ge’ez language directly from Greek during the Aksumite period (V-VII century). Ethiopic homily by Eusebius of Heraclea (CPG 6143) is unique preserved ver­sion of this document, and also unique noted text of the bishop from V century. Besides the introduction to the Early Christian patristic literature and especially to the Qerəllos anthology, this paper offers a Polish translation of the Eusebius’s Homily with relative commentary.
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8

Ayenachew, Deresse. "The Southern Interests of the Royal Court of Ethiopia in the Light of Bərbər Maryam’s Ge’ez and Amharic Manuscripts." Northeast African Studies 11, no. 2 (2011): 43–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nas.2011.0007.

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9

Woźniak, Jerzy. "Josef Tropper, Altäthiopisch. Grammatik des Ge’ez mit Übungstexten und Glossar, Elementa Linguarum Orientis 2, Münster 2002, Ugarit Verlag, ss. 309." Vox Patrum 42 (January 15, 2003): 629–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.7195.

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10

Gusarova, Ekaterina V. "The Legend of St. Sisynnios in Ethiopian Charms: Interconnection with His Life." Acta Ethnographica Hungarica 64, no. 2 (December 2019): 321–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/022.2019.64.2.4.

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AbstractThe legend of St. Sisynnios has been widespread in both Christian and popular Ethiopian tradition up to the present time. It exists in the form of written texts in the Ge’ez language, inserted in so-called magic scrolls among other closely connected texts of both magical and religious character. These scrolls have a protective function, and St. Sisynnios is venerated by the Ethiopian Church. There are two versions of his life. The shorter one comprises part of the Synaxarion whilethe longer one is included in a corpus of hagiographical compilations entitled “The Lives of the Martyrs”. Both of these were translated from the Arabic prototype, borrowed from the mother Coptic Church of Alexandria. There is a notable interconnection between the legend in the amulets and the religious texts. It is unknown whether the text of the legend once existed in form of verbal charm or not. In any case, different elements of the saint’s life passed to the legend. Some have remained unchanged while others have undergone transformations or lost some elements. It is important to study different elements of the legend using the examples conserved in the available manuscript scrolls. Analysis of these interconnections and the evolution of the text constitutes the basis of the present research.
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11

Vatvedt Fjeld, Ruth E., Elsa Kristiansen, Marianne Rathje, Veturlidi Oskarsson, Natalia Konstaninovskaia, Inayat Gill, and Fekede Menuta. "The worldwide use and meaning of the f-word." Intercultural Pragmatics 16, no. 1 (March 5, 2019): 85–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ip-2019-0004.

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Abstract This article documents the increasing use of the English curse word fuck worldwide, as well as its degree of adaption into the host language, its syntactic function, and its meaning and its strength as taboo. Comparing the use of fuck with a special focus on the Nordic countries (Norway, Denmark, and Iceland) with its use in Eurasia and Africa (with different alphabets, namely Cyrillic in Russia, Devanāgarī in India and Ge’ez script in Ethiopia), we found some similar developmental patterns, but also differences, for example to what degree the English loan word has replaced local curses and in what ways among social groups within a country. Comparing the terms used for the same concept was challenging because some countries have better text corpora and more research on written languages and especially on taboos, and those without such resources required additional minor investigations for a baseline. Findings revealed that fuck has spread worldwide from English, and it is commonly used in Nordic languages today. In Russian fuck is also adopted into the heritage language to a relatively high degree, and it has further gained importance in the vocabulary of India, where English has become the most used language by the higher and middle classes, but less so by lower classes. In contrast, the study of Amharic language in Ethiopia shows that the f-word is rarely used at all, and only by youngsters. We found a pattern starting from the outer North with Icelandic having adapted and adopted the word fuck the most, a slight decline in use in Norwegian and Danish, with less adaption and use in Russian, even less in Indian-English or Hindi, and being more or less absent in the African language Amharic. Formally though it is used conceptually both in Hindi and Amharic.
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12

ASFAHA, YONAS MESFUN, JEANNE KURVERS, and SJAAK KROON. "Grain size in script and teaching: Literacy acquisition in Ge'ez and Latin." Applied Psycholinguistics 30, no. 4 (October 2009): 709–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0142716409990087.

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ABSTRACTThe study investigated reading in four African languages that use either syllabic Ge'ez (Tigrinya and Tigre languages) or alphabetic Latin scripts (Kunama and Saho). A sample of 385 Grade 1 children were given letter knowledge, word reading, and spelling tasks to investigate differences at the script and language levels. Results showed that the syllable based Ge'ez script was easier to learn than the phoneme-based Latin despite the bigger number of basic units in Ge'ez. Moreover, the syllable based teaching of alphabetic Saho produced better results than alphabetic teaching of Kunama. These findings are discussed using the psycholinguistic grain size theory. The outcomes confirm the importance of the availability of phonological units in learning to read.
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13

Gebrai, Isaias Haileab. "GEEZ ORAL POETRY [QENIE]: A STYLISTICAL AND THEMATIC ANALYSIS." European Journal of Philosophy, Culture and Religion 2, no. 1 (July 24, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.47672/ejpcr.342.

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Purpose: The purpose of this article is to present the stylistic and thematic analysis of Geez poetry, in a way that examines the profound and complex meaning that it carries.Research Methodology: The article methodology consisted of qualitative research methodology and a purposive sampling was used in field work. Secondary data was also obtained from books and scholarly journals and duly acknowledged. Idiomatic and literal translation methods were used, with special emphasis on meaning rather than form. The translation from Geez to English was conducted by the researcher and content analysis was used to analyze the data.Findings: The poems revealed a rich, valuable aesthetics and dynamic changes taking place in the cultural mold of the Geez speaking society. It has also revealed that a huge amount of Geez oral poetry still remains unrecorded. It has also shown that Geez oral poetry is not being learned by the young generation and this could lead to a loss in cultural practices embodied in it.Unique Contribution to Theory, Policy and Practice: The article will contribute to the preservation, documentation and research endeavors being undertaken by researches, educators as well as policy makers involved in areas related to the study of the classical language of Geez. This is because none of Geez poetry has been composed, written or recorded in any parchments or books by the churches at all. Hence, it is only too obvious that a massive amount of poetic wisdom has been lost that future generations could have benefited from.
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14

Bulakh, M. "Nota Genitivi za- in Epigraphic Geez." Journal of Semitic Studies 54, no. 2 (July 15, 2009): 393–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgp006.

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15

Gudynas, Eduardo. "O movimento ambientalista latino-americano." Revista Eclesiástica Brasileira 52, no. 205 (March 31, 1992): 45–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.29386/reb.v52i205.2905.

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...este artigo apresenta uma análise das características mais relevantes do movimento ambientalista latino-americano. Existem poucos antecedentes neste sentido, destacando-se as contribuições de Bonilla (1989); Gudynas (1989); Hedstrõm (1989); Gudynas e Evia (1990); Hess et al. (1990); Leff (1990); Reyes (1990); Urbáez (1990); Gerez Fernández (1991).
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16

Ullendorff, Edward. "An Ethiopic Text in a Volume to Celebrate the Congress of Vienna, 1814–15." Aethiopica 5 (May 8, 2013): 67–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.5.1.446.

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The interest of this short inscription in Geʿez lies in the curious (and unexplained) reason why such a version on the Congress of Vienna should have been composed in Ethiopic. The name of the alleged writer, Dr. Middeldorpf, is otherwise unknown in Ethiopian studies. ATTENTION: Due to copy-right no online publication is provided.
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17

Brinker, Jeffrey A. "Editorial comment: Geeez! oh my God! oops! #&*& ^!" Catheterization and Cardiovascular Diagnosis 43, no. 3 (March 1998): 280–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1097-0304(199803)43:3<280::aid-ccd8>3.0.co;2-5.

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18

Zuurmond, Rochus. "The Textual Background of the Gospel of Matthew in Ge‘ez." Aethiopica 4 (June 30, 2013): 32–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.4.1.489.

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The Gospel of Matthew in Ge‘ez has been handed down in two ancient Versions: A-text and B-text. The A-text is the earlier one, translated from the Greek and completed not later than the 6th century. It is a very ‘free’ translation, adapting the text not only to a Semitic vernacular but also to a new cultural background. The Vorlage of the A-text was rather close to the Byzantine type of text, but it has more readings in common with Greek manuscripts such as ﬡ, W and B, than those commonly understood as ‘Byzantine.’ The B-text, although strongly influenced by the A-text, removes practically all translational liberties of the A-text. It contains readings that seem to have originated from Syriac or Coptic Gospels and therefore is probably a medieval revision of the A-text on the basis of Arabic Gospels. Existing European editions of the Gospel of Matthew by and large exhibit a B-text.
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19

Madran, Canan. "Book Review: Yükseköğretimde Tutundurma ve Strateji / Editor: A. Ercan Gegez, 2019." Yuksekogretim Dergisi 9, no. 2 (August 1, 2019): 247–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2399/yod.19.007.

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20

Mikre-Sellassie, G. A. "The Early Translation of the Bible into Ethiopic/Geez." Bible Translator 51, no. 3 (July 2000): 302–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026009350005100302.

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21

Raffel, Eva, and Mechthild Kellermann. "Futhark, Ge‘ez und andere Rätsel – Das Stammbuch des Äthiopisten Hiob Ludolf." Studia Neophilologica 88, no. 2 (November 23, 2015): 190–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00393274.2015.1117394.

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Asfaha, Yonas Mesfun, Jeanne Kurvers, and Sjaak Kroon. "Negen Talen En Drie Schriften." Toegepaste Taalwetenschap in Artikelen 75 (January 1, 2006): 89–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ttwia.75.09asf.

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In view of its sociolinguistic situation and its mother tongue language policy Eritrea qualifies as an excellent site for comparatively investigating the acquisition and use of literacy in nine different languages (Tigrinya, Tigre, Afar, Saho, Bidhaawyeet, Kunama, Nara, Bilen and Rashaida) using three different scripts (syllabic Geez, alphabetic Latin and consonantal-alphabetic Arabic) within one and the same cultural and educational context. This contribution presents first results of a literacy survey with 670 Eritreans (which is part of a larger NWO-WOTRO research project). It goes into the respondents' level of literacy, their use of reading and writing in a number of societal domains, their use of the different scripts, and their preferences for the different scripts. A main outcome of the survey is that both, religion and ethnolinguistic group membership, play an important role in the use and positive evaluation of specific scripts. The majority of respondents report a preference for either Geez or Arabic, the scripts of the holy books of the Coptic Orthodox Church and Islam respectively, whereas the Latin alphabet, notwithstanding the official support it gets and the fact that it is used for six out of nine Eritrean languages, hardly plays a societal role.
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Kaplan, Steven. "The Fälasha and the Stephanite: an episode from Gädlä Gäbrä Mäsih." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 48, no. 2 (June 1985): 278–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00033358.

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One obstacle which confronts any historian interested in reconstructing the history of the Bētä Esra'ēl (Fälasha) of Ethiopia is the comparative scarcity of reliable historical sources. References to the Bētä Esra'ēl in Ge'ez chronicles and gädlat are all too rare, while those in Hebrew generally lack historical value. The scattered mentions of the Fälasha in other languages prior to the nineteenth century are few and limited in scope. In light of this situation, any new source, no matter how brief, is deserving of attention and study.
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Raineri, Osvaldo. "La battaglia di Adua secondo Cerulli Etiopico 318." Aethiopica 1 (September 13, 2013): 85–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.1.1.618.

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This article: “La battaglia di Adua secondo Cerulli Etiopico 318” (“The Battle of Adwa according to Cerulli Etiopico 318”) on the unpublished Ethiopian text (Geʿez) and Italian translation is an extended version of my contribution to the Adwa Victory Centenary Conference (26th February - 2nd March, Addis Ababa - Adwa, Ethiopia). It represents a short account of the reign of Menelik (1889 - 1913), which for the main part of its contents, is dedicated to the war led by the Ethiopian sovereign against the Italians, with particular emphasis on the Battle of Adwa.
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Bulakh, Maria. "SEMANTIC SHIFTS IN THE LEXICAL FIELD OF TASTE IN GEEZ." Scrinium 1, no. 1 (March 30, 2005): 323–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-90000141.

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Cotterell, Peter. "Wolf Leslau: Concise dictionary of Ge'ez. xi, 247 pp.Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1989." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 54, no. 1 (February 1991): 236. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00010491.

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Erho, Ted. "New Ethiopic witnesses to some Old Testament pseudepigrapha." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 76, no. 1 (January 29, 2013): 75–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x12001449.

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AbstractDespite noteworthy critical editions of each having appeared within the last twenty-five years, the textual states of Jubilees, the Testaments of the Three Patriarchs, and the Ascension of Isaiah remain in flux due to the continued discovery of previously unknown exemplars. Nowhere is this more evident than in their Ethiopic versions, as copies of a multitude of manuscripts attesting these pseudepigrapha have become readily accessible in recent years. Consequently, it is now possible to append twenty Ge‘ez manuscripts to the hitherto recognized evidence for Jubilees, and five and two further witnesses to the published lists for the Testaments of the Three Patriarchs and the Ascension of Isaiah respectively.
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Kogan. "Additions and Corrections to Wolf Leslau's Comparative Dictionary of Ge'ez (1987–2017)." Journal of the American Oriental Society 139, no. 4 (2019): 893. http://dx.doi.org/10.7817/jameroriesoci.139.4.0893.

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BURSEY, CHARLES R., STEPHEN R. GOLDBERG, and SAM R. TELFORD. "New species of Spauligodon (Nematoda: Pharyngodonidae) in Xenosaurus platyceps (Squamata: Xenosauridae) from Mexico." Zootaxa 1501, no. 1 (June 7, 2007): 65–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.1501.1.5.

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During a helminthological examination of flathead knob-scaled lizards, Xenosaurus platyceps King and Thompson 1968, from Mexico, 4 of 10 were found to harbor 56 (14 male, 42 female) nematodes of an undescribed species of Spauligodon Skrjabin, Schikhobalova and Lagodovskaja, 1960. The lizard family Xenosauridae is composed of two well-differentiated genera: Shinisaurus in southern China and Xenosaurus in Mexico and Guatemala (Pérez-Ramos et al., 2000). Xenosaurus platyceps is a stocky, medium-sized species endemic to the Mexican state of Tamaulipas where it occurs in dry oak and tropical deciduous forests of the Sierra Madre Oriental (Flores-Villela 1993; Flores-Villela and Gerez, 1994). The ecology of X. platyceps has been studied (Lemos-Espinal, 1997), but, to our knowledge, there are no helminthological reports for it.
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Reynolds, Gabriel Said. "The Quran and the apostles of Jesus." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 76, no. 2 (May 21, 2013): 209–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x13000062.

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AbstractAccording to Islamic tradition the companions of Jesus in the Quran, theḥawāriyyūn, were faithful disciples. Critical scholars largely agree that the Quran means to present theḥawāriyyūnas such, and generally translateḥawāriyyūnas “apostles” or “disciples”. Some add thatḥawāriyyūnis related toḥawāryā, the Geʿez term used for the apostles in the Ethiopic Bible. In the present article I argue that while the Quran indeed means to signal the apostles of Christian tradition with the termḥawāriyyūn, it does not consider theḥawāriyyūnto have been faithful. The Quran praises theḥawāriyyūnfor their belief in Jesus (a belief that distinguishes them from other Israelites, i.e. the Jews) but reprimands them for abandoning his message. Hence emerges the exceptional position of Christians in the Quran: they are not condemned but rather exhorted to return to their prophet's teaching.
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Wagaw, Teshome G. "The International Political Ramifications of Falasha Emigration." Journal of Modern African Studies 29, no. 4 (December 1991): 557–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00005668.

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The term Falasha is derived from the Ge'ez or Amharic word maflas, ‘to remove’, and denotes people without land or roots, strangers, and will be used in this article because of its wide international recognition, although most Ethiopian Jews now prefer to be known as Beta Israel. According to their tradition, the Falasha have lived in Africa for more than two-and-a-half millennia, for the most part unaware of the existence of other Jews in the world. In recent years, an increasing number have felt impelled to seek a permanent home in Israel, and by June 1991 as many as 43,000 had managed to achieve this goal. Although most of these Ethiopian Jews must have anticipated that emigration would not be easy, it is very unlikely that they, or anyone else, could have known just how difficult would be their ordeal.
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Woźniak, Jerzy. "Stephan Weninger, Ge'ez. Classical Ethiopic, Languages of the World-Materials 01, München - Newcastle 1993, ss. 50." Vox Patrum 42 (January 15, 2003): 630. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.7196.

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Oleg, Tkachenko. "Genez of legislation on the protection of environment in the city (before declineing the independence of Ukraine)." Law. Human. Environment 10, no. 2 (May 23, 2019): 72–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31548/law2019.02.009.

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Rubin, Zeʾev. "Greek and Geʿez in the propaganda of King ʿEzana of Axum: religion and diplomacy in late antiquity." Semitica et Classica 5 (January 2012): 139–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.sec.1.103052.

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Bhayro, Siam. "The Jewish Babylonian Aramaic authority פלסא פליסא in light of Ge‘ez ፈሰሰ and Epigraphic South Arabian fls3." Semitica et Classica 7 (January 2014): 233–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.sec.5.103531.

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36

Ermias, Hiruie. "Muluken Andualem Siferew, Comparative classification of Geʿez verbs in the three traditional schools of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church." Aethiopica 19 (October 2, 2017): 312–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.19.1.950.

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Belay, Birhanu, Tewodros Habtegebrial, Million Meshesha, Marcus Liwicki, Gebeyehu Belay, and Didier Stricker. "Amharic OCR: An End-to-End Learning." Applied Sciences 10, no. 3 (February 7, 2020): 1117. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/app10031117.

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In this paper, we introduce an end-to-end Amharic text-line image recognition approach based on recurrent neural networks. Amharic is an indigenous Ethiopic script which follows a unique syllabic writing system adopted from an ancient Geez script. This script uses 34 consonant characters with the seven vowel variants of each (called basic characters) and other labialized characters derived by adding diacritical marks and/or removing parts of the basic characters. These associated diacritics on basic characters are relatively smaller in size, visually similar, and challenging to distinguish from the derived characters. Motivated by the recent success of end-to-end learning in pattern recognition, we propose a model which integrates a feature extractor, sequence learner, and transcriber in a unified module and then trained in an end-to-end fashion. The experimental results, on a printed and synthetic benchmark Amharic Optical Character Recognition (OCR) database called ADOCR, demonstrated that the proposed model outperforms state-of-the-art methods by 6.98% and 1.05%, respectively.
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Taddia, Irma. "Ethiopian Source Material and Colonial Rule in the Nineteenth Century: The Letter to Menilek (1899) By Blatta Gäbrä Egzi'abehēr." Journal of African History 35, no. 3 (November 1994): 493–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700026803.

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Despite his important political and literary activities, Blatta Gäbrä Egzi'-abehēr is almost unknown to scholars of Menilek's Ethiopia. This historical period is not particularly well researched, and the author stands out as one of the few Ethiopian intellectuals to have written such an important number of literary works focused on nationalistic and anti-Italian feelings. The Amharic/Ge'ez text under discussion, his letter to Menilek written in 1899, is a remarkable document from this point of view because it reveals a strong opposition to colonialism and the Italian occupation of Eritrea. This document is one of the first Ethiopian sources to testify to the growing nationalism and the growth of concepts of unity and independence. It allows us to consider more carefully the beginning of an Ethiopian secular ideology of the modern state. And such an ideology must be placed in the colonial context. The letter to Menilek raises some important questions regarding the new source material in the late nineteenth century available to historians of modern Ethiopia. A translation of the text is given as well as a comment on its historical significance.
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Witakowski, Witold. "The Magi in Ethiopic Tradition." Aethiopica 2 (August 6, 2013): 69–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.2.1.534.

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The paper traces various extra–biblical strains of tradition concerning the Magi (MT 2,1–12) in Geʿez literature. The Magi (mäsäggǝlan, säbʾa sägäl) are present in various Ethiopic compositions, both translated from other languages and original. The compositions discussed include inter alia apocryphal literature (The life of Adam and Eve, The Miracles of Jesus, The Book of the Birth of Mary, The Miracles of Mary), homiliaries (that for the feasts of Mary, and that for the feasts of the Archangel Raguel), and two commentaries on the Gospel.The tradition, as seen in the texts reviewed, is not consistent, and various stories, sometimes contradicting each other, are told about the Magi. Those strains of tradition which are not of local origin (as are the names of the Magi), come from a number of external sources with roots in early Christian literature. Some elements of this tradition (the Virgin with the Child visible in the star, the origin of the gifts from the Cave of Treasures, Zärädäšt as the ancestor of the Magi, and many thousand men forming their retinue) can be traced back to Syriac apocryphal and exegetical literature.
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Bulakh, M. "Verbs of falling in Tigrinya." Acta Linguistica Petropolitana XVI, no. 1 (January 2020): 677–720. http://dx.doi.org/10.30842/alp2306573716121.

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The paper gives a survey of verbs of falling in Tigrinya (an Ethio-Semitic language spoken in Eritrea and northern Ethiopia). The employment of each verb related to the situation of falling down is illustrated with phrasal examples. The Tigrinya data is further compared with Geez, a closely related extinct language. A special subsection deals with metaphorical use of the basic verb ‘to fall’ in Tigrinya. Tigrinya possesses one basic verb of falling, wädäḳä, which is applied to describe the downward movement of a solid object through the air or a loss of vertical position of a vertically oriented object. Falling of a solid, heavy object, either through the air or, less typically, along an oblique surface, can also be referred to by a special verb ṣädäfä. In all situations deviating from this default situation of falling in Tigrinya, special verbs are employed. Thus, the verbs tägälbäṭä ‘to be overturned, to topple’ or tägämṭälä ‘to be turned over’ are used to describe the situation of toppling, overturning which does not involve physical falling from a higher level to a lower one. Detachment of an object which had been fi rmly fi xed to another object, is usually denoted by the verb moläḳä ‘to slip off ; to become detached’. Falling to pieces of buildings or other built structures is described by the special verbs färäsä ‘to collapse, crumble, to fall’ or ʕanäwä ‘to collapse’ (but ṣädäfä can also be used in such contexts). Detachment of parts of body or plants due to natural reasons is denoted by the special verb rägäfä ‘to fall off (leaves), to break off , break loose (fruit, leaf), to shed a coat (livestock)’ (although the physical falling which is caused by such a detachment can well be described by the verb wädäḳä ‘to fall’). Furthermore, with respect to teeth, a special verb goräfä ‘to lose milk teeth, to have one’s tooth pulled out’ is used, with the possessor of the tooth encoded as the subject, and the tooth itself, as the object. Downward movement of liquids is denoted by a wide range of verbs, such as wäḥazä ‘to fl ow’, näṭäbä ‘to fall in drops, to drop (water), to drip (water)’, fäsäsä ‘to be spilled, poured (out) (water, grain, etc.), to fl ow (liquid, stream), to run (water), to fall (water)’, ṣärär bälä ‘to ooze, exude’, läḥakʷä ‘to drip, run (water along a wall after leaking through a roof), lo leak, to seep, fi lter through (intransitive)’. The verb wärädä ‘to descend’ is also used to describe the movement of liquids from a higher level to the lower. Spilling of granular material is denoted by fäsäsä ‘to be spilled, poured (out) (water, grain, etc.)’. Rolling down is denoted by the verb ʔankoraräyä/ʔankoraräwä ‘to roll’. Downward movement in water is described by the verb ṭäḥalä ‘to sink, to submerge’. Intentional losing of vertical position is described by the verb bäṭṭ bälä ‘to lie down’,and intentional movement from a higher level to the lower is described by wärädä ‘to descend’. The metaphors of falling include the employment of the verb wädäḳä to describe an abrupt, unexpected (and often unpleasant) change. This involves decrease in a measure, loss of interest, the destruction of a social power, arriving of a sudden calamity. A separate group of metaphorical employment is the verb wädäḳä as the standard predicate of such nouns as “lottery” and “lot”, presumably by extension from the situation of dice falling to the ground. Finally, death in battle is also denoted by the verb wädäḳä. The Geez cognate of wädäḳä likewise functions as the basic verb ‘to fall’, whose employment is very similar to, although not identical with, its Tigrinya equivalent. Similarly, Geez ṣadfa does not display any signifi cant diff erence from Tigrinya ṣädäfä in its semantics and usage.
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Bausi, Alessandro. "Tedros Abraha, ed., tr., Gädlä Abunä Yonas Zä-Bur. Eritrean Saint of the 15th Century. Geʿez text edited and translated." Aethiopica 18 (July 7, 2016): 257–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.18.1.851.

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Asale, Bruk A. "A Millennium Translation Based on the Geʿez and LXX: A New Bible Translation in the Ethiopian Church and Its Controversy." Bible Translator 65, no. 1 (March 26, 2014): 49–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2051677013518295.

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43

Aslanov, A. D., O. A. Malkarov, A. G. Kugotov, T. G. Tlupova, O. Ye Logvina, A. Kh Kugotov, A. T. Edigov, A. A. Teuvov, M. A. Tumova, and L. Yu Kardanova. "DYNAMICS, STRUCTURE OF DISABILITY, AND NEED FOR REHABILITATION OF DISABLED PEOPLE WITH THEIR ILL-LIVING ARTERIES OF THE LOWER LIMBS OF ATHEROSCLEROSIS GENEZ." Bulletin of the Russian association of specialists in medical and social expert evaluation, rehabilitation and rehabilitation industry 3 (August 2018): 44–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17238/issn1999-2351.2018.3.44-53.

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Tamrat, Taddesse. "Processes of Ethnic Interaction and Integration in Ethiopian History: the Case of the Agaw." Journal of African History 29, no. 1 (March 1988): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700035957.

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The earliest documents available on the Ethiopian region, in the form of Greek and Ge'ez inscriptions, give a general picture of considerable ethnic and linguistic diversity in a relatively small area of northern Ethiopia. One of the ethnic groups referred to then and subsequently, with remarkable continuity from pre-Aksumite times until the present day, is the Agaw. Different sections of the Agaw seem to have constituted an important part of the population occupying the highland interior of northern Ethiopia from ancient times. In the early days of the gradual formation and consolidation of the Aksumite state, they seem at first to have been peripheral to the process, which was clearly dominated by the Semitic-speaking inhabitants of the area. Later, however, they assumed an increasing importance, so much so that they eventually took over political leadership, establishing the great Zagwe dynasty. The dynasty lasted for about two hundred years, and transmitted the institutions as well as the cultural and historical traditions of Aksum, almost intact, to later generations.The exact processes of this development cannot be reconstructed for those early days. Instead, this article is a preliminary attempt to understand the integration of the Agaw into the state and society of the Ethiopian empire over hundreds, even thousands of years, by considering a relatively recent period in the history of the Agaw in the northern and north-western parts of Gojjam. The considerable sense of history which the people of this area possess, going back to the time of its conquest and conversion in the seventeenth century, together with the existence of written materials for the period, provide an opportunity to study a particular example of the entry of the Agaw into the civilization of Christian Ethiopia which may throw light upon the more distant past of their ancestors.
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Fellman, Jack. "Lines on the classification of Ethopian-Semitic." Studies in African Linguistics 25, no. 2 (June 15, 1996): 205–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v25i2.107398.

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Ethiopian-Semitic constitutes a compact, readily defined and homogeneous linguistic family, consisting of Ge' ez, Tigre, Tigrinya, Amharic, Argobba, Harari, Gafat, and the Gurage cluster. The most recent attempt to set up a classification of Ethiopian-Semitic was Hetzron [1972}, but this work was rather thoroughly criticized by Goldenberg [1977], and the field has yet to recover from it. The present note seeks to open the classification question anew by providing a basic, minimalist classification scheme, which can serve as a starting-off point for any future work on the subject. We begin with some of the results of Marcel Cohen [1931], "the father of Ethiopian studies" in the twentieth century. Cohen treats Tigre and Tigrinya as Northern Ethiopic, and Amharic, Harari, and the Gurage cluster as Southern Ethiopic. All are ultimately descendants of a ProtoEthiopic koine most closely resembling Ge'ez. Gurage, according to Cohen, is not a language or a linguistic unit in itself, but rather an ensemble of at least two separate and mutually unintelligible dialect clusters, Eastern Gurage and Western Gurage. Eastern Gurage consists of Wolane, Selti-Ulbarag, (and in the present state of our knowledge also Zway) , and is most closely connected with Harari. Western Gurage consists of several subgroups of dialects, in particular (a) Chaha, Ezha, Ennemor (Inor), Gumar, Gyeto (and in the present state of our knowledge Endegefi) and (b) Muher, Gogot, Masqan. Aymallel (Soddo, Kgstangiiiia), another Gurage tongue, is left unclassified by Cohen, as being perhaps intermediate between the two groups. Tentatively, he terms it North-Eastern Gurage. (Gafat and Argobba are not classified by Cohen.) Cohen's classification may be modified and/or expanded on the basis of the following points. Western Gurage tongue.
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Kleiner, Michael. "Maṣḥafa faws manfasāwi. Die Geʿez-Übersetzung des arabischen Kitāb aṭ-ṭibb ar-rūḥānī (“Buch von der geistlichen Medizin”) des koptischen Bischofs Michael von Aṯrīb und Malīǧ (13. Jh.)." Aethiopica 3 (September 2, 2013): 282–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.3.1.604.

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Kahteran, N. "Safvet-Beg Basagic: Aux racines intellectuelles de la pensee nationale chez les musulmans de Bosnie-Herzegovine * By PHILIPPE GELEZ * Naucno i strucno djelo dr. Safvet-bega Basagic * By LEJLA GAZIc." Journal of Islamic Studies 23, no. 1 (September 14, 2011): 104–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/etr083.

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48

Maya Pantoja, Luis Andrés, Johana Catherine Portillo Ortega, Ginna Milena Pérez Ortega, and Deysi Liliana Botina Jojoa. "Tasa efectiva de tributación del Impuesto de Renta de Pymes en Pasto, 2014-2015." Revista UNIMAR 36, no. 2 (January 30, 2019): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.31948/unimar36-2.art4.

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La presente investigación buscó establecer la tasa efectiva de tributación con base en los estados financieros presentados por las Pymes de Pasto ante la Superintendencia de Sociedades para los años 2014 y 2015. Para ello se realizó una recopilación y organización de los estados financieros encontrados en la Superintendencia de Sociedades, buscando unificar esta información en sectores económicos como el industrial, comercial y de servicios, analizando en forma detallada cada cuenta que pertenece a los estados financieros de las empresas. Inicialmente se hizo una descripción sobre la inversión en activos que se encuentra en el pasivo y patrimonio a través del análisis vertical aplicado al Balance General para cada periodo; posteriormente se realizó un análisis horizontal al Estado de Resultados para establecer los factores que influyen en la preparación de la información sobre el impuesto de renta y, finalmente, se obtuvo la tasa efectiva. Referencias Actualícese. (2014). Elementos de la obligación tributaria. Recuperado de https://actualicese.com/2014/04/08/elementos-obligacion-tributaria/ Aguilar, M. (2014). Falacias tributarias: la progresividad en la tarifa del ISR en México. Recuperado de http://congreso.investiga.fca.unam.mx/docs/xix/docs/6.03.pdf Alcarria, J. (2012). Introducción a la contabilidad. España: Publicaciones de la Universitat Jaume I. Baena, D. (2010). Análisis financiero: enfoque, proyecciones financieras. Santafé de Bogotá, Colombia: Ecoe Ediciones.Banco de la República. (2017). Impuestos. Recuperado de http://enciclopedia.banrepcultural.org/index.php/Impuestos Botero, G. (2015). ¿Pagan muchos impuestos las empresas en Colombia? Recuperado de http://www.dinero.com/edicion-impresa/pais/articulo/pagan-muchos-impuestos-empresas-colombia/209869 Cámara de Comercio de Bogotá. (2010). Cartilla práctica. Impuesto de Renta. Bogotá, Colombia: Bogotá Emprende. Congreso de la República de Colombia. (1918). Ley 56 de 1918 “por la cual se establece el impuesto sobre la renta”. Bogotá, Colombia. Recuperado de http://www.suin-juriscol.gov.co/clp/contenidos.dll/Leyes/30019421?fn=document-frame.htm$f=templates$3.0 -------. (2006). Ley 1111 de 2006 “por la cual se modifica el Estatuto tributario de los impuestos administrados por la Dirección de Impuestos y Aduanas Nacionales”. Bogotá, Colombia. Recuperado de historico.presidencia.gov.co/prensa_new/sne/2006/diciembre/29/ley1111.pdf -------. (2012). Ley 1607 “por la cual se expide normas en materia tributaria y se dicta otras disposiciones”. Bogotá, Colombia. Recuperado de https://www.redjurista.com/Documents/ley_1607_de_2012_congreso_de_la_republica.aspx#/ -------. (2016). Ley 1819 “por medio de la cual se adopta una reforma tributaria estructural, se fortalece los mecanismos para la lucha contra la evasión y la elusión fiscal, y se dicta otras disposiciones”. Bogotá, Colombia. Recuperado de http://www.secretariasenado.gov.co /senado/basedoc/ley_1819_2016.html Consejo Privado de Competitividad. (2016). Informe Nacional de Competitividad 2016-2017. Recuperado de https://compite.com.co/informe/informe-nacional-de-competitividad-2016-2017/ Contreras, M. y Rodríguez, F. (s.f.). Impuesto de Renta y Complementarios. Recuperado de www.corporiente.edu.co/.../3049_EXPOSICION%20IMPUESTO%20DE%20RENTA Corbacho, A., Fretes, V. y Lora, E. (2013). Recaudar no basta: los impuestos como instrumento de desarrollo. Recuperado de https://publications.iadb.org/en/recaudar-no-basta-los-impuestos-como-instrumento-de-desarrollo Córdoba, M. (2016). Gestión financiera (2a. ed.). Bogotá, Colombia: Ecoe Ediciones. Corredor, J. (2009). El impuesto de renta en Colombia: parte general. Bogotá: Centro Interamericano Jurídico Financiero. Dirección de Impuestos y Aduanas Nacionales de Colombia (DIAN). (s.f.). Glosario. Recuperado de https://www.dian.gov.co/atencionciudadano/Paginas/glosario.aspx Dorantes, L. y Gómez, M. (2014). Derecho fiscal. México: Grupo Editorial Patria. Espinosa, B. (1822). Cuerpo de Leyes de la República de Colombia. Bogotá.Estatuto Tributario. (2016). Obligación Tributaria. Recuperado de http://www.secretariasenado.gov.co/senado/basedoc/estatuto_tributario.html Fajardo, C. y Suárez, D. (2012). Los impuestos en la época de la Independencia, su impacto social, evolución e implicaciones en el sistema tributario actual. Criterio Libre, 10(16), 293-316. Galindo, J. (2014). Tributación de personas morales y personas físicas. México: Larousse y Grupo Editorial Patria. Gerencie.com. (2018). Análisis horizontal. Recuperado de https://www.gerencie.com/analisis-horizontal.html Gómez, H. y Steiner, R. (2015). La reforma tributaria y su impacto sobre la tasa efectiva de tributación de las firmas en Colombia. Bogotá: Fundación para la Educación y el Desarrollo (Fedesarrollo). Gorospe, J. (2012). Derecho financiero y tributario: parte general, esquemas y resúmenes (2a. ed.). Madrid, España: Editorial Dykinson S.L. Gutiérrez, J. (2012). Matemáticas financieras. Con fórmulas, calculadora financiera y Excel. Bogotá, Colombia: Ecoe Ediciones. Gutiérrez, M., Alsina, S., Mateos, I. y Saavedra, M. (2013). Fiscalidad individual. Madrid, España: Ediciones Pirámide. Junguito, R. (2016). Ensayos frustrados por establecer el Impuesto a la Renta en Colombia en el siglo XIX. En Álvarez, A. y Correa, J. (Comp.), Ideas y Políticas Económicas en Colombia durante el primer siglo republicano (pp. 95-122). Bogotá: Universidad de Los Andes, Facultad de Economía y Colegio de Estudios Superiores de Administración –CESA. Legis. (2017). Guía Legis para la Declaración de Renta 2017. Recuperado de https://www.librerialerner.com.co/guia-legis-para-la-declaracion-de-renta-2017/p Mohd-Noor, R., Syazwani, N. y Mastuki, N. (2010). Corporate Tax Planning: A Study On Corporate Effective Tax Rates of Malaysian Listed Companies. International Journal of Trade, Economics and Finance, 1(2), 189-193. Moreno, J. (2014). Contabilidad superior (4a. ed.). México: Grupo Editorial Patria, S.A. de C.V. Muñoz, R. (s.f.). Impuesto de sociedades. Tributos. España: Secretaría General Técnica. Subdirección General de Documentación y Publicaciones. Noya, N., Fernández, N., Andrada, D., Gerez, L., González, D. y Ricotta, N. (2014). Finanzas Públicas. Temas de Cátedra. Neuquén, Argentina: Universidad Nacional del Comahue. Oppenheimer, F. (2014). El Estado. Su historia y evolución desde un punto de vista sociológico. Madrid, España: Unión Editorial. Ortega, A. (2014). Hacienda pública. Las finanzas del Estado (5a. ed.). Bogotá, Colombia: Ecoe Ediciones. Palomares, J. y Peset, M. (2015). Estados financieros: interpretación y análisis. Madrid, España: Ediciones Pirámide. Patiño-Jacinto, R. y Vásquez-Quevedo, N. (2013). Las características de los subsistemas contables de Colombia y México ante la convergencia a Normas Internacionales de Información Financiera. Cuadernos de Contabilidad, 14(36), 1009-1043. Piza, J., Zornoza, J., Muñoz, G., Insignares, R., Marín, M., González, O.,… Castro, J. (2010). Curso de Derecho Tributario, procedimiento y régimen sancionatorio. Bogotá́: Universidad Externado de Colombia. Poveda, J. y González, S. (s.f.). Generalidades de los impuestos. Recuperado de https://culturtributari2013.weebly.com/generalidades-de-los-impuestos.html Procolombia. (s.f.). Impuestos en Colombia. Recuperado de http://www.inviertaencolombia.com.co/como-invertir/impuestos.html República de Colombia. (1991). Constitución Política de Colombia. Recuperada de http://www.corteconstitucional.gov.co/inicio/Constitucion%20politica%20de%20Colombia.pdf República de Colombia y Ministerio de Hacienda y Crédito Público. (1927). Ley 64 de 1927 (Noviembre 12) y Decreto 1923 de 1927. Bogotá: Imprenta Nacional. Rincón, C., Lasso, G. y Parrado, Á. (2012). Contabilidad Siglo XXI (2a. ed.). Bogotá, Colombia: Ecoe Ediciones. Rodríguez, R. (1986). Derecho Fiscal (2a. ed.). México: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México. Sánchez, K. (2012). Costos I. México: Red Tercer Milenio S.C. Sánchez, W. y Grajales, G. (2007). Contabilidad conceptual e instrumental (2a. ed.). Pereira, Colombia: Investigar Editores. Tomás, N. (2015). Operaciones financieras en diversos escenarios. Santa Fe, Argentina: Ediciones UNL, Universidad Nacional del Litoral. Toro, F. (2010). Costos ABC y presupuestos: herramientas para la productividad. Bogotá: Ecoe Ediciones. Van Horne, J. y Wachowicz, J. (2010). Fundamentos de Administracion Financiera (13a. ed.). México: Pearson Educación. Vizcarra, J. (2014). Diccionario de economía. Términos, ideas y fenómenos económicos. México: Grupo Editorial Patria. Wanden-Berghe, J. y Fernández, E. (2012). Introducción a la contabilidad. Madrid, España: Ediciones Pirámide.
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Woldeyes, Yirga Gelaw. "“Holding Living Bodies in Graveyards”: The Violence of Keeping Ethiopian Manuscripts in Western Institutions." M/C Journal 23, no. 2 (May 13, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.1621.

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IntroductionThere are two types of Africa. The first is a place where people and cultures live. The second is the image of Africa that has been invented through colonial knowledge and power. The colonial image of Africa, as the Other of Europe, a land “enveloped in the dark mantle of night” was supported by western states as it justified their colonial practices (Hegel 91). Any evidence that challenged the myth of the Dark Continent was destroyed, removed or ignored. While the looting of African natural resources has been studied, the looting of African knowledges hasn’t received as much attention, partly based on the assumption that Africans did not produce knowledge that could be stolen. This article invalidates this myth by examining the legacy of Ethiopia’s indigenous Ge’ez literature, and its looting and abduction by powerful western agents. The article argues that this has resulted in epistemic violence, where students of the Ethiopian indigenous education system do not have access to their books, while European orientalists use them to interpret Ethiopian history and philosophy using a foreign lens. The analysis is based on interviews with teachers and students of ten Ge’ez schools in Ethiopia, and trips to the Ethiopian manuscript collections in The British Library, The Princeton Library, the Institute of Ethiopian Studies and The National Archives in Addis Ababa.The Context of Ethiopian Indigenous KnowledgesGe’ez is one of the ancient languages of Africa. According to Professor Ephraim Isaac, “about 10,000 years ago, one single nation or community of a single linguistic group existed in Ethiopia, Eritrea, and the Horn of Africa” (The Habesha). The language of this group is known as Proto-Afroasiatic or Afrasian languages. It is the ancestor of the Semitic, Cushitic, Nilotic, Omotic and other languages that are currently spoken in Ethiopia by its 80 ethnic groups, and the neighbouring countries (Diakonoff). Ethiopians developed the Ge’ez language as their lingua franca with its own writing system some 2000 years ago. Currently, Ge’ez is the language of academic scholarship, studied through the traditional education system (Isaac, The Ethiopian). Since the fourth century, an estimated 1 million Ge’ez manuscripts have been written, covering religious, historical, mathematical, medicinal, and philosophical texts.One of the most famous Ge’ez manuscripts is the Kebra Nagast, a foundational text that embodied the indigenous conception of nationhood in Ethiopia. The philosophical, political and religious themes in this book, which craft Ethiopia as God’s country and the home of the Ark of the Covenant, contributed to the country’s success in defending itself from European colonialism. The production of books like the Kebra Nagast went hand in hand with a robust indigenous education system that trained poets, scribes, judges, artists, administrators and priests. Achieving the highest stages of learning requires about 30 years after which the scholar would be given the rare title Arat-Ayina, which means “four eyed”, a person with the ability to see the past as well as the future. Today, there are around 50,000 Ge’ez schools across the country, most of which are in rural villages and churches.Ge’ez manuscripts are important textbooks and reference materials for students. They are carefully prepared from vellum “to make them last forever” (interview, 3 Oct. 2019). Some of the religious books are regarded as “holy persons who breathe wisdom that gives light and food to the human soul”. Other manuscripts, often prepared as scrolls are used for medicinal purposes. Each manuscript is uniquely prepared reflecting inherited wisdom on contemporary lives using the method called Tirguamme, the act of giving meaning to sacred texts. Preparation of books is costly. Smaller manuscript require the skins of 50-70 goats/sheep and large manuscript needed 100-120 goats/sheep (Tefera).The Loss of Ethiopian ManuscriptsSince the 18th century, a large quantity of these manuscripts have been stolen, looted, or smuggled out of the country by travellers who came to the country as explorers, diplomats and scientists. The total number of Ethiopian manuscripts taken is still unknown. Amsalu Tefera counted 6928 Ethiopian manuscripts currently held in foreign libraries and museums. This figure does not include privately held or unofficial collections (41).Looting and smuggling were sponsored by western governments, institutions, and notable individuals. For example, in 1868, The British Museum Acting Director Richard Holms joined the British army which was sent to ‘rescue’ British hostages at Maqdala, the capital of Emperor Tewodros. Holms’ mission was to bring treasures for the Museum. Before the battle, Tewodros had established the Medhanialem library with more than 1000 manuscripts as part of Ethiopia’s “industrial revolution”. When Tewodros lost the war and committed suicide, British soldiers looted the capital, including the treasury and the library. They needed 200 mules and 15 elephants to transport the loot and “set fire to all buildings so that no trace was left of the edifices which once housed the manuscripts” (Rita Pankhurst 224). Richard Holmes collected 356 manuscripts for the Museum. A wealthy British woman called Lady Meux acquired some of the most illuminated manuscripts. In her will, she bequeathed them to be returned to Ethiopia. However, her will was reversed by court due to a campaign from the British press (Richard Pankhurst). In 2018, the V&A Museum in London displayed some of the treasures by incorporating Maqdala into the imperial narrative of Britain (Woldeyes, Reflections).Britain is by no means the only country to seek Ethiopian manuscripts for their collections. Smuggling occurred in the name of science, an act of collecting manuscripts for study. Looting involved local collaborators and powerful foreign sponsors from places like France, Germany and the Vatican. Like Maqdala, this was often sponsored by governments or powerful financers. For example, the French government sponsored the Dakar-Djibouti Mission led by Marcel Griaule, which “brought back about 350 manuscripts and scrolls from Gondar” (Wion 2). It was often claimed that these manuscripts were purchased, rather than looted. Johannes Flemming of Germany was said to have purchased 70 manuscripts and ten scrolls for the Royal Library of Berlin in 1905. However, there was no local market for buying manuscripts. Ge’ez manuscripts were, and still are, written to serve spiritual and secular life in Ethiopia, not for buying and selling. There are countless other examples, but space limits how many can be provided in this article. What is important to note is that museums and libraries have accrued impressive collections without emphasising how those collections were first obtained. The loss of the intellectual heritage of Ethiopians to western collectors has had an enormous impact on the country.Knowledge Grabbing: The Denial of Access to KnowledgeWith so many manuscripts lost, European collectors became the narrators of Ethiopian knowledge and history. Edward Ullendorff, a known orientalist in Ethiopian studies, refers to James Bruce as “the explorer of Abyssinia” (114). Ullendorff commented on the significance of Bruce’s travel to Ethiopia asperhaps the most important aspect of Bruce’s travels was the collection of Ethiopic manuscripts… . They opened up entirely new vistas for the study of Ethiopian languages and placed this branch of Oriental scholarship on a much more secure basis. It is not known how many MSS. reached Europe through his endeavours, but the present writer is aware of at least twenty-seven, all of which are exquisite examples of Ethiopian manuscript art. (133)This quote encompasses three major ways in which epistemic violence occurs: denial of access to knowledge, Eurocentric interpretation of Ethiopian manuscripts, and the handling of Ge’ez manuscripts as artefacts from the past. These will be discussed below.Western ‘travellers’, such as Bruce, did not fully disclose how many manuscripts they took or how they acquired them. The abundance of Ethiopian manuscripts in western institutions can be compared to the scarcity of such materials among traditional schools in Ethiopia. In this research, I have visited ten indigenous schools in Wollo (Lalibela, Neakutoleab, Asheten, Wadla), in Gondar (Bahita, Kuskwam, Menbere Mengist), and Gojam (Bahirdar, Selam Argiew Maryam, Giorgis). In all of the schools, there is lack of Ge’ez manuscripts. Students often come from rural villages and do not receive any government support. The scarcity of Ge’ez manuscripts, and the lack of funding which might allow for the purchasing of books, means the students depend mainly on memorising Ge’ez texts told to them from the mouth of their teacher. Although this method of learning is not new, it currently is the only way for passing indigenous knowledges across generations.The absence of manuscripts is most strongly felt in the advanced schools. For instance, in the school of Qene, poetic literature is created through an in-depth study of the vocabulary and grammar of Ge’ez. A Qene student is required to develop a deep knowledge of Ge’ez in order to understand ancient and medieval Ge’ez texts which are used to produce poetry with multiple meanings. Without Ge’ez manuscripts, students cannot draw their creative works from the broad intellectual tradition of their ancestors. When asked how students gain access to textbooks, one student commented:we don’t have access to Birana books (Ge’ez manuscripts written on vellum). We cannot learn the ancient wisdom of painting, writing, and computing developed by our ancestors. We simply buy paper books such as Dawit (Psalms), Sewasew (grammar) or Degwa (book of songs with notations) and depend on our teachers to teach us the rest. We also lend these books to each other as many students cannot afford to buy them. Without textbooks, we expect to spend double the amount of time it would take if we had textbooks. (Interview, 3 Sep. 2019)Many students interrupt their studies and work as labourers to save up and buy paper textbooks, but they still don’t have access to the finest works taken to Europe. Most Ge’ez manuscripts remaining in Ethiopia are locked away in monasteries, church stores or other places to prevent further looting. The manuscripts in Addis Ababa University and the National Archives are available for researchers but not to the students of the indigenous system, creating a condition of internal knowledge grabbing.While the absence of Ge’ez manuscripts denied, and continues to deny, Ethiopians the chance to enrich their indigenous education, it benefited western orientalists to garner intellectual authority on the field of Ethiopian studies. In 1981, British Museum Director John Wilson said, “our Abyssinian holdings are more important than our Indian collection” (Bell 231). In reaction, Richard Pankhurst, the Director of Ethiopian Studies in Addis Ababa, responded that the collection was acquired through plunder. Defending the retaining of Maqdala manuscripts in Europe, Ullendorff wrote:neither Dr. Pankhurst nor the Ethiopian and western scholars who have worked on this collection (and indeed on others in Europe) could have contributed so significantly to the elucidation of Ethiopian history without the rich resources available in this country. Had they remained insitu, none of this would have been possible. (Qtd. in Bell 234)The manuscripts are therefore valued based on their contribution to western scholarship only. This is a continuation of epistemic violence whereby local knowledges are used as raw materials to produce Eurocentric knowledge, which in turn is used to teach Africans as though they had no prior knowledge. Scholars are defined as those western educated persons who can speak European languages and can travel to modern institutions to access the manuscripts. Knowledge grabbing regards previous owners as inexistent or irrelevant for the use of the grabbed knowledges.Knowledge grabbing also means indigenous scholars are deprived of critical resources to produce new knowledge based on their intellectual heritage. A Qene teacher commented: our students could not devote their time and energy to produce new knowledges in the same way our ancestors did. We have the tradition of Madeladel, Kimera, Kuteta, Mielad, Qene and tirguamme where students develop their own system of remembering, reinterpreting, practicing, and rewriting previous manuscripts and current ones. Without access to older manuscripts, we increasingly depend on preserving what is being taught orally by elders. (Interview, 4 Sep. 2019)This point is important as it relates to the common myth that indigenous knowledges are artefacts belonging to the past, not the present. There are millions of people who still use these knowledges, but the conditions necessary for their reproduction and improvement is denied through knowledge grabbing. The view of Ge’ez manuscripts as artefacts dismisses the Ethiopian view that Birana manuscripts are living persons. As a scholar told me in Gondar, “they are creations of Egziabher (God), like all of us. Keeping them in institutions is like keeping living bodies in graveyards” (interview, 5 Oct. 2019).Recently, the collection of Ethiopian manuscripts by western institutions has also been conducted digitally. Thousands of manuscripts have been microfilmed or digitised. For example, the EU funded Ethio-SPaRe project resulted in the digital collection of 2000 Ethiopian manuscripts (Nosnitsin). While digitisation promises better access for people who may not be able to visit institutions to see physical copies, online manuscripts are not accessible to indigenous school students in Ethiopia. They simply do not have computer or internet access and the manuscripts are catalogued in European languages. Both physical and digital knowledge grabbing results in the robbing of Ethiopian intellectual heritage, and denies the possibility of such manuscripts being used to inform local scholarship. Epistemic Violence: The European as ExpertWhen considered in relation to stolen or appropriated manuscripts, epistemic violence is the way in which local knowledge is interpreted using a foreign epistemology and gained dominance over indigenous worldviews. European scholars have monopolised the field of Ethiopian Studies by producing books, encyclopaedias and digital archives based on Ethiopian manuscripts, almost exclusively in European languages. The contributions of their work for western scholarship is undeniable. However, Kebede argues that one of the detrimental effects of this orientalist literature is the thesis of Semiticisation, the designation of the origin of Ethiopian civilisation to the arrival of Middle Eastern colonisers rather than indigenous sources.The thesis is invented to make the history of Ethiopia consistent with the Hegelian western view that Africa is a Dark Continent devoid of a civilisation of its own. “In light of the dominant belief that black peoples are incapable of great achievements, the existence of an early and highly advanced civilization constitutes a serious anomaly in the Eurocentric construction of the world” (Kebede 4). To address this anomaly, orientalists like Ludolph attributed the origin of Ethiopia’s writing system, agriculture, literature, and civilisation to the arrival of South Arabian settlers. For example, in his translation of the Kebra Nagast, Budge wrote: “the SEMITES found them [indigenous Ethiopians] negro savages, and taught them civilization and culture and the whole scriptures on which their whole literature is based” (x).In line with the above thesis, Dillman wrote that “the Abyssinians borrowed their Numerical Signs from the Greeks” (33). The views of these orientalist scholars have been challenged. For instance, leading scholar of Semitic languages Professor Ephraim Isaac considers the thesis of the Arabian origin of Ethiopian civilization “a Hegelian Eurocentric philosophical perspective of history” (2). Isaac shows that there is historical, archaeological, and linguistic evidence that suggest Ethiopia to be more advanced than South Arabia from pre-historic times. Various Ethiopian sources including the Kebra Nagast, the works of historian Asres Yenesew, and Ethiopian linguist Girma Demeke provide evidence for the indigenous origin of Ethiopian civilisation and languages.The epistemic violence of the Semeticisation thesis lies in how this Eurocentric ideological construction is the dominant narrative in the field of Ethiopian history and the education system. Unlike the indigenous view, the orientalist view is backed by strong institutional power both in Ethiopia and abroad. The orientalists control the field of Ethiopian studies and have access to Ge’ez manuscripts. Their publications are the only references for Ethiopian students. Due to Native Colonialism, a system of power run by native elites through the use of colonial ideas and practices (Woldeyes), the education system is the imitation of western curricula, including English as a medium of instruction from high school onwards. Students study the west more than Ethiopia. Indigenous sources are generally excluded as unscientific. Only the Eurocentric interpretation of Ethiopian manuscripts is regarded as scientific and objective.ConclusionEthiopia is the only African country never to be colonised. In its history it produced a large quantity of manuscripts in the Ge’ez language through an indigenous education system that involves the study of these manuscripts. Since the 19th century, there has been an ongoing loss of these manuscripts. European travellers who came to Ethiopia as discoverers, missionaries and scholars took a large number of manuscripts. The Battle of Maqdala involved the looting of the intellectual products of Ethiopia that were collected at the capital. With the introduction of western education and use of English as a medium of instruction, the state disregarded indigenous schools whose students have little access to the manuscripts. This article brings the issue of knowledge grapping, a situation whereby European institutions and scholars accumulate Ethiopia manuscripts without providing the students in Ethiopia to have access to those collections.Items such as manuscripts that are held in western institutions are not dead artefacts of the past to be preserved for prosperity. They are living sources of knowledge that should be put to use in their intended contexts. Local Ethiopian scholars cannot study ancient and medieval Ethiopia without travelling and gaining access to western institutions. This lack of access and resources has made European Ethiopianists almost the sole producers of knowledge about Ethiopian history and culture. For example, indigenous sources and critical research that challenge the Semeticisation thesis are rarely available to Ethiopian students. Here we see epistemic violence in action. Western control over knowledge production has the detrimental effect of inventing new identities, subjectivities and histories that translate into material effects in the lives of African people. In this way, Ethiopians and people all over Africa internalise western understandings of themselves and their history as primitive and in need of development or outside intervention. African’s intellectual and cultural heritage, these living bodies locked away in graveyards, must be put back into the hands of Africans.AcknowledgementThe author acknowledges the support of the Australian Academy of the Humanities' 2019 Humanities Travelling Fellowship Award in conducting this research.ReferencesBell, Stephen. “Cultural Treasures Looted from Maqdala: A Summary of Correspondence in British National Newspapers since 1981.” Kasa and Kasa. Eds. Tadesse Beyene, Richard Pankhurst, and Shifereraw Bekele. Addis Ababa: Ababa University Book Centre, 1990. 231-246.Budge, Wallis. A History of Ethiopia, Nubia and Abyssinia. London: Methuen and Co, 1982.Demeke, Girma Awgichew. The Origin of Amharic. Trenton: Red Sea Press, 2013.Diakonoff, Igor M. Afrasian Languages. Moscow: Nauka, 1988.Dillmann, August. Ethiopic Grammar. Eugene: Wipf & Stock, 2005.Hegel, Georg W.F. The Philosophy of History. New York: Dover, 1956.Isaac, Ephraim. The Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido Church. New Jersey: Red Sea Press, 2013.———. “An Open Letter to an Inquisitive Ethiopian Sister.” The Habesha, 2013. 1 Feb. 2020 <http://www.zehabesha.com/an-open-letter-to-an-inquisitive-young-ethiopian-sister-ethiopian-history-is-not-three-thousand-years/>.Kebra Nagast. "The Queen of Sheba and Her Only Son Menyelik I." Trans. Wallis Budge. London: Oxford UP, 1932.Pankhurst, Richard. "The Napier Expedition and the Loot Form Maqdala." Presence Africaine 133-4 (1985): 233-40.Pankhurst, Rita. "The Maqdala Library of Tewodros." Kasa and Kasa. Eds. Tadesse Beyene, Richard Pankhurst, and Shifereraw Bekele. Addis Ababa: Ababa University Book Centre, 1990. 223-230.Tefera, Amsalu. ነቅዐ መጻህፍት ከ መቶ በላይ በግዕዝ የተጻፉ የእኢትዮጵያ መጻህፍት ዝርዝር ከማብራሪያ ጋር።. Addis Ababa: Jajaw, 2019.Nosnitsin, Denis. "Ethio-Spare Cultural Heritage of Christian Ethiopia: Salvation, Preservation and Research." 2010. 5 Jan. 2019 <https://www.aai.uni-hamburg.de/en/ethiostudies/research/ethiospare/missions/pdf/report2010-1.pdf>. Ullendorff, Edward. "James Bruce of Kinnaird." The Scottish Historical Review 32.114, part 2 (1953): 128-43.Wion, Anaïs. "Collecting Manuscripts and Scrolls in Ethiopia: The Missions of Johannes Flemming (1905) and Enno Littmann (1906)." 2012. 5 Jan. 2019 <https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00524382/document>. Woldeyes, Yirga Gelaw. Native Colonialism: Education and the Economy of Violence against Traditions in Ethiopia. Trenton: Red Sea Press, 2017.———. “Reflections on Ethiopia’s Stolen Treasures on Display in a London Museum.” The Conversation. 2018. 5 June 2018 <https://theconversation.com/reflections-on-ethiopias-stolen-treasures-on-display-in-a-london-museum-97346>.Yenesew, Asres. ትቤ፡አክሱም፡መኑ፡ አንተ? Addis Ababa: Nigid Printing House, 1959 [1951 EC].
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Gerbremedhin, Gebremeskel Hagos. "Design and Development of Part of Speech Tagger for Ge’ez Language Using Hybrid Approach." International Journal of Science & Technoledge 7, no. 12 (December 31, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.24940/theijst/2019/v7/i12/st1912-009.

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